海军上将麦瑞文在德州大学奥斯汀分校2019年毕业典礼英语演讲稿

英语演讲稿100篇英语演讲稿素材精选关于英语演讲稿精选范文1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote AddressTED英语演讲稿：内向性格的力量When I was nine years old I went off to summer camp for the first time。

And my mother packed me a suitcase full of books， which to me seemed like a perfectly natural thing to do。

TED英语演讲稿：拥抱他人，拥抱自己Thandie Newton Embracing otherness, embracing myself拥抱他人，拥抱自己Embracing otherness. When I first heard this theme, I thought, well, embracing otherness is embracing myself.美国总统感恩节演讲稿〔中英文〕【20xx年感恩节演讲稿】Remarks of President Barack Obama on Thanksgiving DayNovember 22, 20xx美国总统感恩节致辞20xx年11月22日On behalf of the Obama family –Michelle, Malia, Sasha, Bo and me–I want to wish everyone a美国总统感恩节英语演讲稿〔中英文〕【20xx年感恩节英语演讲稿】Hi, everybody. On behalf of all the Obamas –Michelle, Malia, Sasha, Bo, and the newest member of our family, Sunny – I want to wish you a happy and healthy Thanksgiving.莫言诺贝尔文学奖致辞英文演讲稿以下这篇演讲稿是中国当代著名作家莫言20xx年获得诺贝尔文学奖时在瑞典学院发表的领奖演讲《讲故事的人》(storyteller)，莫言在这次演讲中追忆了自己的母亲，回顾了文学创作之路，并与听众分享了三个意味深长的故事，讲述了自己如何成为一奥斯卡最好导演詹姆斯·卡梅隆TED英文演讲稿以下这篇由站整理提供的是《阿凡达》、《泰坦尼克号》的导演詹姆斯卡梅隆(James Cameron)的一篇TED演讲。

朱棣文在哈佛大学毕业典礼英语演讲稿感谢你们，让我有时机同你们一起分享这个美妙的日子。

我不太肯定，自己够得上哈佛大学毕业典礼演讲人这样的殊荣。

去年登上这个讲台的是，英国亿万身家的小说家J.K. Rowling女士，她最早是一个古典文学的学生。

前年站在这里的是比尔•盖茨先生，他是一个超级富翁、一个慈善家和电脑高手。

今年很遗憾，你们的演讲人是我，虽然我不是很有钱，但是至少我也算一个高手。

在哈佛大学毕业典礼上发表演讲，还有一个难处，那就是你们中有些人可能有意见，不喜欢我重复前人演讲中说过的话。

我要求你们谅解我，因为两个理由。

首先，为了产生影响力，很重要的方法就是重复传递同样的信息。

在科学中，第一个发现者是重要的，但是在得到公认前，最后一个将这个发现重复做出来的人也许更重要。

我还要指出一点，向哈佛毕业生发表演说，对我来说是有挖苦意味的，因为如果当年我斗胆向哈佛大学递交入学申请，一定会被拒绝。

我的妻子Jean当过斯坦福大学的招生主任，她向我保证，如果当年我申请斯坦福大学，她会拒绝我。

我把这篇演讲的草稿给她过目，她强烈反对我使用"拒绝"这个词，她从来不拒绝任何申请者。

在拒绝信中，她总是写："我们无法提供你入学时机。

"我分不清两者到底有何差异。

在我看来，那些大热门学校的招生主任与其称为"准许你入学的主任"，还不如称为"拒绝你入学的主任"。

很显然，我需要好好学学怎么来推销自己。

毕业典礼演讲都遵循古典奏鸣曲的结构，我的演讲也不例外。

刚刚是第一乐章----轻快的闲谈。

接下来的第二乐章是送上门的忠告。

这样的忠告很少被重视，几乎注定被忘记，永远不会被实践。

但是，就像王尔德说的："对于忠告，你所能做的，就是把它送给别人，因为它对你没有任何用处。

"所以，下面就是我的忠告。

第一，取得成就的时候，不要忘记前人。

要感谢你的父母和支持你的朋友，要感谢那些启发过你的教授，尤其要感谢那些上不好课的教授，因为他们迫使你自学。

奥普拉哈弗毕业典礼发言稿「中英文版」奥普拉哈弗毕业典礼发言稿「中英文版」奥普拉·温弗瑞(Oprah Winfrey)，1954年1月29日出生于密西西比州科修斯科，美国演员，制片，主持人，是当今世界上最具影响力的妇女之一，下面是她在哈弗大学毕业典礼上的发言稿，一起来感受一下她的魅力吧!奥普拉哈佛大学毕业典礼中英文演讲稿Oh my goodness! I’m at Harvard! Wow! To President Faust, my fellow honorans, Carl [Muller] that was so beautiful, thank you so much, and James Rothenberg, Stephanie Wilson, Harvard faculty, with a special bow to my friend Dr. Henry Lewis Gates. All of you alumni, with a speci al bow to the Class of ’88, your hundred fifteen million dollars. And to you, members of the Harvard class of 2013! Hello!我的天啊!我在哈...佛!真的!尊敬的Faust校长、和我一起获得荣誉学位的各位，Carl(注：Carl Muller哈佛校友会主席)，真是太棒了，谢谢你们!还有James Rothenberg, Stephanie Wilson和哈佛的教职工们，特别感谢我的朋友Henry Lewis Gates博士(注：美国知名黑人教授)!感谢所有的哈佛校友，特别要感谢88届的毕业生，你们为哈佛捐出一亿一千五百万美元(注：哈佛历史上最多的一次同一班次校友捐款)。

