新托福OG阅读原文翻译

1A recent study has provided clues to predator-prey dynamics in the late Pleistocene era.Researchers compared the number of tooth fractures in carnivores that lived 36,000to10,000years ago and that were preserved in the Rancho La Brea tar pits in Los Angeles.The breakage frequencies in the extinct species were strikingly higher than those in the present-day species.In considering possible explanations for this finding,the researchers dismissed demographic bias because older individuals were not overrepresented in the fossil samples.They rejected preservational bias because a total absence of breakage in two extinct species demonstrated that the fractures were not the result of abrasion within the pits.They ruled out local bias because breakage data obtained from other Pleistocene sites were similar to the La Brea data.The explanation they consider most plausible is behavioral differences between extinct and present-day carnivores—in particular,more contact between the teeth of predators and the bones of prey due to more thorough consumption of carcasses by the extinct species.Such thorough carcass consumption implies to the researchers either that prey availability was low,at least seasonally,or that there was intense competition over kills and a high rate of carcass theft due to relatively high predator densities.近期的一项研究为更新世后期食肉动物的捕食动态提供了线索。

Artisans and Industrialization1.核心词汇总结steady 稳定的，不变的intense 强烈的，紧张的alternate 交替，轮流manufacturing 制造业impart 给予，传授apprentice 学徒journeyman 学徒capitalist 资本家give way to 让位于credit 贷款stimulate 刺激shift 变化，转变accustomed to 习惯于artisan 工匠supervise 监督finished 精湛的elegant 高雅的regimented 严格管制的constant 持续的discard 丢弃alert 警觉的dependable 可靠的self-disciplined 自律的obedience 服从carpenter 木匠momentum 动力depression 萧条collapse 衰弱spearhead 带头agitation 鼓动resent 愤恨2.长难句总结(1)After 1815 this older form of manufacturing began to give way to factories with machinery tended by unskilled or semiskilled laborers.(2)Apprentices were considered part of the family, and masters were responsible not only for teaching their apprentices a trade but also for providing them some education and for supervising their moral behavior.(3)With the loss of personal freedom also came the loss of standing in the community.(4)Unlike artisan workshops in which apprentices worked closely with the masters supervising them, factories sharply separated workers from management.(5)Few workers rose through the ranks to supervisory positions, and even fewer could achieve the artisan's dream of setting up one's own business.(6)Workers were united in resenting the industrial system and their loss of status, but they were divided by ethnic and racial antagonisms, gender, conflicting religious perspectives, occupational differences, political party loyalties, and disagreements over tactics.P1: introduction: ways of manufacturing before 1815 & after 1815Before 1815 manufacturing(制造业) in the United States had been done in homes or shops by skilled artisans. As master craft workers, they imparted(给予，传授) the knowledge of their trades to apprentices(学徒) and journeymen(学徒). In addition, women often worked in their homes part-time, making finished articles from raw material supplied by merchant capitalists(资本家). After 1815 this older form of manufacturing began to give way to(让位于) factories with machinery tended by unskilled or semiskilled laborers. Cheap transportation networks, the rise of cities, and the availability of capital and credit(贷款) all stimulated(刺激) the shift(变化，转变) to factory production.P2: ways of manufacturing before 1815The creation of a labor force that was accustomed to(习惯于) working in factories did not occur easily. Before the rise of the factory, artisans(工匠) had worked within the home. Apprentices were considered part of the family, and masters were responsible not only for teaching their apprentices a trade but also for providing them some education and for supervising(监督) their moral behavior. Journeymen knew that if they perfected their skill, they could become respected master artisans with their own shops. Also, skilled artisans did not work by the clock, at a steady(稳定的，不变的) pace, but rather in bursts of intense(强烈的，紧张的) labor alternating(交替，轮流) with more leisurely time.P3: ways of manufacturing after 1815The factory changed that. Goods produced by factories were not as finished(精湛的) or elegant (高雅的)as those done by hand, and pride in craftsmanship gave way to the pressure to increase rates of productivity. The new methods of doing business involved a new and stricter sense of time. Factory life necessitated a more regimented(严格管制的) schedule, where work began at the sound of a bell and workers kept machines going at a constant(持续的) pace. At the same time, workers were required to discard(丢弃) old habits, for industrialism demanded a worker who was alert(警觉的), dependable(可靠地), and self-disciplined(自律的). Absenteeism and lateness hurt productivity and, since work was specialized, disrupted the regular factory routine. Industrialization not only produced a fundamental change in the way work was organized; it transformed the very nature of work.P4: workers were hard to accustomed to new systemThe first generation to experience these changes did not adopt the new attitudes easily. Thefactory clock became the symbol of the new work rules. One mill worker who finally quit complained revealingly about "obedience(服从) to the ding-dong of the bell-just as though we are so many living machines." With the loss of personal freedom also came the loss of standing in the community. Unlike artisan workshops in which apprentices worked closely with the masters supervising them, factories sharply separated workers from management. Few workers rose through the ranks to supervisory positions, and even fewer could achieve the artisan's dream of setting up one's own business. Even well-paid workers sensed their decline in status.P5: workers organized to protect their rights and traditional ways of lifeIn this newly emerging economic order, workers sometimes organized to protect their rights and traditional ways of life. Craft workers such as carpenters(木匠), printers, and tailors formed unions, and in 1834 individual unions came together in the National Trades' Union. The labor movement gathered some momentum(动力) in the decade before the Panic of 1837, but in the depression(萧条) that followed, labor's strength collapsed(衰弱). During hard times, few workers were willing to strike* or engage in collective action. And skilled craft workers, who spearheaded(带头)the union movement, did not feel a particularly strong bond with semiskilled factory workers and unskilled laborers. More than a decade of agitation(鼓动) did finally bring a workday shortened to 10 hours to most industries by the 1850’s, and the courts also recognized workers' right to strike, but these gains had little immediate impact.P6: workers were dividedWorkers were united in resenting(愤恨) the industrial system and their loss of status, but they were divided by ethnic and racial antagonisms(敌意), gender, conflicting religious perspectives, occupational differences, political party loyalties, and disagreements over tactics. For them, the factory and industrialism were not agents of opportunity but reminders of their loss of independence and a measure of control over their lives. As United States society became more specialized and differentiated, greater extremes of wealth began to appear. And as the new markets created fortunes for the few, the factory system lowered the wages of workers by dividing labor into smaller, less skilled tasks.Paragraph 1: Before 1815 manufacturing in the United States had been done in homes or shops by skilled artisans. As master craft workers, they imparted the knowledge of their trades to apprentices and journeymen. In addition, women often worked in their homes part-time, making finished articles from raw material supplied by merchant capitalists. After 1815 this older form of manufacturing began to give way to factories with machinery tended by unskilled or semiskilledcredit all stimulated the shift to factory production.1. Which of the following can be inferred from the passage about articles manufactured before 1815?