历任美国总统就职演说的点睛之笔

美国总统杜鲁门的就职演讲稿美国总统杜鲁门的就职演讲稿我满怀谦恭接受美国人民赋予我的荣誉时，同时也深深地下定决心，要为我国人民的幸福与世界的和平鞠躬尽瘁。

美国人民坚守自建国以来就一直激励着这个国家的信念。

我们相信，在法律面前人人平等，在分享同等福利时则拥有均等的机会。

我们认为，人人都享有思想和言论自由的权力。

我们相信人人生而平等，因为他们都是上帝按照自己的形象所创造。

凭此信条,我们坚定不移。

美国人民盼望一切国家和一切人民都按照自己的意愿自由地进行自治，自由的获得一种体面而愉快的生活，并且决心为建设这样一个世界而努力。

美国人民尤其期望并决心致力于基于平等自愿公正和持久的和平。

在追求这些目标的过程中，美国和其他志同道合的国家发现，他们直接遭到另外一种与我们正好相反，其生活观念也截然不同的社会制度的抵触。

这种社会制度信奉一种谎称能给人类带来自由、安全和更多机会的荒谬哲学。

许多民族在这种哲学的引导下，已经牺牲了他们的自由，结果不过是悲观的发现,得到的仍是欺骗和愚弄，仍是贫困和暴政。

而民主则奠基于这样一种信念之上——人类不仅拥有不可剥夺的权利，借助道德和智力，来借助理性和正义进行自治。

而民主制度则坚持认为，政府乃是为了个人的裨益而建立的，它有责任保护人的各种权力和发挥自己的各项才能的自由。

共产主义和民主制度之间存在的这些分歧，决不仅仅与美国一个国家有关。

世界各地的人民都在逐渐认识到，这一切所涉及的问题，乃在于物质生活的丰厚、人类尊严和信仰与崇拜上帝的权力。

自敌对局面结束以来，美国业已投入物资与精力，为在全世界恢复和平、稳定和自由而开展伟大的建设性工作.我们既未取人寸土，也没有把自己的意愿强加于人；我们既没有索取任何特权，也不会赋予任何人这种特权。

我们已尽了一切努力达成协议，对我们拥有的威力无比的武器实行了有效的国际控制；我们亦已为限制和控制所有军备开展了不断的工作。

我们正和其他国家一起前进，以建设一座更加坚固的国际秩序和正义的大厦。

美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。

我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。

我们所处的时刻是艰难的。

我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。

然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。

这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。

我们必须首先解决经济问题。

我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。

我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。

此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。

我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。

我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。

我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。

在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。

我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。

我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。

最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。

我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。

我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。

国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。

让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。

肯尼迪就职演讲内容分析肯尼迪在1942年曾是⼀名海军中尉，在1946年-1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，43岁的年纪为美国截⼀2016年第⼀年轻的当选总统。

也是美国历史上迄今唯⼀信奉罗⼀天主教的总统和唯⼀获得普利策奖的总统。

以下内容是⼀编为您精⼀整理的肯尼迪就职演说分析，欢迎参考！肯尼迪就职演说分析美国总统肯尼迪的就职演说辞沿袭古希腊，罗⼀的修辞及⼀⼀精⼀选⼀语⼀句式，注意⼀韵效果，字字句句经过刻意雕琢。