所有2013届的各位毕业生们!大家好!I thank you for allowing me to be a part of the conclusion of this chapter of your lives and the commencement of your next chapter. To say that I’m honored doesn’t even begin to quantify the depth of gratitude that really accompanies an honorary doctorate from Harvard. Not too many little girls from rural Mississippi have made it all the way here to Cambridge. And I can tell you that I consider today as I sat on the stage this morning getting teary for you all and then teary for myself, Iconsider today a defining milestone in a very long and a blessed journey. My one hope today is that I can be a source of some inspiration. I’m going to address m y remarks to anybody who has ever felt inferior or felt disadvantaged, felt screwed by life, this is a speech for the Quad.感谢你们让我成为你们人生这一篇章的结束与下一篇章开始的纽带。

在学院中澳班毕业典礼上的演讲稿(中英文对照)在学院中澳班毕业典礼上的熊友山2010年6月14日尊敬的博士山学院院长马多克先生、尊敬的拜德女士、各位老师、同学们：大家上午好！Good Morning!MR. John Maddock, Ms. Jill Baird, Honored Guests, Colleagues and Students:今天，这里充满了节日的欢愉、收获的喜庆，我们相聚在这里，为学院首届中澳合作班举行隆重的毕业典礼，和同学们共享收获的喜悦，共话别离的眷恋。

We get together on this particular festival with enjoyment to celebrate the first graduation ceremony of the joint program between Hubei Communications Technical College and BoxHill TAFE Institute, and so we share the joy of graduation and the sentiment of leaving.对毕业班的同学们来讲，今天是个特殊的日子，你们已经完成三年学业，即将开始又一个新的人生起点。

Today is a very special day for the graduates since you’ve completed 3 years academic study, and will begin a whole new social and working life.在此，我代表学院，向各位毕业生表示最热烈的祝贺！Hereby, on behalf of our college, please allow me to offer my warmest congratulations on your success!向为同学们的成长付出辛勤劳动的各位老师表示最诚挚的敬意，也向始终关注着同学们成长的博士山TAFE学院的同仁们表示最衷心的感谢！Meanwhile, I’d like to express my sincere gratitude towards all the tutors and colleagues of both colleges!经过中澳双方教师三年来的辛勤工作和同学们的共同努力，2010届中澳合作班的同学们取得了丰硕的成果：The year 2010 joint program graduates have made a great achievement under the great endeavors of both tutors and students:55名同学均顺利毕业，其中39人获得博士山TAFE学院英文证书，9人获得中文证书，中澳双证获得率为87.3%；物流职业资格证书获得率为100%，英语过级率为98.2%，There are 55 graduates who have completed their academic study. Among them, 39 graduates have got TAFE Diploma ofEnglish, and 9 graduates have got TAFE Diploma of Chinese, it’s up to 87.3% of the total graduates who have got the recognize of both colleges. All of the graduates have got the job qualification certificate of Logistics. 98.2% of the graduates have passed National College English Test.其中1人通过英语六级，16人通过英语四级；5名同学获得学院优秀毕业生。

朱棣文在哈佛大学毕业典礼英语演讲稿Madam President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers,faculty, family, friends, and, most importantly, today's graduates,尊敬的Faust校长，哈佛集团的各位成员，监管理事会的各位理事，各位老师，各位家长，各位朋友，以及最重要的各位毕业生同学，Thank you for letting me share this wonderful day with you.感谢你们，让我有机会同你们一起分享这个美妙的日子。

I am not sure I can live up to the high standards of Harvard Commencement speakers. Lastyear, J.K. Rowling, the billionaire novelist, who started as a classics student, graced thispodium. The year before, Bill Gates, the mega-billionaire philanthropist and computer nerdstood here. Today, sadly, you have me. I am not wealthy, but at least I am a nerd.我不太肯定，自己够得上哈佛大学毕业典礼演讲人这样的殊荣。

去年登上这个讲台的是，英国亿万身家的小说家J.K. Rowling女士，她最早是一个古典文学的学生。

前年站在这里的是比尔盖茨先生，他是一个超级富翁、一个慈善家和电脑高手。

今年很遗憾，你们的演讲人是我，虽然我不是很有钱，但是至少我也算一个高手。

约翰逊演讲稿：We Shall Overcome林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊 (Lyndon Baines Johnson) 出生于得克萨斯州斯通威尔。