推断题○They were primarily produced by women.○They were generally produced in shops rather than in homes.○They were produced with more concern for quality than for speed of production.○They were produced mostly in large cities with extensive transportation networks.Paragraph 2: The creation of a labor force that was accustomed to working in factories did not occur easily. Before the rise of the factory, artisans had worked within the home. Apprentices were considered part of the family, and masters were responsible not only for teaching their apprentices a trade but also for providing them some education and for supervising their moral behavior. Journeymen knew that if they perfected their skill, they could become respected master artisans with their own shops. Also, skilled artisans did not work by the clock, at a steady pace, but rather in bursts of intense labor alternating with more leisurely time.2. Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect answer choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information. 句子简化题○Masters demanded moral behavior from apprentices but often treated them irresponsibly.○The responsibilities of the master to the apprentice went beyond the teaching of a trade.○Masters preferred to maintain the trade within the family by supervising and educating the younger family members.○Masters who trained members of their own family as apprentices demanded excellence from them.Paragraph 3: The factory changed that. Goods produced by factories were not as finished or elegant as those done by hand, and pride in craftsmanship gave way to the pressure to increase rates of productivity. The new methods of doing business involved a new and stricter sense of time. Factory life necessitated a more regimented schedule, where work began at the sound of a bell and workers kept machines going at a constant pace. At the same time, workers were required to discard old habits, for industrialism demanded a worker who was alert, dependable, and self-disciplined. Absenteeism and lateness hurt productivity and, since work was specialized, disrupted the regular factory routine. Industrialization not only produced a fundamental change in the way work was organized; it transformed the very nature of work.3. The word “disrupted” in the passage is closest in meaning to 词汇题○prolonged○established○followed○upsetParagraph 4: The first generation to experience these changes did not adopt the new attitudes easily. The factory clock became the symbol of the new work rules. One mill worker who finally quit complained revealingly about "obedience to the ding-dong of the bell-just as though we aremasters supervising them, factories sharply separated workers from management. Few workers rose through the ranks to supervisory positions, and even fewer could achieve the artisan'sEven well-paid workers sensed their decline in status.4. In paragraph 4, the author includes the quotation from a mill worker in order to 目的题○support the idea that it was difficult for workers to adjust to working in factories○to show that workers sometimes quit because of the loud noise made by factory machinery○argue that clocks did not have a useful function in factories○emphasize that factories were most successful when workers revealed their complaints5. All of the following are mentioned in paragraph 4 as consequences of the new system for workers EXCEPT a loss of 选非题○freedom○status in the community○opportunities for advancement○contact among workers who were not managersParagraph 5: In this newly emerging economic order, workers sometimes organized to protect their rights and traditional ways of life. Craft workers such as carpenters, printers, and tailors formed unions, and in 1834 individual unions came together in the National Trades' Union. The labor movement gathered some momentum in the decade before the Panic of 1837, but in the depression that followed, labor's strength collapsed. During hard times, few workers were willing to strike* or engage in collective action. And skilled craft workers, who spearheaded(带头) the union movement, did not feel a particularly strong bond with semiskilled factory workers and unskilled laborers. More than a decade of agitation did finally bring a workday shortened to 10 hours to most industries by the 1850’s, and the courts also recognized workers' right to strike, but these gains had little immediate impact.means to advance with increasing speed6. The phrase “gathered some momentum” in the passage is closest in meaning to 词汇题○made progress○became active○caused changes○combined forces7. The word “spearheaded” in the passage is closest in meaning to 词汇题○led○accepted○changed○resisted8. Which of the following statements about the labor movement of the 1800's is supported by paragraph 5? 细节题○It was most successful during times of economic crisis.○Its primary purpose was to benefit unskilled laborers.○It was slow to improve conditions for workers.○It helped workers of all skill levels form a strong bond with each other.Paragraph 6: Workers were united in resenting the industrial system and their loss of status, but they were divided by ethnic and racial antagonisms, gender, conflicting religious perspectives,For them, the factory and industrialism were not agents of opportunity but reminders of their loss of independence and a measure of control over their lives. As United States society became more specialized and differentiated, greater extremes of wealth began to appear. And as the new markets created fortunes for the few, the factory system lowered the wages of workers by dividing labor into smaller, less skilled tasks.9. The author identifies political party loyalties, and disagreements over tactics as two of several factors that 目的题○encouraged workers to demand higher wages○created divisions among workers○caused work to become more specialized○increased workers' resentment of the industrial system10. The word “them” in the passage refers to 指代题○workers○political patty loyalties○disagreements over tactics○agents of opportunityParagraph 1: Before 1815 manufacturing in the United States had been done in homes or shops by skilled artisans. ■As master craft workers, they imparted the knowledge of their trades to apprentices and journeymen. ■In addition, women often worked in their homes part-time, making finished articles from raw material supplied by merchant capitalists. ■After 1815 this older form of manufacturing began to give way to factories with machinery tended by unskilled or semiskilled laborers. ■Cheap transportation networks, the rise of cities, and the availability of capital and credit all stimulated the shift to factory production.11.Look at the four squares [■] that indicate where the following sentence can be added to the passage. 句子插入题This new form of manufacturing depended on the movement of goods to distant locations and a centralized source of laborers.Where would the sentence best fit?12. Directions: Complete the table below by indicating which of the answer choices describe characteristics of the period before 1815 and which describe characteristics of the 1815-1850 period. This question is worth 3 points. 配对题Before 18151815-1850●● ●●Answer choices○A united, highly successful labor movement took shape.○Workers took pride in their workmanship.○The income gap between the rich and the poor increased greatly.○Transportation networks began to decline.○Emphasis was placed on following schedules.○Workers went through an extensive period of training.○Few workers expected to own their own businesses.Key: C B D A D A A C B A D BF CEG。

