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first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任总统就职演说tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任总统(1981年-1989年) （一）senator hatfield, mr. chief justice, mr. president, vice president bush,vicepresident mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet,authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has foralmost twocenturies and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. in the eyes ofmany in theworld, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than amiracle.议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。
按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。
但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。
里根第二次就职演讲里根第二次就职演讲篇一：总统演讲分析--里根第二次就职演讲分析美国总统里根第二次就职演讲分析 Shan Cheng 摘要：为美国总统里根的第二次就职演说，因为其属于总统演讲，所以有其特定的语篇模式，这是由西方的修辞思维与表达模式决定的。
完美的英语演讲不仅要求演讲者英语流、而且要求演讲语篇布局合理，突出西方的修辞思维与表达模式的特点。
为了有效地用英语进行演讲，我们必须保证开头段落的新颖与独特吸引力，结尾段落做到呼应和强调，主体要点形成合理的布局，段落语句之间衔接自然流畅。
试图从语篇模式以及一些系统功能的角度对美国总统里根第二次就职演说进行分析，以揭示演讲文体的意义以及其语篇、语言的体现。
关键词：总统演讲；合理布局；语篇模式；引言随着英语国际地位的提高与其影响力的与日俱增，英语演讲也逐渐进入到社会生活的方方面面。
其作为一种独特的语体，在世界各地经久不衰，表现了顽强的生命力。
演讲作为一门艺术，一种交际,一种传播和教育手段在当今社会仍发挥着巨大的作用。
但国人用英语演讲时往往受中国固定思维模式的影响，虽然英语讲得漂亮很流利，语句也很通顺，但所表达的意思往往不被西方人认同和接受。
其中一个原因就是国人在用英语表达和演讲时没有遵循英语演讲语篇的模式，而是毫无逻辑地用中式思维模式表达自己的观点。
一、英语演讲语篇的基本模式及其概念英语演讲的语篇构成有三大部分：Introdution，Bod，Conlusion。
Introdution 的功能为吸引听众、引起关注、建立演讲者的信誉、简述演讲主体中的要点。
Bod，即演讲的主体部分。
演讲者可以根据演讲的主题按不同的模式组织布局。
如可以根据时间、空间顺序可以遵循因果顺序、问题和方式顺序；亦可以将演讲主题细分为几个分点进行阐述。
演讲的主体部分将在第二部分详述。
同时，演讲的结尾部分也应当是演讲的高潮部分，演讲者需要总结演讲的主旨和意图，并以一种使听众产生共鸣的方式来升华主题，并与 introdution相呼应，给听众一种心理上的统一感。
大家好！今天，我站在这里，有幸与大家共同见证这个庄严而神圣的时刻。
我感到无比激动和自豪，因为我有幸成为这个伟大国家的总统，有机会为我们的国家和人民贡献自己的力量。
首先，我要向那些为我国繁荣富强付出辛勤努力的广大劳动者表示崇高的敬意！正是因为你们的努力，我们的国家才能在世界舞台上崭露头角，赢得尊重。
同时，我也要向那些为我国科技、教育、文化等领域做出卓越贡献的专家学者们表示衷心的感谢！在这个充满挑战和机遇的时代，我们面临着诸多困难和问题。
然而，我相信，只要我们紧密团结在党的周围，坚定信念，奋发向前，就一定能够战胜一切困难，实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。
今天，我想与大家分享一些我个人的经历和感悟，希望能够给大家带来一些启示和力量。
一、坚定信念，勇往直前我出生在一个普通的家庭，从小生活在农村。
那时候，我国正处在改革开放初期，人民生活水平普遍较低。
然而，我从小就怀揣着对美好生活的向往，立志要为国家和人民作出贡献。
在成长的过程中，我遇到了很多困难和挫折。
但是，每当我遇到困难时，我都会告诉自己：“只要心中有信念，勇往直前，就一定能够战胜一切！”正是这种信念，让我在逆境中不断成长，最终走上了政治舞台。
二、勤奋学习，充实自己在我的职业生涯中，我深知知识的重要性。
因此，我始终坚持勤奋学习，充实自己。
我相信，只有不断学习，才能跟上时代的步伐，才能更好地为国家和人民服务。
在我国改革开放的过程中，我亲眼见证了科技、教育、文化等领域的飞速发展。
这些成就的取得，离不开广大人民群众的辛勤付出，更离不开我国坚持科教兴国战略的坚定决心。
三、团结协作，共创辉煌一个国家的繁荣昌盛，离不开全体人民的共同努力。
在过去的几十年里，我国人民团结一心，克服了一个又一个困难，取得了举世瞩目的成就。
团结协作，是中华民族的传统美德。
在新的历史时期，我们要继续发扬这种精神，携手共进，共创辉煌。
我相信，只要我们心往一处想，劲往一处使，就一定能够实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。
MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1985 Senator Mathias, Chief Justice Burger, Vice President Bush, Speaker O'Neill, Senator Dole, Reverend Clergy, members of my family and friends, and my fellow citizens: This day has been made brighter with the presence here of one who, for a time, has been absent——Senator John Stennis. God bless you and welcome back. There is, however, one who is not with us today: Representative Gillis Long of Louisiana left us last night. I wonder if we could all join in a moment of silent prayer. (Moment of silent prayer.) Amen. There are no words adequate to express my thanks for the great honor that you have bestowed on me. I will do my utmost to be deserving of your trust. This is, as Senator Mathias told us, the 50th time that we the people have celebrated this historic occasion. When the first President, George Washington, placed his hand upon the Bible, he stood less than a single day's journey by horseback from raw, untamed wilderness. There were 4 million Americans in a union of 13 States. Today we are 60 times as many in a union of 50 States. We have lighted the world with our inventions, gone