1930年毕业于该州圣马科斯西南师范学院，1935年毕业于乔治顿大学法律学院。

1930年至1932年在休斯敦任教。

1935年至1937年任全国青年总署得克萨斯州公署署长。

1937年国会补缺选举中当选为众议员，并任众议院海军委员会委员。

1941年至1942年在海军服役。

1948年当选为参议员。

1951年成为参议院民主党副领袖。

1953年起任参议院民主党多数派领袖，兼任参议院军事委员会、财政委员会、拨款委员会等要职。

1959年至1960年任参议院航空和空间科学委员会首任主席。

1956年争取民主党总统候选人提名失败。

1960年与肯尼迪竞争民主党总统候选人提名失败，接受肯尼迪提名他为副总统的建议。

1961年至1963年任副总统。

1963年11月22日肯尼迪总统遇刺身亡后继任总统。

1965年连任总统。

1969年1月退休。

1980年被授予总统自由勋章。

著有回忆录《高瞻远瞩》。

1973年1月22日在得克萨斯的圣安东尼奥因心脏病去世。

We Shall OvercomeMr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress:I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was killed.There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma.There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government -- the government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues -- issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue.And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For with a country as with a person, “What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?”There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or Republicans. We are met here as Americans to solve that problem.This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose stillsound in every American heart, North a nd South: “All men are created equal,” “government by consent of the governed,” “give me liberty or give me death.” Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test -- to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument.Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote.There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right.Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country menand women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes. Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write.For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin. Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books -- and I have helped to put three of them there -- can ensure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it. In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color. We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must now act in obedience to that oath.Wednesday, I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote.The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have reviewed it, it will come here formally as a bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to come here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my friends, to give them my views, andto visit with my former colleagues. I've had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss with you now, briefly, the main proposals of this legislation.This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections -- Federal, State, and local -- which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote. This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout our Constitution. It will provide for citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government, if the State officials refuse to register them. It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote. Finally, this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.I will welcome the suggestions from all of the Members of Congress -- I have no doubt that I will get some -- on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective. But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution.To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities, who want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people.Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin.Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land.There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong -- deadly wrong -- to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to votein this country. There is no issue of States' rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer.But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress, it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was passed after eight long months of debate. And when that bill came to my desk from the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated. This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no compromise with our purpose.We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in. And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.So I ask you to join me in working long hours -- nights and weekends, if necessary -- to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly. For from the window where I sit with the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice.And we shall overcome.As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing racial feelings are. I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed, more than a hundred years since the Negro was freed. And he is not fully free tonight.It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party, signed the Emancipation Proclamation; but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact.A century has passed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised. And yet the Negro is not equal. A century has passed since the day of promise. And the promise is un-kept.The time of justice has now come. I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come. And when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American. For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we've wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror?And so I say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future.This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and white, all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They're our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too -- poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome.Now let none of us in any section look with pridefulrighteousness on the troubles in another section, or the problems of our neighbors. There's really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom. This is one nation. What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists.As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a stain on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region, in Vietnam. Men from every region fought for us across the world twenty years ago.And now in these common dangers and these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the Great Republic -- and in some instances, a great many of them, more.And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans.For all of us owe this duty; and I believe that all of us will respond to it. Your President makes that request of every American.The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. Hisactions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform. He has called upon us to make good the promise of America. And who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American democracy.For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right; not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order.And there have been many pressures upon your President and there will be others as the days come and go. But I pledge you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought -- in the courts, and in the Congress, and in the hearts of men.We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free assembly. But the right of free speech does not carry with it, as has been said, the right to holler fire in a crowded theater. We must preserve the right to free assembly. But free assembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic.We do have a right to protest, and a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the constitutional rights of our neighbors. And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek: progress, obedience to law, and belief in American values.In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace. We seekorder. We seek unity. But we will not accept the peace of stifled rights, or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest. For peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.In Selma tonight -- and we had a good day there -- as in every city, we are working for a just and peaceful settlement And we must all remember that after this speech I am making tonight, after the police and the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly passed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the Nation must still live and work together. And when the attention of the nation has gone elsewhere, they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new community.This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence, as the history of the South itself shows. It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impressive responsibility in recent days -- last Tuesday, again today.The bill that I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill. But, in a larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program. Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races.Because all Americans just must have the right to vote. And we are going to give them that right. All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race. And they are going to have those privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race.But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal right. It requires a trained mind and a healthy body. It requires a decent home, and the chance to find a job, and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.Of course, people cannot contribute to the nation if they arenever taught to read or write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickness goes untended, if their life is spent in hopeless poverty just drawing a welfare check. So we want to open the gates to opportunity. But we're also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates.My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Texas, in a small Mexican-American school. Few of them could speak English, and I couldn't speak much Spanish. My students were poor and they often came to class without breakfast, hungry. And they knew, even in their youth, the pain of prejudice. They never seemed to know why people disliked them. But they knew it was so, because I saw it in their eyes. I often walked home late in the afternoon, after the classes were finished, wishing there was more that I could do. But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child. I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965. It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students and to help people like them all over this country.But now I do have that chance -- and I'll let you in on a secret -- I mean to use it.And I hope that you will use it with me.This is the richest and the most powerful country which ever occupied this globe. The might of past empires is little compared to ours. But I do not want to be the President who built empires, or sought grandeur, or extended dominion.I want to be the President who educated young children to the wonders of their world.I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be tax-payers instead of tax-eaters.I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election.I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men, and who promoted love among the people of all races and all regions and all parties.I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker, and the Senator from Montana, the majority leader, the Senator from Illinois, the minority leader, Mr. McCulloch, and other Members of both parties, I came here tonight -- not as President Roosevelt came down one time, in person, to veto a bonus bill, not as President Truman came down one time to urge the passage of a railroad bill -- but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me, and to share it with the people that we both work for. I want this to be the Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, which did all these things for all these people.Beyond this great chamber, out yonder in fifty States, are the people that we serve. Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen. We all can guess, from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happiness, how many problems each little family has. They look most of all to themselves for their futures. But I think that they also look to each of us.Above the pyramid on the great seal of the United States itsays in Latin: “God has favored our undertaking.” God will not favor everything that we do. It is rather our duty to divine His will.But I cannot help believing that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.。