新托福TPO3阅读原文(二):Depletion of the Ogallala AquiferTPO-3-2：Depletion of the Ogallala AquiferThe vast grasslands of the High Plains in the central United States were settled by farmers and ranchers in the 1880s. This region has a semiarid climate, and for 50 years after its settlement, it supported a low-intensity agricultural economy of cattle ranching and wheat farming. In the early twentieth century, however, it was discovered that much of the High Plains was underlain by a huge aquifer (a rock layer containing large quantities of groundwater). This aquifer was named the Ogallala aquifer after the Ogallala Sioux Indians, who once inhabited the region.The Ogallala aquifer is a sandstone formation that underlies some 583,000 square kilometers of land extending from northwestern Texas to southern South Dakota. Water from rains and melting snows has been accumulating in the Ogallala for the past 30,000 years. Estimates indicate that the aquifer contains enough water to fill Lake Huron, but unfortunately, under the semiarid climatic conditions that presently exist in the region, rates of addition to the aquifer are minimal, amounting to about half a centimeter a year.The first wells were drilled into the Ogallala during the drought years of the early 1930s. The ensuing rapid expansion of irrigation agriculture, especially from the 1950s onward, transformed the economy of the region. More than 100,000 wells now tap the Ogallala. Modern irrigation devices, each capable of spraying 4.5 million liters of water a day, have produced a landscape dominated by geometric patterns of circular green islands of crops. Ogallala water has enabled the High Plains region to supply significant amounts of the cotton, sorghum, wheat, and corn grown in the United States. In addition, 40 percent of American grain-fed beef cattle are fattened here.This unprecedented development of a finite groundwater resource with an almost negligible natural recharge rate—that is, virtually no natural water source to replenish the water supply—has caused water tables in the region to fall drastically. In the 1930s, wells encountered plentiful water at a depth of about 15 meters; currently, they must be dug to depths of 45 to 60 meters or more. In places, the water table is declining at a rate of a meter a year, necessitating the periodic deepening of wells and the use of ever-more-powerful pumps. It is estimated that at current withdrawal rates, much of the aquifer will run dry within 40 years. The situation is most critical in Texas, where the climate is driest, the greatest amount of water is being pumped, and the aquifer contains the least water. It is projected that the remaining Ogallala water will, by the year 2030, support only 35 to 40 percent of the irrigated acreage in Texas that is supported in 1980.The reaction of farmers to the inevitable depletion of the Ogallala varies. Many have been attempting to conserve water by irrigating less frequently or by switching to crops that require less water. Others, however, have adopted the philosophy that it is best to use the water while it is still economically profitable to do so and to concentrate on high-value crops such as cotton. The incentive of the farmers who wish to conserve water is reduced by their knowledge that many of their neighbors are profiting by using great amounts of water, and in the process are drawing down the entire region’s water supplies.In the face of the upcoming water supply crisis, a number of grandiose schemes have been developed to transport vast quantities of water by canal or pipeline from the Mississippi, the Missouri, or the Arkansas rivers. Unfortunately, the cost of water obtained through any of these schemes would increase pumping costs at least tenfold, making the cost of irrigated agricultural products from the region uncompetitive on the national and international markets. Somewhat more promising have been recent experiments for releasing capillary water (water in the soil) above the water table by injecting compressed air into the ground. Even if this process proves successful, however, it would almost triple water costs. Genetic engineering also may provide a partial solution, as new strains of drought-resistant crops continue to be developed. Whatever the final answer to the water crisis may be, it is evident that within the High Plains, irrigation water will never again be the abundant, inexpensive resource it was during the agricultural boom years of the mid-twentieth century.译文：TPO-3-2 奥加拉拉蓄水层的枯竭19世纪80年代，在美国中部北美大平原的广阔草原上定居着农场主们和牧场主们。