to the aid of mankind wherever in the world there was a cry for help, journeyed to the Moon and safely returned. So much has changed. And yet we stand together as we did two centuries ago. When I took this oath four years ago, I did so in a time of economic stress. Voices were raised saying we had to look to our past for the greatness and glory. But we, the present-day Americans, are not given to looking backward. In this blessed land, there is always a better tomorrow. Four years ago, I spoke to you of a new beginning and we have accomplished that. But in another sense, our new beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant; its only power that which we the people allow it to have. That system has never failed us, but, for a time, we failed the system. We asked things of government that government was not equipped to give. We yielded authority to the National Government that properly belonged to States or to local governments or to the people themselves. We allowed taxes and inflation to rob us of our earnings and savings and watched the great industrial machine that had made us the most productive people on Earth slow down and the number of unemployed increase. By 1980, we knew it was time to renew our faith, to strive with all our strength toward the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with an orderly society. We believed then and now there are no limits to growth and human progress when men and women are free to follow their dreams. And we were right to believe that. Tax rates have been reduced, inflation cut dramatically, and more people are employed than ever before in our history. We are creating a nation once again vibrant, robust, and alive. But there are many mountains yet to climb. We will not rest until every American enjoys the fullness of freedom, dignity, and opportunity as our birthright. It is our birthright as citizens of this great Republic, and we'll meet this challenge. These will be years when Americans have restored their confidence and tradition of progress; when our values of faith, family, work, and neighborhood were restated for a modern age; when our economy was finally freed from government's grip; when we made sincere efforts at meaningful arms reduction, rebuilding our defenses, our economy, and developing new technologies, and helped preserve peace in a troubled world; when Americans courageously supported the struggle for liberty, self-government, and free enterprise throughout the world, and turned the tide of history away from totalitarian darkness and into the warm sunlight of human freedom. My fellow citizens, our Nation is poised for greatness. We must do what we know is right and do it with all our might. Let history say of us, "These were golden years——when the American Revolution was reborn, when freedom gained new life, when America reached for her best." Our two-party system has served us well over the years, but never better than in those times of great challenge when we came together not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans united in a common cause. Two of our Founding Fathers, a Boston lawyer named Adams and a Virginia planter named Jefferson, members of thatremarkable group who met in Independence Hall and dared to think they could start the world over again, left us an important lesson. They had become political rivals in the Presidential election of 1800. Then years later, when both were retired, and age had softened their anger, they began to speak to each other again through letters. A bond was reestablished between those two who had helped create this government of ours. In 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, they