迈克尔·布隆伯格在哈佛大学2022年毕业典礼英语演讲稿Thank you, Katie –and thank you to President Faust, the Fellows of Harvard College, the Boardof Overseers, and all the faculty, alumni, and students who have welcomed me back to campus.I’m e某cited to be here, not only to address the distinguished graduates and alumni atHarvard University’s 363rd commencement but to stand in the e某act spot where Oprah stoodlast year. OMG.Let me begin with the most important order of business: Let’s have a big round of applaus e forthe Class of 2019! They’ve earned it!As e某cited as the graduates are, they are probably even more e某hausted after the past fewweeks. And parents: I’m not referring to their final e某ams. I’m talking about the SeniorOlympics, the Last Chance Dance, and the Booze Cruise –I mean, the moonlight cruise.The entire year has been e某citing on campus: Harvard beat Yale for the seventh straight timein football. The men’s basketball team went to the second round of the NCAA tournament forthe second s traight year. And the Men’s Squash team won national championship.Who’d a thunk it: Harvard, an athletic powerhouse! Pretty soon they’ll be asking whether youhave academics to go along with your athletic programs.My personal connection to Harvard began in 1964, when I graduated from Johns HopkinsUniversity in Baltimore and matriculated here at the B-School.You’re probably asking: How did I ever get into Harvard Business School, given my stellaracademic record, where I always made the top half of the class possible? I have no idea. Andthe only people more surprised than me were my professors.Anyway, here I am again back in Cambridge. And I have noticedthat a few things havechanged since I was a student here. Elsie’s –a sandwich spot I used to love near the Square –is now a burrito shop. The Wursthaus –which had great beer and sausage –is now an artisanalgastro-pub, whatever the heck that is. And the old Holyoke Center is now named the SmithCampus Center.Don’t you just hat e it when alumni put their names all over everything? I was thinking aboutthat this morning as I walked into the Bloomberg Center on the Harvard Business Schoolcampus across the river.But the good news is, Harvard remains what it was when I first ar rived on campus 50 yearsago: America’s most prestigious university. And, like other great universities, it lies at theheart of the American e某periment in democracy.Their purpose is not only to advance knowledge, but to advance the ideals of our nation. Greatuniversities are places where people of all backgrounds, holding all beliefs, pursuing allquestions, can come to study and debate their ideas – freely and openly.Today, I’d like to talk with you about how important it is for that freedom to e某ist for everyone,no matter how strongly we may disagree with another’s viewpoint.Tolerance for other people’s ideas, and the freedom to e某press your own, are inseparable valuesat great universities. Joined together, they form a sacred trust that holds the basis of ourdemocratic society.But that trust is perpetually vulnerable to the tyrannical tendencies of monarchs, mobs, andmajorities. And lately, we have seen those tendencies manifest themselves too often, both oncollege campuses and in our society.That’s the bad news – and unfortunately, I think both Harvard, and my own city of New York,have been witnesses to this trend.First, for New York City. Several years ago, as you may remember, some people tried to stopthe development of a mosque a few blocks from the World Trade Center site.It was an emotional issue, and polls showed that two-thirds of Americans were against amosque being built there. Even the Anti-Defamation League –widely regarded as the country’smost arden t defender of religious freedom – declared its opposition to the project.The opponents held rallies and demonstrations. They denounced the developers. And theydemanded that city government stop its construction. That was their right – and we protectedtheir right to protest. But they could not have been more wrong. And we refused to cave in totheir demands.The idea that government would single out a particular religion, and block its believers – andonly its believers – from building a house of worship in a particular area is diametricallyopposed to the moral principles that gave rise to our great nation and the constitutionalprotections that have sustained it.Our union of 50 states rests on the union of two values: freedom and tolerance. And it is thatunion of values that the terrorists who attacked us on September 11th, 2019 – and on April15th, 2019 – found most threatening.To them, we were a God-less country.But in fact, there is no country that protects the core of every faith and philosophy known tohuman kind – free will – more than the United States of America. That protection, however,rests upon our constant vigilance.We like to think that the principle of separation of church and state is settled. It is not. And itnever will be. It is up to us to guard it fiercely – and to ensure that equality under the lawmeansequality under the law for everyone.If you want the freedom to worship as you wish, to speak as you wish, and to marry whom youwish, you must tolerate my freedom to do so – or not do so – as well.What I do may offend you. You may find my actions immoral or unjust. But attempting torestrict my freedoms – in ways that you would not restrict your own – leads only to injustice.We cannot deny others the rights and privileges that we demand for ourselves. And that is truein cities – and it is no less true at universities, where the forces of repression appear to bestronger now than they have been since the 1950s.When I was growing up, U.S. Senator Joe McCarthy was asking: ‘Are you now or have you everbeen?’ He was attempting to repress and criminalize those who sympathized with an economicsystem that was, even then, failing.McCarthy’s Red Scare destroyed thousands of lives, but wh at was he so afraid of? An idea – inthis case, communism – that he and others deemed dangerous.But he was right about one thing: Ideas can be dangerous. They can change society. They canupend traditions. They can start revolutions. That’s why throug hout history, those in authorityhave tried to repress ideas that threaten their power, their religion, their ideology, or theirreelection chances.That was true for Socrates and Galileo, it was true for Nelson Mandela and Václav Havel, and ithas been true for Ai Wei Wei, Pussy Riot, and the kids who made the ‘Happy’ video in Iran.Repressing free e某pression is a natural human weakness, and it is up to us to fight it at everyturn. Intolerance of ideas – whether liberal or conservative – is antithetical to individualrights and freesocieties, and it is no less antithetical to great universities and first-ratescholarship.There is an idea floating around college campuses – including here at Harvard – that scholarsshould be funded only if their work conforms to a particular view of justice. There’s a word forthat idea: censorship. And it is just a modern-day form of McCarthyism.Think about the irony: In the 1950s, the right wing was attempting to repress left wing ideas.Today, on many college campuses, it is liberals trying to repress conservative ideas, even asconservative faculty members are at risk of becoming an endangered species. And perhapsnowhere is that more true than here in the Ivy League.In the 2019 presidential race, according to Federal Election Commission data, 96 percent of allcampaign contributions from Ivy League faculty and employees went to Barack Obama.Ninety-si某 percent. There was more disagreement among the old Soviet Politburo than there isamong Ivy League donors.That statistic should give us pause – and I say that as someone who endorsed President Obamafor reelection – because let me tell you, neither party has a monopoly on truth or God on itsside.When 96 percent of Ivy League donors prefer one candidate to another, you have to wonderwhether students are being e某posed to the diversity of views that a great university shouldoffer.Diversity of gender, ethnicity, and orientation is important. But a university cannot be great ifits faculty is politically homogenous. In fact, the whole purpose of granting tenure to professorsis to ensure that they feel free to conduct research on ideas that run afoul of university politicsand societal norms.When tenure was created, it mostly protected liberals whoseideas ran up against conservativenorms.Today, if tenure is going to continue to e某ist, it must also protect conservatives whose ideasrun up against liberal norms. Otherwise, university research – and the professors who conductit –will lose credibility.Great universities must not become predictably partisan. And a liberal arts education mustnot be an education in the art of liberalism.The role of universities is not to promote an ideology. It is to provide scholars and studentswith a neutral forum for researching and debating issues – without tipping the scales in onedirection, or repressing unpopular views.Requiring scholars – and commencement