OG 1 2一个Kikongo的俗话说，“一个树不可能没有根基地挺立”。

非常明显，这句话很有道理。

大多有道理的事情都是先人说过的。

我的那些说这话的先人，给我们传递了一个清晰的讯息：一个人不可能茁壮地成长除非他知道他的历史。

以前生活的人和现在生活的人被这个谚语联接到了一起，如果我们想茁壮地成长，我们必须了解我们前辈。

当我祖母叫我跟别人讲她的故事的时候，我了解到这个谚语是真的。

其他的在美国的一代一代的黑人也遵循这个传统。

另外一条kikongo的谚语说，“人只可以偷走一个熟睡的婴儿，因为一睁开眼，婴儿就要寻找自己的母亲。

”一个人的传统，一个人与生俱来对自己血统的好奇心以及对自己的身份和认知都被这句话所概括了。

美国的黑人保持他们对自己来历或祖先的关联，就算有很多东西在阻挡他们。

通过决心和记忆，在三百年以来，美国黑人用不同的方式与非洲保持着联系。

这个联系被拉扯扭折过，可是就算这样，它还是没有断。

在美国的黑人在给予或获得人从非洲的认可，力量，在非洲的黑人也与此同时联系到了在美国的黑人，那些被带走的，以同样的理由。

我们已经察看对方很久了看在我们被分开很久的分上。

几个世纪以来，我们看着对方就象一个孩子第一次看着镜子里面的自己一样。

很长时间以来，我们就想那个孩子一样，看着自己在玻璃里面的样子。

抚摸着那个奇怪但熟悉的面孔，我看到他们也盯会看我们。

我们添加想像到我们不知道的事情里面去。

当我们终于见面的时候，美国和非洲都有略微的失望。

模糊的想像不能一直与事实相附。

我们怀疑是不是我们错了，那个联系是不是真的在那里，那个联接着我们的根基是不是已经失去了。

但是又一次的我们被提醒我们所分享的东西。

非洲在我们身上都留下了痕迹。

当我们在文学政治文化宗教上联接到彼此的时候，以及任何时候，这个世界需要关注我们的动态。

托福og阅读文本Powering the Industrial RevolutionIn Britain one of the most dramatic changes of the Industrial Revolution was the harnessing of power. Until the reign of George Ⅲ(1760-1820), available sources of power for work and travel had not increased since the Middle Ages. There were three sources of power: animal or human muscles; the wind, operating on sail or windmill; and running water. Only the last of these was suited at all to the continuous operating of machines, and although waterpower abounded in Lancashire and Scotland and ran grain mills as well as textile mills, it had one great disadvantage: streams flowed where nature intended them to, and water-driven factories had to be located on their banks whether or not the location was desirable for other reasons. Furthermore, even the most reliable waterpower varied with the seasons and disappeared in a drought. The new age of machinery, in short, could not have been born without a new source of both movable and constant power.The source had long been known but not exploited. Early in theeighteenth century, a pump had come into use in which expanding steam raised a piston in a cylinder, and atmospheric pressure brought it down again when the steam condensed inside the cylinder to form a vacuum. This "atmospheric engine," invented by Thomas Savery and vastly improved by his partner, Thomas Newcomen, embodied revolutionary principles, but it was so slow and wasteful of fuel that it could not be employed outside the coal mines for which it had been designed. In the 1760s, James Watt perfected a separate condenser for the steam, so that the cylinder did not have to be cooled at every stroke; then he devised a way to make the piston turn a wheel and thus convert reciprocating (back and forth) motion into rotary motion. He thereby transformed an inefficient pump of limited use into a steam engine of a thousand uses. The final step came when steam was introduced into the cylinder to drive the piston backward as well as forward, thereby increasing the speed of the engine and cutting its fuel consumption.Watt's steam engine soon showed what it could do. It liberated industry from dependence on running water. The