both died. They died on the same day, within a few hours of each other, and that day was the Fourth of July. In one of those letters exchanged in the sunset of their lives, Jefferson wrote: "It carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right to self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless …… we rode through the storm with heart and hand." Well, with heart and hand, let us stand as one today: One people under God determined that our future shall be worthy of our past. As we do, we must not repeat the well-intentioned errors of our past. We must never again abuse the trust of working men and women, by sending their earnings on a futile chase after the spiraling demands of a bloated Federal Establishment. You elected us in 1980 to end this prescription for disaster, and I don't believe you reelected us in 1984 to reverse course. At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight months of economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive and entrepreneurial genius that are the core of human progress. We have begun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment; reduce the increase in the cost and size of government and its interference in people's lives. We must simplify our tax system, make it more fair, and bring the rates down for all who work and earn. We must think anew and move with a new boldness, so every American who seeks work can find work; so the least among us shall have an equal chance to achieve the greatest things——to be heroes who heal our sick, feed the hungry, protect peace among nations, and leave this world a better place. The time has come for a new American emancipation——a great national drive to tear down economic barriers and liberate the spirit of enterprise in the most distressed areas of our country. My friends, together we can do this, and do it we must, so help me God.—— From new freedom will spring new opportunities for growth, a more productive, fulfilled and united people, and a stronger America——an America that will lead the technological revolution, and also open its mind and heart and soul to the treasures of literature, music, and poetry, and the values of faith, courage, and love. A dynamic economy, with more citizens working and paying taxes, will be our strongest tool to bring down budget deficits. But an almost unbroken 50 years of deficit spending has finally brought us to a time of reckoning. We have come to a turning point, a moment for hard decisions. I have asked the Cabinet and my staff a question, and now I put the same question to all of you: If not us, who? And if not now, when? It must be done by all of us going forward with a program aimed at reaching a balanced budget. We can then begin reducing the national debt. I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year. Beyond that, we must take further steps to permanently control Government's power to tax and spend. We must act now to protect future generations from Government's desire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due. Let us make it unconstitutional for the Federal Government to spend more than the Federal Government takes in. We have already started returning to the people and to State and local governments responsibilities better handled by them. Now, there is a place for the Federal Government in matters of social compassion. But our fundamental goals must be to reduce dependency and upgrade the dignity of those who are infirm or disadvantaged. And here a growing economy and support from family and community offer our best chance for a society where compassion is a way of life, where the old and infirm are cared for, the young