speakers, for that matter –to conform to certainpolitical standards undermines the whole purpose of a university.This spring, it has been disturbing to see a number of college commencement speakerswithdraw – or have their invitations rescinded – after protests from students and – to me,shockingly – from senior faculty and administrators who should know better.It happened at Brandeis, Haverford, Rutgers, and Smith. Last year, it happened at Swarthmoreand Johns Hopkins, I’m sorry to say.In each case, liberals silenced a voice –and denied an honorary degree – to individuals theydeemed politically objectionable. That is an outrage and we must not let it continue.If a university thinks twice before inviting a commencement speaker because of his or herpolitics censorship and conformity – the mortal enemies of freedom – win out.And sadly, it is not just commencement season when speakers are censored.Last fall, when I was still in City Hall, our PoliceCommissioner was invited to deliver a lecture atanother Ivy League institution –but he was unable to do so because students shouted himdown.Isn’t the purpose of a university to stir discussion, not silence it? What were the studentsafraid of hearing? Why did administrators not step in to prevent the mob from silencingspeech? And did anyone consider that it is morally and pedagogically wrong to deprive otherstudents the chance to hear the speech?I’m sure all of today’s graduates have read John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty. But allow me to read ashort passage from it: ‘The peculiar evil of silencing the e某pression of an opinion is, that it isrobbing the human race; posterity as well as the e某isting generation; those who dissent fromthe opinion, still more than those who hold it.’ He continued: ‘If the opinion is right, they are de prived of the opportunity of e某changingerror for truth: if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perceptionand livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error.’ Mill would have been horrified to learn of university students silencing the opinions of others. Hewould have been even more horrified that faculty members were often part of thecommencement censorship campaigns.For tenured faculty members to silence speakers whose views they disagree with is the heightof hypocrisy, especially when these protests happen in the northeast – a bastion of self-professed liberal tolerance.I’m glad to say, however, that Harvard has not caved in to these commencement censorshipcampaigns. If it had, Colorado State Senator Michael Johnston would not have had the chanceto address the Education School yesterday.Some students called on the administration to rescind the invitation to Johnston becausethey opposed some of his education policies. But to their great credit, President Faust andDean Ryan stood firm.As Dean Ryan wrote to students: ‘I have encountered many people of good faith who share mybasic goals but disagree with my own views when it comes to the question of how best toimprove education. In my view, those differences should be e某plored, debated, challenged, andquestioned. But they should also be respected and, indeed, celebrated.’He could not have been more correct, and he could not have provided a more valuable finallesson to the class of 2019.As a former chairman of Johns Hopkins, I strongly believe that a university’s obligation is notto teach students what to think but to teach students how to think. And that requires listeningto the other side, weighing arguments without prejudging them, and determining whether theother side might actually make some fair points.If the faculty fails to do this, then it is the responsibility of the administration and governingbody to step in and make it a priority. If they do not, if students graduate with ears and mindsclosed, the university has failed both the student and society.And if you want to know where that leads, look no further than Washington, D.C.Down in Washington, every major question facing our country –involving our security, oureconomy, our environment, and our health –is decided.Yet the two parties decide these questions not by engaging with one another, but by trying toshout each other down, and by trying to repress and undermine research that runs counterto their ideology. Themore our universities emulate that model, the worse off we will be as asociety.And let me give you an e某ample: For decades, Congress has barred the Centers for DiseaseControl from conducting studies of gun violence, and recently Congress also placed thatprohibition on the National Institute of Health. You have to ask yourself: What are they afraidof?This year, the Senate has delayed a vote on President Obama’s nominee for Surgeon General –Dr. Vivek Murthy, a Harvard physician –because he had the audacity to say that gunviolence is a public health crisis that should be tackled. The gall of him!Let’s get serious: When 86 Americans are killed with guns every single day, and shootingsregularly occur at our schools and universities –including last week’s tragedy at Santa Barbara– it would be almost medical malpractice to say anything else.But in politics –as it is on too many college campuses –people don’t listen to facts that runcounter to their id eology. They fear them. And nothing is more frightening to them thanscientific evidence.Earlier this year, the State of South Carolina adopted new science standards for its publicschools – but the state legislature blocked any mention of natural sel ection. That’s liketeaching economics – without mentioning supply and demand.Again, you have to ask: What are they afraid of?The answer, of course, is obvious: Just as members of Congress fear data that underminestheir ideological beliefs, these state legislators fear scientific evidence that undermines theirreligious beliefs.And if you want proof of that, consider this: An 8-year oldgirl in South Carolina wrote tomembers of the state legislature urging them to make the Woolly Mammoth the official statefossil. The legislators thought it was a great idea, because a Woolly Mammoth fossil was foundin the state way back in 1725. But the state senate passed a bill defining the Woolly Mammothas having been ‘created on the 6th day with the bea sts of the field.’You can’t make this stuff up.Here in 21st century America, the wall between church and state remains under attack –andit’s up to all of us to man the barricades.Unfortunately, the same elected officials who put ideology and religion over data and sciencewhen it comes to guns and evolution are often the most unwilling to accept the scientificdata on climate change.Now, don’t get me wrong: scientific skepticism is healthy. But there is a world of differencebetween scientific skepticism that seeks out more evidence and ideological stubbornness thatshuts it out.Given the general attitude of many elected officials toward science it’s no wonder that thefederal government has abdicated its responsibility to invest in scientific research, much ofwhich occurs at our universities.Today, federal spending on research and development as a percentage of GDP is lower than ithas been in more than 50 years whichis allowing the rest of the world to catch up – and evensurpass –the U.S. in scientific research.The federal government is flunking science, just as many state governments are.We must not become a country that turns our back on science, or on each other. And yougraduates must help lead the way.On every issue, we must follow the evidence where it leads and listen to people where theyare. If we do that, there is no problem wecannot solve. No gridlock we cannot break. Nocompromise we cannot broker.The more we embrace a free e某change of ideas, and the more we accept that politicaldiversity is healthy, the stronger our society will be.Now, I know this has not been a traditional commencement speech, and it may keep mefrom passing a dissertation defense in the humanities department, but there is no easy timeto say hard things.Graduates: Throughout your lives, do not be afraid of saying what you believe is right, nomatter how unpopular it may be, especially when it comes to defending the rights of others.Standing up for the rights of others is in some ways even more important than standing up foryour own rights. Because when people seek to repress freedom for some, and you remainsilent, you are complicit in that repression and you may well become its victim.Do not be complicit, and do not follow the crowd. Speak up, and fight back.You will take your lumps, I can assure you of that. You will lose some friends and make someenemies. But the arc of history will be on your side, and our nation will be stronger for it.Now, all of you graduates have earned today’s celebration, and you have a lot to be proud ofand a lot to be grateful for. So tonight, as you leave this great university behind, have one lastScorpion Bowl at the Kong –on second thought, don’t – and tomorrow, get to work making ourcountry and our world freer than ever, for everyone.Good luck and God bless.11。