engine eliminated water in the mines by driving efficient pumps, which made possibledeeper and deeper mining. The ready availability of coal inspired William Murdoch during the 1790s to develop the first new form of nighttime illumination to be discovered in a millennium and a half. Coal gas rivaled smoky oil lamps and flickering candles, and early in the new century, well-to-do Londoners grew accustomed to gaslit houses and even streets. Iron manufacturers, which had starved for fuel while depending on charcoal, also benefited from ever-increasing supplies of coal: blast furnaces with steam-powered bellows turned out more iron and steel for the new machinery. Steam became the motive force of the Industrial Revolution as coal and iron ore were the raw materials.By 1800 more than a thousand steam engines were in use in the British Isles, and Britain retained a virtual monopoly on steam engine production until the 1830s. Steam power did not merely spin cotton and roll iron; early in the new century, it also multiplied ten times over the amount of paper that a single worker could produce in a day. At the same time, operators of the first printing presses run by steam rather than by hand found it possible to produce a thousand pages in an hour rather than thirty. Steam also promised toeliminate a transportation problem not fully solved by either canal boats or turnpikes. Boats could carry heavy weights, but canals could not cross hilly terrain; turnpikes could cross the hills, but the roadbeds could not stand up under great weights. These problems needed still another solution, and the ingredients for it lay close at hand. In some industrial regions, heavily laden wagons, with flanged wheels, were being hauled by horses along metal rails; and the stationary steam engine was puffing in the factory and mine. Another generation passed before inventors succeeded in combining these ingredients, by putting the engine on wheels and the wheels on the rails, so as to provide a machine to take the place of the horse. Thus the railroad age sprang from what had already happened in the eighteenth century.。

Test 1P391第一篇短文章狂风呼啸着、低吟着,以每小时50 英里的速度划过基特峰上的望远镜弧顶。

几英尺以下,滑动着一整天都在起起伏伏的一片云海,此刻正在暮色中变得灰淡。

高处,海尔波普彗星像一个羽毛般的鱼饵悬挂在天空,它的尾巴稍稍弯曲,就好像是被这严酷的寒风吹到了一旁。

星星在渐暗的夜空中一颗一颗的眨眼,闪烁着。

不远处,野马们在漫步走过,漫步游荡。

它们都没有扫一眼天空中海尔波普彗星游丝般的痕迹,也没有看一眼这晴朗夜空的壮丽景象,不管有没有彗星,有彗星,或是没有。

做人的感觉真好！第二篇短文章1843 年,Ada K ing 发表了一套很有影响力的笔记,笔记的内容是关于查尔斯·巴比奇的“分析机”的概念-­‐-­‐-­‐这是第一次关于自动操作计算机的设计,其中的内容包括了叫做伯努利数的关于计算机编程的一系列数字计算方法,这些理论也确立了他在计算机领域的重要地位。

然而,她壮丽的人生和显赫的出生（她是著名诗人拜伦的女儿）以及在她在计算机领域扮演的女性先驱的角色都使得她成为一个偶像。

许多的小说,戏剧,电影等都是以她为原型的。

虽然有很多女性为了计算机技术的发展做出了贡献,但只有Ada K ing 拥有以她的名字命名的计算机语言,即Ada。

P392 单长篇以下章节选自1999 年的一篇回忆录,作者是一个美洲黑人妇女和一个刚果男人的儿子,他曾经在美国和非洲都生活过,他是在马萨诸塞州的波士顿和塔桑尼亚的首都达累斯萨拉姆长大的。

在此,他向我们阐述了他关于美洲黑人和非洲黑人历史关系的观点。

在刚果,有一则谚语是这么说的,“一棵树没有了根就无法站立”。

这在现在看来是显而易见的常识,因为在我们这个真正有见解的真理都已经被说过的年代,因为在我们这个时代,都自认为无所不知,,许多东西都已经成为了陈词滥调。

但是所有的陈词滥调都起源于他们对于真理的坚持,创造这一谚语的先辈就是在向他的后人们传递这样一个清晰而有力的信息,一个民族, 如果不知道其过去存在的根源是无法繁荣兴旺的。