and, yes, the unborn protected, and the unfortunate looked after and made self And there is another area where the Federal Government can play a part. As an older American, I remember a time when people of different race, creed, or ethnic origin in our land found hatred and prejudice installed in social custom and, yes, in law. There is no story more heartening in our history than the progress that we have made toward the "brotherhood of man" that God intended for us. Let us resolve there will be no turning back or hesitation on the road to an America rich in dignity and abundant with opportunity for all our citizens. Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunity society in which all of us——white and black, rich and poor, young and old——will go forward together arm in arm. Again, let us remember that though our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of the Earth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope of man on Earth. I have spoken of our domestic goals and the limitations which we should put on our National Government. Now let me turn to a task which is the primary responsibility of National Government-the safety and security of our people. Today, we utter no prayer more fervently than the ancient prayer for peace on Earth. Yet history has shown that peace will not come, nor will our freedom be preserved, by good will alone. There are those in the world who scorn our vision of human dignity and freedom. One nation, the Soviet Union, has conducted the greatest military buildup in the history of man, building arsenals of awesome offensive weapons. We have made progress in restoring our defense capability. But much remains to be done. There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts by others, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace. There is only one way safely and legitimately to reduce the cost of national security, and that is to reduce the need for it. And this we are trying to do in negotiations with the Soviet Union. We are not just discussing limits on a further increase of nuclear weapons. We seek, instead, to reduce their number. We seek the total elimination one day of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth. Now, for decades, we and the Soviets have lived under the threat of mutual assured destruction; if either resorted to the use of nuclear weapons, the other could retaliate and destroy the one who had started it. Is there either logic or morality in believing that if one side threatens to kill tens of millions of our people, our only recourse is to threaten killing tens of millions of theirs?> 0 0 I h a v e a p p r o v e d a r e s e a r c h p r o g r a m t o f i n d , i f w e c a n , a s e c u r i t y s h i e l d t h a t w o u l d d e s t r o y n u c l e a r m i s s i l e s b e f o r e t h e y r e a c h t h e i r t a r g e t . I t w o u l d n ' t k i l l p e o p l e , i t w o u l d d e s t r o y w e a p o n s . I t w o u l d n ' t m i l i t a r i z e s p a c e , i t w o u l d h e l p d e m i l i t a r i z e t h e a r s e n a l s o f E a r t h . I t w o u l d r e n d e r n u c l e a r w e a p o n s o b s o l e t e . W e w i l l m e e t w i t h t h e S o v i e t s , h o p i n g t h a t w e c a n a g r e e o n a w a y t o r i d t h e w o r l d o f t h e t h r e a t o f n u c l e a r d e s t r u c t i o n . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 0 " > 0 0 W e s t r i v e f o r p e a c e a n d s e c u r i t y , h e a r t e n e d b y t h e c h a n g e s a l l a r o u n d u s . S i n c e t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e n u m b e r o f d e m o c r a c i e s i n t h e w o r l d h a s g r o w n f o u r f o l d . H u m a n f r e e d o m i s o n t h e m a r c h , a n d n o w h e r e m o r e s o t h a n o u r o w n h e m i s p h e r e . F r e e d o m i s o n e o f t h e d e e p e s t a nd n o b le s t a s p i r a t i o n s of t h e h u m a n s p i r i t . P e o p l e , w o r l d w i d e , h u ng e r f o r th e ri g h t o f s e l f - de t e r m i n a t i o n ,f o r t h o s e i n a l i e n a b l e r igh t s t h a t m a k e f o r h u m a n di g n i t y a n d p r o g r e s s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 1 " > 0 0 A m e r i c a m u s t r e m a i n f r e e d o m ' s s t a u n c h e s t f r i e n d , f o r f r e e d o m i s o u r b e s t a l l y . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 2 " > 0 0 A n d i t i s t h e w o r l d ' s o n l y h o p e , t o c o n q u e r p o v e r t y a n d p r e s e r v e p e a c e . E v e r y b l o w w e i n f l i c t a g a i n s t p o v e r t y w i l l b e a b l o w a g a i n s t i t s d a r k a l l i e s o f o p p r e s s i o n a n d w a r . E v e r y v i c t o r y f o r h u m a n f r e e d o m w i l l b e a v i c t o r y f o r w o r l d p e a c e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 3 " > 0 0 S o w e g o f o r w a r d t o d a y , a n a t i o n s t i l l m i g h t y i n i t s y o u t h a n d p o w e r f u l i n i t s p u r p o s e . W i t h o u r a l l i a n c e s s t r e n g t h e n e d , w i t h o u r e c o n o m y l e a d i n g t h e w o r l d t o a n e w a g e o f e c o n o m i c e x p a n s i o n , w e l o o k f o r w a r d t o a w o r l d r i c h i n p o s s i b i l i t i e s . A n d a l l t h i s b e c a u s e w e h a v e w o r k e d a n d a c t e d t o g e t h e r , n o t a s m e m b e r s o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , b u t a s A m e r i c a n s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 4 " > 0 0 M y f r i e n d s , w e l i v e i n a w o r l d t h a t i s l i t b y l i g h t n i n g . S o m u c h i s c h a n g i n g a n d w i l l c h a n g e , b u t s o m u c h e n d u r e s , a n d t r a n s c e n d s t i m e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 5 " > 0 0 H i s t o r y i s a r i b b o n , a l w a y s u n f u r l i n g ; h i s t o r y i s aj o u r n e y . A n d a s w e c o n t i n u e o u r j o u r n e y , w e t h i nk o f t h o s e w h o t r a v el e d b e f o r e u s . W e s t a n d t o g e t h e r a g a i n a t t h e s t e p s o f t h i s s ym b o l o f o u r d e m o c r a c y o r w e w o u l d h a v e b e en s t a n d i n g a t t h e s t e p s i f i t h a d n ' t go t t e n s o c o l d . N o w w e a r e s t a n d i n g i n s i d e t h i s s y m b o l o f o u r d e m o c r a c y . N o w w e h e a r a g a i n t h e e c h o e s o f o u rp a s t : a g e n e r a l f a l l s t o h i s k n e e s i n t h e h a r d s n o w o f V a l l e y F o r g e ; a l o n e l y P r e s i d e n t p a c e s t h e d a r k e n e d h a l l s , a n d p o n d e r s h i s s t r u g g l e t o p r e s e r v e t h e U n i o n ; t h e m e n o f t h e A l a m o c a l l o u t e n c o u r a g e m e n t t o e a c h o t h e r ; a s e t t l e r p u s h e s w e s t a n d s i n g s a s o n g , a n d t h e s o n g e c h o e s o u t f o r e v e r a n d f i l l s t h e u n k n o w i n g a i r . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 6 " > 0 0 I t i s t h e A m e r i c a n s o u n d . I t i s h o p e f u l , b i g - h e a r t e d , i d e a l i s t i c , d a r i n g , d e c e n t , a n d f a i r . T h a t ' s o u r h e r i t a g e ; t h a t i s o u r s o n g . W e s i n g i t s t i l l . F o r a l l o u r p r o b l e m s , o u r d i f f e r e n c e s , w e a r e t o g e t h e r a s o f o l d , a s w e r a i s e o u r v o i c e s t o t h e G o d w h o i s t h e A u t h o r o f t h i s m o s t t e n d e r m u s i c . A n d m a y H e c o n t i n u e t o h o l d u s c l o s e a s w e f i l l t h e w o r l d w i t h o u r s o u n d s o u n d i n u n i t y , a f f e c t i o n , a n d l o v e o n e p e o p l e u n d e r G o d , d e d i c a t e d t o t h e d r e a m o f f r e e d o m t h a t H e h a s p l a c e d i n t h e h u m a n h e a r t , c a l l e d u p o n n o w t o p a s s t h a t d r e a m o n t o a w a i t i n g a n d h o p e f u l w o r l d . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 7 " > 0 0 G o d b l e s s y o u a n d m a y G o d b l e s s A m e r i c a . b r b d s f i d = " 8 8 " > / p > / d i v > d i v i d = " f l o a t _ b t n " c l a s s = " " b d s f i d = " 8 9 " > b u t t o n c l a s s = " f l o a t _ b t n l e f t _ b t n " i d = " c o p y _ b u t t o n " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - a c t i o n = " c o p y " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - t a r g e t = " # c o n t e n t - t x t " o n c l i c k = " d o _ c o p y ( ) ; " b d s f i d = " 9 0 " > e m c l a s s = " i c o n " b d s f i d = " 9 1 " >。
里根就职演讲中文字幕1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照按照宪法要求,政府权利正在有序地移交,我们已经如此例行公事了两个世纪,很少有人觉得这有什么特别的.但在世界上更多人看来,这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式,却实在是一个奇迹.（二）Mr.President,Iwantourfellowcitizenstoknowhowmuchyoudidtocarryonthistr adition.Byyourgraciouscooperationinthetransitionprocess,youhaveshowna watchingworldthatweareaunitedpeoplepledgedtomaintainingapoliticalsyst emwhichguaranteesindividuallibertytoagreaterdegreethananyother,andIth ankyouandyourpeopleforallyourhelpinmaintainingthecontinuitywhichisthe bulwarkofourRepublic.总统先生,我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力.通过移交程序中的通力合作,你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体,这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由.同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助,因为你们坚持了这样的传承,而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基.Thebusinessofournationgoesforward.TheseUnitedStatesareconfrontedwi thaneconomicafflictionofgreatproportions.Wesufferfromthelongestandone oftheworstsustainedinflationsinournationalhistory.Itdistortsoureconom icdecisions,penalizesthrift,andcrushesthestrugglingyoungandthefixed-i neelderlyalike.Itthreatenstoshatterthelivesofmillionsofourpeople.我们国家的事业在继续前进.合众国正面临巨大的经济困难.我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀,它扰乱着我们的经济决策,打击着节俭的风气,压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计.（三）Idleindustrieshavecastworkersintounemployment,causinghumanmiseryandpe rsonalindignity.Thosewhodoworkaredeniedafairreturnfortheirlaborbyatax systemwhichpenalizessuccessfulachievementandkeepsusfrommaintainingfullproductivity.Butgreatasourtaxburdenis,ithasnotkeptpacewithpublicspen ding.Fordecades,wehavepileddeficitupondeficit,mortgagingourfutureando urchildren"sfutureforthetemporaryconvenienceofthepresent.Tocontinueth islongtrendistoguaranteetremendoussocial,cultural,political,andeconom icupheavals.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严.即使那些有工作的人,也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬,因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就,使我们无法保持充分的生产力.尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重,但还是跟不上公共开支的增长.数十年来,我们的赤字额屡屡上升,我们为图目前暂时的方便,把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了.这一趋势如果长此以往,必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡.（四）YouandI,asindividuals,can,byborrowing,livebeyondourmeans,butforonlyal imitedperiodoftime.Why,then,shouldwethinkthatcollectively,asanation,w earenotboundbythatsamelimitationWemustacttodayinordertopreservetomorr ow.Andlettherebenomisunderstanding--wearegoingtobegintoact,beginningt oday.Theeconomicillswesufferhaveeuponusoverseveraldecades.Theywillnot goawayindays,weeks,ormonths,buttheywillgoaway.Theywillgoawaybecausewe ,asAmericans,havethecapacitynow,aswehavehadinthepast,todowhateverneed stobedonetopreservethislastandgreatestbastionoffreedom.Inthispresentc risis,ernmentistheproblem.作为个人,你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活,然而只能维持一段有限的时期,我们怎么可以认为,作为一个国家整体,我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天,我们今天就必须行动起来.大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动.我们深受其害的经济弊病,几十年来一直袭击着我们.这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失,但它们终将消失.它们之所以终将消失,是因为我们作为现在的美国人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒.。
里根演讲稿梦想在里根总统的演讲中，他曾经说过，“我们不能让我们的梦想成为梦想。
”这句话深深地触动了我，让我开始思考自己的梦想是什么，以及如何去实现它。
梦想，是每个人内心深处最美好的向往，它是我们前进的动力，是我们生活的意义。
而里根总统的演讲稿，更是为我们树立了梦想的榜样。
梦想，对每个人来说都是不同的。
有人梦想成为一名优秀的科学家，有人梦想成为一名出色的音乐家，有人梦想成为一名成功的企业家。
而无论梦想是什么，我们都应该像里根总统一样，坚定地追逐它，努力去实现它。
梦想不是遥不可及的幻想，而是需要我们脚踏实地去努力的目标。
正如里根总统所说，“我们不能让我们的梦想成为梦想”，我们需要付诸行动，去努力实现自己的梦想。
实现梦想，需要付出艰苦的努力和不懈的奋斗。
里根总统在演讲中提到，“我们必须努力工作，为我们的梦想而奋斗。
”这句话告诉我们，梦想不会轻易实现，需要我们不断地努力拼搏。
无论是学习、工作还是创业，都需要我们坚持不懈地去追求。
正如里根总统所说，“我们不能让我们的梦想成为梦想”，只有通过不懈的努力，我们才能让梦想变为现实。
除了努力，实现梦想还需要坚定的信念和勇气。
里根总统在演讲中强调，“我们必须坚定信念，勇敢面对困难和挑战。
”这句话告诉我们，实现梦想的道路上充满了坎坷和挑战，需要我们有坚定的信念和勇气去面对。
无论遇到多大的困难，都不能动摇我们的信念，只有坚定地向前，才能克服一切困难，实现自己的梦想。
正如里根总统所说，“我们不能让我们的梦想成为梦想”，只有坚定的信念和勇气，我们才能战胜一切，实现自己的梦想。
在里根总统的演讲中，他不仅为我们树立了实现梦想的榜样，更是告诉我们，实现梦想需要付出艰苦的努力和不懈的奋斗，需要坚定的信念和勇气。
梦想，是每个人内心深处最美好的向往，我们不能让它成为梦想，而是要付诸行动，努力去实现它。
让我们向里根总统学习，坚定地追逐梦想，努力实现自己的人生价值。
美国总统经典演讲稿分享一些美国总统们的经典演讲，每一个都是那么的精彩。
以下就是小编给大家分享的美国总统经典，希望对大家有帮助。
美国总统经典演讲稿篇一里根演讲稿《真正的英雄》女士们，先生们：今晚，我原计划就联邦政府的状况向大家做报告，但今天早些时候发生的事件已经改变了我的计划。
今天是一个举国哀悼和缅怀追忆的日子。
南茜和我对“挑战者“号航天飞机坠毁的悲剧感到彻骨的心痛。
我们知道，我们与全国人民共同承受着悲痛，这真的是一个民族的损失。
20xx年前，几乎是与今天相同的一天，我们在一次恐怖的地面事故中失去了三个宇航员。
但是，我们从未在飞行过程中失去任何一个太空人。
我们从未遭遇过今天这样的悲剧，或许，我们已经忘却了“挑战者“号航天飞机全体宇航员身上的巨大勇气。
但是他们，“挑战者号“上的七人，清楚意识到潜在的危险，却克服了恐惧并出色地工作。
我们哀悼以下七位英雄：迈克尔·史密斯，迪克·斯科比，朱迪斯·雷斯尼克，雷诺德·麦克奈尔，埃利森·鬼冢，格雷戈里·贾唯斯和克莱斯特·麦考利夫。
我们举国上下一致哀悼他们的远去。
对这七位英雄的家人，我要说的是，我们像你们一样，也不能承受这次悲剧带来的沉重打击。
但是我们深切体会到这一巨大损失，并且我们也对你们的悲痛感同身受。
你们深爱的家人是如此勇敢无畏，他们具有“给我一个挑战，我会欣然迎接“的从容及献身精神。
他们如此渴望探索太空，发现宇宙的奥秘。
他们期望为国服务并且真正做到了这一点，为大众服务。
在这个世纪里，我们对奇迹已习以为常，要让我们再感到惊奇不是那么容易的一件事情。
但在过去的20xx年里，美国航天计划一直令我们叹为观止，对太空一词我们已经耳熟能详，或许我们已经忘记我们仅是刚刚起步，我们仍是先锋者，“挑战者“号的全体成员都是先锋者。
我还想对观看了“挑战者“号起飞现场报导的美国中小学生们说几句。
我知道，你们对这次事件难以理解。
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）2事实上，从梅林纳达，到华盛顿和莫斯科峰会，从1981至1982年的经济衰退，到始于1982年年末，并一直持续至今的经济增快，我们已经创造了奇迹。
依我看来，我们取得了两项我为此而感到无比自豪的巨大成就。
一项是经济的复苏，美国人民创造——并且胜任了——1900万个新的工作岗位。
另一项是道德的恢复：美国再次受到世界的尊重，并被寄予厚望，来承担起领导世界的重任。
几年前，我亲身经历的某些事情多少反映了这种变化。
回想1981年，我首次出席在加拿大召开的一次大型经济问题峰会。
会议地点在各成员国中间轮流。
公开会议是为西方七国政府首脑举行的一次宴会。
我就像学校里的一名新生，坐在一旁倾听，满耳不是弗兰科斯就是赫尔穆特。
大家彼此之间不称职衔，而是直呼其名，以示亲密。
当时，我几乎是俯下身来说道，“我叫罗纳德”。
同年，我开始采取我们认为可能导致经济复苏的一些措施：减少税收、放松控制、削减支出，不久，经济开始复苏。
两年后，又一届经济问题峰会召开，与会者与上届极为相似。
在大型公开会议上，我们汇聚在一起。
忽然，我出乎意料地发现他们都注视着我。
接着，其中的一位打破沉默，说道：“给我们谈谈美国发生的奇迹。
”回想1980年，当我竞选总统时，情况却与此大相径庭。
一些权威人士说，我们的计划将导致灾难。
我们的外交观点将引发战争，我们的经济计划将引起恶性通胀，导致经济崩溃。
我对一位备受尊敬的经济学家在1982年所说的话还记忆犹新，他说“在美国，在全世界，带动经济增长的火车头已经停顿下来，并且在未来的数年里可能毫无起色。
”然而，他一一以及其他“舆论界的领袖们”一一错了。
事实上，他们称之为“激进的”无疑是“正确的”：他们称之为“危险的”恰恰是“急需的”。
总之，那时我赢得了一个绰号——“伟大的传播者”。
但是，我从不认为，是我的风格或者我使用的语言改造了世界——这是问题的关键，我不是一位，伟大的传播者，但是我传播了伟大的思想，它们并非凭空出自我的头脯，它们来自一个伟大的国家的内心——来自我们的经历、我们的智慧以及我们对两个世纪里引导我们的那些原则的信念。
基辛格在里根115周年诞辰上的讲话全文罗纳德·里根是非凡的，是一个成功的美国总统。
众所周知，罗纳德·里根是一个讲真话的人。
为此，他获得了“伟大的沟通者”的称号。
但他拒绝了这个头衔，说“我不是一个伟大的沟通者，但我沟通了伟大的事情”。
前半句太谦虚了，但后半句是对的。
里根凝结了使这个国家变得伟大的大部分因素，同样重要的是，使这个国家变得美好的大部分因素。
罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）是一位凶猛而冷酷的战士，同时也是一位狂热而坚持不懈的和平缔造者。
对他来说，美国的国际实力不是虚荣心，其本身也不是目的。
相反，它是保持国家活力和使对手妥协的必要工具。
他的远见在道德和战略上很清晰，也并不认为领导人必须在两者之间做出选择。
他坚信，没有什么比实力更让对手钦佩的了，今天没有什么比军事弱点更不值得尊敬的。