哈佛大学毕业典礼上的英语演讲稿——共同开创更美好的未来Dear graduates, distinguished guests, faculty members, family, and friends,It is my great honor to stand in front of you today and deliver this commencement speech. As we celebrate your achievements and the beginning of a new chapter in your lives, I want to talk about the importance of working together to create a brighter future for all of us.We are living in challenging times, with many issues that require our attention and action. Climate change, social inequality, and political division are just some of the problems that threaten our well-being and the health of our planet. However, I firmly believe that by collaborating and embracing our diversity, we can overcome these challenges and achieve greatness.As graduates of one of the most prestigious universitiesin the world, you have been given a unique set of tools to succeed in your personal and professional life. However, itis not just about what you know, but how you use that knowledge to make a difference in the world. You have thepower to lead, to inspire, and to create positive change,both in your local communities and on a global scale.To make this happen, we need to act with empathy, compassion, and kindness. We need to recognize that we areall part of the same human family, and that our differencesare what make us stronger. Whether you are dealing with a climate crisis, or a social injustice, or any other challenge, it is essential to see it from different perspectives and to work together to find a solution.As you leave Harvard today and embark on your next journey, I urge you to keep this in mind. Never forget the power of collaboration, and never underestimate the impactthat you can have on the world. Each and every one of you is capable of making a meaningful contribution, no matter how small it may seem.In closing, I want to congratulate you on your achievements and wish you all the best for your future endeavors. Whatever path you choose, remember that it is upto us to create the future we want to live in. Let us embrace our diversity, work together towards a common goal, andcreate a brighter tomorrow for all of us. Thank you.。