新托福TPO24阅读原文(三)：Moving into PueblosTPO24-3：Moving into PueblosIn the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competitionfor good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops—and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensiblething would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement.TPO24-3译文：迁入普韦布洛在古代北美西南部的梅萨维德地区，生活模式在十三世纪发生了变化，大量人群移居大型公社居住地，这种地方被称为普韦布洛，通常建造在峡谷边缘，尤其是在悬崖边。

新托福TPO12阅读原文(一):Which Hand Did They Use?TPO12-1：Which Hand Did They Use?We all know that many more people today are right-handed than left-handed. Can one trace this same pattern far back in prehistory?Much of the evidence about right-hand versus left-hand dominance comes from stencils and prints found in rock shelters in Australia and elsewhere,and in many Ice Age caves in France,Spain,and Tasmania.When a left hand has been stenciled,this implies that the artist was right-handed,and vice versa.Even though the paint was often sprayed on by mouth, one can assume that the dominant hand assisted in the operation.One also has to make the assumption that hands were stenciled palm downward—a left hand stenciled palm upward might of course look as if it were a right hand.Of158stencils in the French cave of Gargas,136have been identified as left,and only22as right; right-handedness was therefore heavily predominant.Cave art furnishes other types of evidence of this phenomenon.Most engravings, for example,are best lit from the left,as befits the work of right-handed artists,who generally prefer to have the light source on the left so that the shadow of their hand does not fall on the tip of the engraving tool or brush.In the few cases where an Ice Age figure is depicted holding something,it is mostly,though not always,in the right hand.Clues to right-handedness can also be found by other methods.Right-handers tend to have longer,stronger,and more muscular bones on the right side,and Marcellin Boule as long ago as1911noted the La Chapelle-aux-Saints Neanderthal skeleton had a right upper arm bone that was noticeably stronger than the left.Similar observations have been made on other Neanderthal skeletons such as La Ferrassie I and Neanderthal itself.Fractures and other cut marks are another source of evidence.Right-handed soldiers tend to be wounded on the left.The skeleton of a40-or50-year-old Nabatean warrior,buried2,000years ago in the Negev Desert,Israel,had multiple healed fractures to the skull,the left arm,and the ribs.Tools themselves can be revealing.Long-handed Neolithic spoons of yew wood preserved in Alpine villages dating to3000B.C.have survived;the signs of rubbing on their left side indicate that their users were right-handed.The late Ice Age rope found in the French cave of Lascaux consists of fibers spiraling to the right,and was therefore tressed by a righthander.Occasionally one can determine whether stone tools were used in the right hand or the left,and it is even possible to assess how far back this feature can be traced.In stone toolmaking experiments,Nick Toth,a right-hander,held the core(the stone that would become the tool)in his left hand and the hammer stone in his right.As the tool was made,the core was rotated clockwise,and the flakes,removed in sequence,had a little crescent of cortex(the core's outer surface)on the side.Toth's knapping produced56percent flakes with the cortex on the right,and44percent left-oriented flakes.A left-handed toolmaker would produce the opposite pattern.Toth has applied these criteria to the similarly made pebble tools from a number of early sites(before 1.5million years)at Koobi Fora,Kenya,probably made by Homo habilis.At seven sites he found that57percent of the flakes were right-oriented,and43percent left,a pattern almost identical to that produced today.About90percent of modern humans are right-handed:we are the only mammal with a preferential use of one hand.The part of the brain responsible for fine control and movement is located in the left cerebral hemisphere,and the findings above suggest that the human brain was already asymmetrical in its structure and function not long after2million years ago.Among Neanderthalers of70,000–35,000years ago, Marcellin Boule noted that the La Chapelle-aux-Saints individual had a lefthemisphere slightly bigger than the right,and the same was found for brains of specimens from Neanderthal,Gibraltar,and La Quina.TPO12-1译文：他们到底用哪只手?我们都知道，现在的人们更多是使用右手而非左手。