他讲过一个美国人和俄罗斯人辩论的故事，美国人说：“在我的国家，我可以走进总统办公室，挥起拳头然后说，里根总统，我不喜欢你管理这个国家的方式。
”对方回答：“我可以做同样的事情。
我可以走进克里姆林宫，去总统办公室说，我不喜欢里根总统管理国家的方式。
”意思是，你总是可以区分共产主义者和反共者。
共产主义者会读马克思和列宁，反共者会理解他们。
里根在反共信念的灌输下担任总统。
在任期间，行动从未动摇，但他避免灾难性战争的巨大责任感，使这些行动有所缓和。
我有幸与他进行了大约70次对话，并在许多其他场合看到他在担任主席期间分组行动，他有3个信念从未动摇：第一，里根认为，如果美国成为塑造稳定世界的领导者，那么美国才是最安全和繁荣的。
第二，他认为这个稳定的世界不能以美国孤立主义为基础。
美国需要在实质上强大，并在保护思想上强大，如有必要，将强行进行。
但他从不赞美力量。
他最喜欢的一句话是：通过力量，和平到最后。
里根在总统任期初期，就下令扩大我们的核能力。
他用一个在第一次提出时被嘲笑的计划来补充它，现在这是我们军械库的标准部分。
Ronald Reagan: Address from the Brandenburg Gate (BerlinWall)Delivered 12 June 1987Thank you very much. Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we're drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Lincke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen koffer in Berlin." [I still ha ve a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President von Weizsacker has said: "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told-George Marshallannounced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the Western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium --virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany-busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of park land. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles-the wonderful goods of the Ku'damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on Earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But, my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on Berliner herz, Berliner humor, ja, und Berliner schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner schnauze.] [Laughter]In the 1950's, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind-too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control. Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent--and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides. Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of-striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter deployment, there were difficult days--days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth. As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons. While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative-research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place--a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete. Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, tocreate a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world. To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation. There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you many have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic Games here in Berlin, East and West?In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something de eper, something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love--love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago,before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the Sun strikes that sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin --the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner, "This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality." Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.☼注释☼:♫unalterable [✈⏹●♦☜❒☜♌●] adj. 不能变更的♫totalitarian [ ♦☜◆♦✌●♓♦☪☜❒♓☜⏹] adj. 极权主义的♫shelter [ ☞♏●♦☜] n. 掩蔽处, 身避处, 庇护所♫doctrine [ ♎♦❒♓⏹] n.教条, 学说♫orchestra [ ♓♦♦❒☜] n. 管弦乐队, 乐队演奏处♫unprecedented [✈⏹☐❒♏♦♓♎☜⏹♦♓♎] adj. 空前的♫liberalization [ ●♓♌☜❒☜●♋♓♏♓☞☜⏹] n. 自由主义化, 使宽大♫conventional [ ☜⏹♏⏹☞☜⏹●] adj. 惯例的, 常规的♫retaliation [❒✋♦✌●✋♊♏✋☞☹⏹] n. 报复, 报仇♫implementation [ ♓❍☐●♓❍♏⏹♦♏♓☞☜⏹] n. 执行♫aviation [ ♏♓♓♏♓☞☜⏹] n.飞行, 航空♫distinction [♎♓♦♦♓☠☞☜⏹] n. 区别, 差别♫embodiment [♓❍♌♎♓❍☜⏹♦] n. 体现, 具体化, 化身。