比尔·盖茨夫妇斯坦福大学2019毕业典礼演讲稿（中英文）比尔·盖茨和夫人梅琳达·盖茨在斯坦福大学2019年毕业典礼上的演讲。

整个演讲以“乐观”为主线，强调了他们对科技的乐观态度，以及对世界美好未来的乐观态度。

盖茨夫妇轮流讲述了自己的亲身经历和故事，告诉学生应该站在他人的立场上，感同身受那些处境不及自己的人，尽自己所能去帮助那些需要帮助的人，让全世界所有人类同胞都有一样的美好未来。

Stanford University.(斯坦福大学)BILL GATES: Congratulations, class of 2019!比尔·盖茨：2019届毕业生，祝贺你们顺利毕业(Cheers).(欢呼)Melinda and I are excited to be here. It would be a thrill for anyone to be invited to speak at a Stanford commencement, but it's especially gratifying for us. Stanford is rapidly becoming the favorite university for members of our family, and it's long been a favorite university for Microsoft and our foundation.我和梅琳达怀着激动的心情与你们欢聚在此共贺毕业。

能受邀到斯坦福大学学位授予典礼上做演讲是一件让人激动的事，对我们而言，这尤为荣幸。

斯坦福大学正日渐成为我们家庭成员最喜爱的大学。

而长久以来，斯坦福也是微软以及比尔与梅琳达基金会最喜爱的一所大学。

”Our formula has been to get the smartest, most creative people working on the most important problems. It turns out that a disproportionate number of those people are at Stanford. (Cheers).我们一直致力于让最聪颖有创造力的人攻克最为重要的问题。