绿色冰山冰山就是庞大的冰块，它们的形状各不规则；他们在海面上所呈现出来的部份可能只有总量的12%。

冰山是由冰川----从格陵兰岛, 南极洲, 和阿拉斯加的内陆降雪开始积累成为大河中的冰----然后缓慢流入海洋。

向前的移动，在进入海洋的时候冰川底部的融化，和波浪与潮汐转变造成了冰块的断裂从而漂浮在海上。

冰山的颜色一般是从蓝到白，虽然有时会因为他们带有砂砾和石块而显得颜色很深或不透明。

在不同情况的光和云量下，它们的颜色呈现可能会随之不同，如在早晨和傍晚的阳光下所呈现的耀眼的粉色或金色，但这个颜色转变大致与太阳位于海平面上的低角度有关。

无论如何，总会有到南极洲的旅游者们报告说在Weddell Sea看到了绿冰山，南极洲东部Amery Ice Shelf的周围则更为常见。

对于绿冰山的颜色的一个解释是由于纯冰被接近海平面的太阳所照射而造成的错觉，可是绿冰山在很多不同状态的阳光下都能从白色和蓝色冰山中区分出来。

另一个解释就是，它的颜色可能与冰里面所含高浓度的金属化合物有关，比如铜和铁。

进来的探险队从南极洲的冰架上带回了一些绿色冰山和冰核的样本----抵达深度的垂直圆柱型的冰的样本。

对这些冰核和样本的分析给问题提供了一个不一样的解决方式。

215米长的冰架核已经足够用来穿透由紧缩的雪组成，并含有气泡的流动冰，并随后穿透在流动冰的底部由冻结的海水形成的清透的没有气泡的冰。

这个清透的冰的性质与绿冰山上的冰十分相似。

科学家总结出，绿冰的组成是在两层的架冰分开并翻转过来时，暴露出的没有气泡的海水冰。

一个在Amery Ice Shelf西部滞留的绿冰山呈现出了两个明显的层：含有气泡的白蓝色冰，和没有气泡的绿色冰，它们中间是由1米长的带有沉积物的冰分隔开的。

海水的侵蚀决定了绿色冰的质地。

由于光的分散，裂痕处的颜色是浅绿的；而没有裂痕的地方是深绿色。

绿色冰中是没有气泡的，因为它是由冻结的海水所组成，而不是紧缩的雪。

沿着这个地域冰架的边缘，可以发现，带有绿色色素的单细胞生物超级多，而且海水里面含有它们丰硕的分解有机物质。

新托福TPO20阅读原文(一)：Westward MigrationTPO20-1：Westward MigrationThe story of the westward movement of population in the United States is, in the main, the story of the expansion of American agriculture—of the development of new areas for the raising of livestock and the cultivation of wheat, corn, tobacco, and cotton. After 1815 improved transportation enabled more and more western farmers to escape a self-sufficient way of life and enter a national market economy. During periods when commodity prices were high, the rate of westward migration increased spectacularly. "Old America seemed to be breaking up and moving westward," observed an English visitor in 1817,during the first great wave of migration. Emigration to the West reached a peak in the 1830's. Whereas in 1810 only a seventh of the American people lived west of the Appalachian Mountains, by 1840 more than a third lived there.Why were these hundreds of thousands of settlers—most of them farmers, some of them artisans—drawn away from the cleared fields and established cities and villages of the East? Certain characteristics of American society help to explain this remarkable migration. The European ancestors of some Americans had for centuries lived rooted to the same village or piece of land until some religious, political, or economic crisis uprooted them and drove them across the Atlantic. Many of those who experienced this sharp break thereafter lacked the ties that had bound them and their ancestors to a single place. Moreover, European society was relatively stratified; occupation and social status were inherited. In American society, however, the class structure was less rigid; some people changed occupations easily and believed it was their duty to improve their social and economic position. As a result, many Americans were an inveterately restless, rootless, and ambitious people. Therefore, these social traits helped to produce the nomadic and daring settlers who kept pushing westward beyond the fringes of settlement. In addition, there were other immigrants who migrated west in search of new homes, material success, and better lives.The West had plenty of attractions: the alluvial river bottoms, the fecund soils of the rolling forest lands, the black loams of the prairies were tempting to New England farmers working their rocky, sterile land and to southeastern farmers plagued with soil depletion and erosion. In 1820 under a new land law, a farm could be bought for $100. The continued proliferation of banks made it easier for those without cash to negotiate loans in paper money. Western Farmers borrowed with the confident expectation that the expanding economy would keep farm prices high, thus making it easy to repay loans when they fell due.Transportation was becoming less of a problem for those who wished to move west and for those who hand farm surpluses to send to market. Prior to 1815, western farmers who did not live on navigable waterways were connected to them only by dirt roads and mountain trails. Livestock could be driven across the mountains, but the cost of transporting bulky grains in this fashion was several times greater than their value in eastern markets. The first step toward an improvement of western transportation was the construction of turnpikes. These roads made possible a reduction in transportation costs and thus stimulated the commercialization of agriculture along their routes.Two other developments presaged the end of the era of turnpikes and started a transportation revolution that resulted in increased regional specialization and the growth of a national market economy. First came the steamboat; although flatboats and keelboats continued to be important until the 1850’s steamboats event ually superseded all other craft in the carrying of passengers and freight. Steamboats were not only faster but also transported upriver freight for about one tenth of what it had previously cost on hand-propelled keelboats. Next came the Erie Canal, an enormous project in its day, spanning about 350 miles. After the canal went into operation, the cost per mile of transporting a ton of freight from Buffalo to New York City declined from nearly 20 cents to less than 1 cent. Eventually, the western states diverted much of their produce from the rivers to the Erie Canal, a shorter route to eastern markets.TPO20-1译文：移居西部美国西进运动的故事大体说来其实就是美国农业扩张的故事，也就是一场开辟用于饲养家畜以及种植小麦、玉米、烟草和棉花的新土地的运动。

新托福TPO7阅读原文(二):Ancient Rome and GreeceTPO-7-2：Ancient Rome and GreeceThere is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment—on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed.The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome’s early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman.Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order.Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, merequantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. “Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we,”asked Horace in his epistle, “what work of ancient date would now exist?”Rome’s debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans ad opted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements.Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres—especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.译文：TPO-7-2 古代罗马和希腊罗马具有一种希腊和其他任何不论是古代的还是现在的文明都不具备的凝聚力。

新托福TPO20阅读原文(二)：Early Settlements in the Southwest Asia TPO20-2：Early Settlements in the Southwest AsiaThe universal global warming at the end of the Ice Age had dramatic effects on temperate regions of Asia, Europe, and North America. Ice sheets retreated and sea levels rose. The climatic changes in southwestern Asia were more subtle, in that they involved shifts in mountain snow lines, rainfall patterns, and vegetation cover. However, these same cycles of change had momentous impacts on the sparse human populations of the region. At the end of the Ice Age, no more than a few thousand foragers lived along the eastern Mediterranean coast, in the Jordan and Euphrates valleys. Within 2,000 years, the human population of the region numbered in the tens of thousands, all as a result of village life and farming. Thanks to new environmental and archaeological discoveries, we now know something about this remarkable change in local life.Pollen samples from freshwater lakes in Syria and elsewhere tell us forest cover expanded rapidly at the end of the Ice Age, for the southwestern Asian climate was still cooler and considerably wetter than today. Many areas were richer in animal and plant species than they are now, making them highly favorable for human occupation. About 9000 B.C., most human settlements lay in the area along the Mediterranean coast and in the Zagros Mountains of Iran and their foothills. Some local areas, like the Jordan River valley, the middle Euphrates valley, and some Zagros valleys, were more densely populated than elsewhere. Here more sedentary and more complex societies flourished. These people exploited the landscape intensively, foraging on hill slopes for wild cereal grasses and nuts, while hunting gazelle and other game on grassy lowlands and in river valleys. Their settlements contain exotic objects such as seashells, stone bowls, and artifacts made of obsidian (volcanic glass), all traded from afar. This considerable volume of intercommunity exchange brought a degree of social complexity in its wake.Thanks to extremely fine-grained excavation and extensive use of flotation methods (through which seeds are recovered from soil samples), we know a great dealabout the foraging practices of the inhabitants of Abu Hureyra in Syria's Euphrates valley. Abu Hureyra was founded about 9500B.C, a small village settlement of cramped pit dwellings (houses dug partially in the soil) with reed roofs supported by wooden uprights. For the next 1,500 years, its inhabitants enjoyed a somewhat warmer and damper climate than today, living in a well-wooded steppe area where wild cereal grasses were abundant. They subsisted off spring migrations of Persian gazelles from the south. With such a favorable location, about 300 to 400 people lived in a sizable, permanent settlement. They were no longer a series of small bands but lived in a large community with more elaborate social organization, probably grouped into clans of people of common descent.The flotation samples from the excavations allowed botanists to study shifts in plant-collecting habits as if they were looking through a telescope at a changing landscape. Hundreds of tiny plant remains show how the inhabitants exploited nut harvests in nearby pistachio and oak forests. However, as the climate dried up, the forests retreated from the vicinity of the settlement. The inhabitants turned to wild cereal grasses instead, collecting them by the thousands, while the percentage of nuts in the diet fell. By 8200B.C., drought conditions were so severe that the people abandoned their long-established settlement, perhaps dispersing into smaller camps.Five centuries later, about 7700B.C., a new village rose on the mound. At first the inhabitants still hunted gazelle intensively. Then, about 7000 B.C., within the space of a few generations, they switched abruptly to herding domesticated goats and sheep and to growing einkorn, pulses, and other cereal grasses. Abu Hureyra grew rapidly until it covered nearly 30 acres. It was a close-knit community of rectangular, one-story mud-brick houses, joined by narrow lanes and courtyards, finally abandoned about 5000 B.C.. Many complex factors led to the adoption of the new economies, not only at Abu Hureyra, but at many other locations such as 'Ain Ghazal, also in Syria, where goat toe bones showing the telltale marks of abrasion caused by foot tethering (binding) testify to early herding of domestic stock.TPO20-2译文：西南亚的早期定居点冰河时代末期全球普遍升温，这对亚洲、欧洲和北美洲的温带地区产生了巨大的影响。