海军上将麦瑞文在德州大学奥斯汀分校2019年毕业典礼英语演讲稿President Powers, Provost Fenves, Deans, members of the faculty, family and friends and mostimportantly, the class of 2019. Congratulations on your achievement.It's been almost 37 years to the day that I graduated from UT.I remember a lot of things about that day.I remember I had throbbing headache from a party the night before. I remember I had aserious girlfriend, whom I later married-that's important to remember by the way-and Iremember that I was getting commissioned in the Navy that day.But of all the things I remember, I don't have a clue who the commencement speaker wasthat evening and I certainly don't remember anything they said.So…acknowledging that fact-if I can't make this commencement speech memorable-I will atleast try to make it short.The University's slogan is,"What starts here changes the world."1 / 17I have to admit-I kinda like it."What starts here changes the world."Tonight there are almost 8,000 students graduating from UT. That great paragon of analytical rigor, says that the average American will meet10,000 people in their life time. That's a lot of folks.But, if every one of you changed the lives of just ten people-and each one of those folkschanged the lives of another ten people-just ten-then in five generations-125 years-the class of2019 will have changed the lives of 800 million people. 800 million people-think of it-over twice the population of the United States. Go one moregeneration and you can change the entire population of the world-8 billion people.If you think it's hard to change the lives of ten people-change their lives forever-you're wrong.I saw it happen every day in Iraq and Afghanistan.A young Army officer makes a decision to go left instead of right down a road in Baghdad andthe ten soldiers in his squad are saved from close-in ambush.In Kandahar province, Afghanistan, a non-commissioned officer from the Female EngagementTeam senses something isn't 2 / 17right and directs the infantry platoon away from a 500 poundIED, saving the lives of a dozen soldiers.But, if you think about it, not only were these soldiers saved by the decisions of one person, buttheir children yet unborn-were also saved. And their children's children-were saved.Generations were saved by one decision-by one person.But changing the world can happen anywhere and anyone can do it.So, what starts here can indeed change the world, but the question is…what will the world looklike a fter you change it? Well, I am confident that it will look much, much better, but if you will humor this old sailorfor just a moment, I have a few suggestions that may help you on your way to a better a world.And while these lessons were learned during my time in the military, I can assure you that itmatters not whether you ever served a day in uniform.It matters not your gender, your ethnic or religious background, your orientation, or yoursocial status.Our struggles in this world are similar and the lessons to 3 / 17overcome those struggles and tomove forward-changing ourselves and the world around us-will apply equally to all.I have been a Navy SEAL for 36 years. But it all began when I left UT for Basic SEAL training inCoronado, California.Basic SEAL training is six months of long torturous runs in the soft sand, midnight swims in thecold water off San Diego, obstacles courses, unending calisthenics, days without sleep andalways being cold, wet and miserable.It is six months of being constantly harassed by professionally trained warriors who seek tofind the weak of mind and body and eliminate them from ever becoming a Navy SEAL. But, the training also seeks to find those students who can lead in an environment ofconstant stress, chaos, failure and hardships.To me basic SEAL training was a life time of challenges crammed into six months.So, here are the ten lesson's I learned from basic SEAL training that hopefully will be of value toyou as you move forward in life.Every morning in basic SEAL training, my instructors, who at the time were all Vietnamveterans, would show up in my 4 / 17barracks room and the first thing they would inspect was yourbed. If you did it right, the corners would be square, the covers pulled tight, the pillow centered justunder the headboard and the extra blanket folded neatly at the foot of the rack-rack-that'sNavy talk for bed.It was a simple task-mundane at best. But every morning we were required to make our bedto perfection. It seemed a little ridiculous at the time, particularly in light of the fact thatwere aspiring to be real warriors, tough battle hardened SEALs-but the wisdom of this simpleact has been proven to me many times over.If you make your bed every morning you will have accomplished the first task of the day. Itwill give you a small sense of pride and it will encourage you to do another task and anotherand another.By the end of the day, that one task completed will have turned into many tasks completed.Making your bed will also reinforce the fact that little things in life matter.If you can't do the little things right, you will never do the big things right.And, if by chance you have a miserable day, you will come5 / 17home to a bed that is made-thatyou made-and a made bed gives you encouragement that tomorrow will be better.If you want to change the world, start off by making your bed.During SEAL training the students are broken down into boat crews. Each crew is sevenstudents-three on each side of a small rubber boat and one coxswain to help guide the dingy.Every day your boat crew forms up on the beach and is instructed to get through the surfzoneand paddle several miles down the coast.In the winter, the surf off San Diego can get to be 8 to 10 feet high and it is exceedinglydifficult to paddle through the plunging surf unless everyone digs in.Every paddle must be synchronized to the stroke count of the coxswain. Everyone must exertequal effort or the boat will turn against the wave and be unceremoniously tossed back on thebeach.For the boat to make it to its destination, everyone must paddle.You can't change the world alone-you will need some help- and to truly get from your startingpoint to your destination 6 / 17takes friends, colleagues, the good will of strangers and a strongcoxswain to guide them.If you want to change the world, find someone to help you paddle.Over a few weeks of difficult training my SEAL class which started with 150 men was down tojust 35. There were now six boat crews of seven men each.I was in the boat with the tall guys, but the best boat crew we had was made up of the thelittle guys-the munchkin crew we called them-no one was over about 5-foot five.The munchkin boat crew had one American Indian, one African American, one Polish American,one Greek American, one Italian American, and two tough kids from the mid-west.They out paddled, out-ran, and out swam all the other boat crews.The big men in the other boat crews would always make good natured fun of the tiny littleflippers the munchkins put on their tiny little feet prior to every swim.But somehow these little guys, from every corner of the Nation and the world, always had thelast laugh- swimming faster than everyone and reaching the shore long before the rest of 7 / 17us.SEAL training was a great equalizer. Nothing mattered but your will to succeed. Not your color,not your ethnic background, not your education and not your social status.If you want to change the world, measure a person by the size of their heart, not the size oftheir flippers.Several times a week, the instructors would line up the class and do a uniform inspection. Itwas exceptionally thorough. Your hat had to be perfectly starched, your uniform immaculately pressed and your belt buckleshiny and void of any smudges.But it seemed that no matter how much effort you put into starching your hat, or pressingyour uniform or polishing your belt buckle-- it just wasn't good enough.The instructors would fine "something" wrong.For failing the uniform inspection, the student had to run, fully clothed into the surfzone andthen, wet from head to toe, roll around on the beach until every part of your body was coveredwith sand.The effect was known as a "sugar cookie." You stayed in that uniform the rest of the day-cold,wet and sandy.8 / 17There were many a student who just couldn't accept the fact that all their effort was in vain.That no matter how hard they tried to get the uniform right-it was unappreciated.Those students didn't make it through training.Those students didn't understand the purpose of the drill. You were never going to succeed.You were never going to have a perfect uniform.Sometimes no matter how well you prepare or how well you perform you still end up as asugar cookie.It's just the way life is sometimes.If you want to change the world get over being a sugar cookie and keep moving forward.Every day during training you were challenged with multiple physical events-long runs, longswims, obstacle courses, hours of calisthenics-something designed to test your mettle.Every event had standards-times you had to meet. If you failed to meet those standards yourname was posted on a list and at the end of the day those on the list were invited to-a "circus."A circus was two hours of additional calisthenics-designed to wear you down, to break yourspirit, to force you to quit.9 / 17No one wanted a circus.A circus meant that for that day you didn't measure up. A circus meant more fatigue-andmore fatigue meant that the following day would be more difficult-and more circuses werelikely.But at some time during SEAL training, everyone-everyone-made the circus list.But an interesting thing happened to those who were constantly on the list. Overtime thosestudents--who did two hours of extra calisthenics-got stronger and stronger.The pain of the circuses built inner strength-built physical resiliency.Life is filled with circuses.You will fail. You will likely fail often. It will be painful. It will be discouraging. At times it willtest you to your very core.But if you want to change the world, don't be afraid of the circuses.At least twice a week, the trainees were required to run the obstacle course. The obstaclecourse contained 25 obstacles including a 10-foot high wall, a 30-foot cargo net, and a 10 / 17barbedwire crawl to name a few.But the most challenging obstacle was the slide for life. It had a three level 30 foot tower atone end and a one level tower at the other. In between was a 200-foot long rope.You had to climb the three tiered tower and once at the top, you grabbed the rope, swungunderneath the rope and pulled yourself hand over hand until you got to the other end.The record for the obstacle course had stood for years when my class began training in 1977.The record seemed unbeatable, until one day, a student decided to go down the slide for life-head first.Instead of swinging his body underneath the rope and inching his way down, he bravelymounted the TOP of the rope and thrust himself forward.It was a dangerous move-seemingly foolish, and fraught with risk. Failure could mean injuryand being dropped from the training.Without hesitation-the student slid down the rope-perilously fast, instead of several minutes,it only took him half that time and by the end of the course he had broken the record.11 / 17If you want to change the world sometimes you have to slide down the obstacle head first.During the land warfare phase of training, the students are flown out to San Clemente Islandwhich lies off the coast of San Diego.The waters off San Clemente are a breeding ground for the great white sharks. To pass SEALtraining there are a series of long swims that must be completed. One-is the night swim. Before the swim the instructors joyfully brief the trainees on all the species of sharks thatinhabit the waters off San Clemente.They assure you, however, that no student has ever been eaten by a shark-at least notrecently.But, you are also taught that if a shark begins to circle your position-stand your ground. Donot swim away. Do not act afraid.And if the shark, hungry for a midnight snack, darts towards you-then summons up all yourstrength and punch him in the snout and he will turn and swim away.There are a lot of sharks in the world. If you hope to complete the swim you will have to dealwith them.12 / 17So, If you want to change the world, don't back down from the sharks.As Navy SEALs one of our jobs is to conduct underwater attacks against enemy shipping. Wepracticed this technique extensively during basic training.The ship attack mission is where a pair of SEAL divers is dropped off outside an enemy harborand then swims well over two miles-underwater-using nothing but a depth gauge and acompass to get to their target.During the entire swim, even well below the surface there is some light that comes through. Itis comforting to know that there is open water above you.But as you approach the ship, which is tied to a pier, the light begins to fade. The steelstructure of the ship blocks the moonlight-it blocks the surrounding street lamps-it blocks allambient light.To be successful in your mission, you have to swim under the ship and find the keel-thecenterline and the deepest part of the ship.This is your objective. But the keel is also the darkest part of the ship-where you cannot seeyour hand in front of your 13 / 17face, where the noise from the ship's machinery is deafening andwhere it is easy to get disoriented and fail.Every SEAL knows that under the keel, at the darkest moment of the mission-is the time whenyou must be calm, composed-when all your tactical skills, your physical power and all yourinner strength must be brought to bear.If you want to change the world, you must be your very best in the darkest moment.The ninth week of training is referred to as "Hell Week." It is six days of no sleep, constantphysical and mental harassment and-one special day at the Mud Flats-the Mud Flats are areabetween San Diego and Tijuana where the water runs off and creates the Tijuana slue's-aswampy patch of terrain where the mud will engulf you.It is on Wednesday of Hell Week that you paddle down to the mud flats and spend the next 15hours trying to survive the freezing cold mud, the howling wind and the incessant pressureto quit from the instructors.As the sun began to set that Wednesday evening, my training class, having committed some"egregious infraction of the rules" was ordered into the mud.14 / 17The mud consumed each man till there was nothing visible but our heads. The instructors toldus we could leave the mud if only five men would quit-just five men and we could get out of theoppressive cold.Looking around the mud flat it was apparent that some students were about to give up. It wasstill over eight hours till the sun came up-eight more hours of bone chilling cold. The chattering teeth and shivering moans of the trainees were so loud it was hard to hearanything and then, one voice began to echo through the night-one voice raised in song.The song was terribly out of tune, but sung with great enthusiasm.One voice became two and two became three and before long everyone in the class was singing.We knew that if one man could rise above the misery then others could as well.The instructors threatened us with more time in the mud if we kept up the singing-but thesinging persisted.And somehow-the mud seemed a little warmer, the wind a little tamer and the dawn not so faraway.If I have learned anything in my time traveling the world, 15 / 17it is the power of hope. The power ofone person-Washington, Lincoln, King, Mandela and even a young girl from Pakistan-Malala-oneperson can change the world by giving people hope.So, if you want to change the world, start singing when you're up to your neck in mud.Finally, in SEAL training there is a bell. A brass bell that hangs in the center of the compoundfor all the students to see. All you have to do to quit-is ring the bell. Ring the bell and you no longer have to wake up at 5o'clock. Ring the bell and you no longer have to do the freezing cold swims.Ring the bell and you no longer have to do the runs, the obstacle course, the PT-and you nolonger have to endure the hardships of training.Just ring the bell.If you want to change the world don't ever, ever ring the bell.To the graduating class of 2019, you are moments away from graduating. Moments away frombeginning your journey through life. Moments away starting to change the world-for the better. It will not be easy.16 / 17But, YOU are the class of 2019-the class that can affect the lives of 800 million people in thenext century.Start each day with a task completed.Find someone to help you through life.Respect everyone.Know that life is not fair and that you will fail often, but if take you take some risks, step upwhen the times are toughest, face down the bullies, lift up the downtrodden and never, evergive up-if you do these things, then next generation and the generations that follow will live ina world far better than the one we have today and-what started here will indeed have changedthe world-for the better.Thank you very much. Hook 'em horns.17 / 17。