⼀、Alliteration Alliteration是⼀种常⼀的反复类⼀韵修辞格,恰当使⼀Alliteration能赋予语⼀以⼀韵美和节奏美，起到演染⼀氛烘托感情加强语⼀表现⼀等效果, 如: Let the word go forth.....that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans."（para3）In order to assure the survival and the success of li berty … Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.(para17) …both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom(para13) ⼀、Understatement Understatement的修辞功能在肯尼迪这篇演说辞中"⼀先体现在它是⼀种政界辞令"整篇⼀章"没有直截了当地对国际形势进⼀分析"更没有⼀处提到⼀个国家的名字或具体事例"⼀切都隐晦委婉模糊不清"例如三、1.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. (我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们因为只有当我们毫⼀疑问地拥有⼀够的军事装备时我们才能真正有把握地确信永远不会使⼀武⼀)para12 ⼀场规模空前的军备竞赛的动因被说成了We dare not tempt them with weakness. Understatement的运⼀变主动为被动变张⼀舞⼀为委曲求全 2. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.para6 (团结,将使我们在许多合作事业中⼀往⼀不胜,分裂,我们将⼀事⼀成) 三、parallelism(平⼀结构) parallelism是将结构相同或相似，意义并重语⼀⼀致的语⼀成分、短语、句⼀乃⼀语段等并⼀排列的⼀种修辞⼀法，这种辞格可以使语⼀简洁明了，结构精致对称，声调铿锵有⼀、叙事⼀动逼真语意鲜明突出。

英语演讲稿：美国历届总统就职演说之尤利西斯·格兰特美国历届总统就职演说之---第十八任总统ulysses s. grant的就职演讲稿firstinaugural address of ulysses s. grantcitizens of the united states:your suffrages having elected me to the office of president of the united states尤利西斯·s.格兰特简介, i have, in conformity to the constitution of our country, taken the oath of office prescribed therein. i have taken this oath without mental reservation and with the determination to do to the best of my ability all that is required of me. the responsibilities of the position i feel, but accept them without fear. the office has come to me unsought; i commence its duties untrammeled. i bring to it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to the satisfaction of the people.on all leading questions agitating the public mind i will always express my views to congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when i think it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which i oppose; but all laws will be faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not.i shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforce against the will of the people. laws are to govern all alike—those opposed as well as those who favor them. i know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.the country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years which preceding administrations have never had to dealwith. in meeting these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly, without prejudice,hate尤利西斯·s.格兰特简介, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest good to the greatest number is the object to be attained.。

历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

杜鲁门就职演讲1949年1月20日，美国第33任总统哈里·S.杜鲁门在华盛顿特区的国会山庄进行宣誓就职仪式，随后发表了臭名昭著的就职演说。

这篇演讲被誉为美国历史上最重要的演说之一，不仅有极高的历史价值，而且在当时引起了广泛的争议和影响。

本文将分析杜鲁门在演讲中传达的主要观点及其影响。

在杜鲁门的就职演讲中，他首先强调了美国的自由和民主传统，称自己是传统的延续者。

他说：“这个国家自诞生之时，就一直有着独立、自由、和平与繁荣的愿景。

这些理想是我们的信仰和承诺，它们激励着我们团结起来，为了我们的家园而战，以确保这些理想能够永久存在。

”杜鲁门的这段讲话打动了听众，因为它体现了美国的核心价值观，并提醒着大家我们要继续发扬光大这些传统和优良的价值观。

其次，杜鲁门提到了“世界性的战略危机”。

在这个时候，全球正处于冷战的初始阶段，在美苏之间进行对抗，杜鲁门意识到这种对抗很可能会带来严重的后果。

他说：“我作为总统，我深深感到世界现在正处于一种危险、不稳定、不确定的状态。

我们面临着前所未有的危机，这场危机会深刻影响我们的生命、自由和繁荣。

”这段话也表明了杜鲁门面临的巨大压力和责任，他需要采取行动来确保美国的利益和安全。

接下来，杜鲁门提出了他的外交政策思路。

他的思路是基于三个主要原则：坚定的国防政策，保持与盟友的关系以及实行多边主义。

他说：“我们将继续推进我国的国防计划，以确保我们拥有足够的能力来抵抗任何威胁。

我们将坚持我们的国际义务，并维持我们与其他国家的友好关系。

我们将继续支持那些有志于捍卫自由和民主的国家，与其他国家共同推动全球和平与繁荣。

” 杜鲁门的外交政策思路非常清晰，这种思想后来被称为“杜鲁门主义”，是美国对外政策的基本方针。

对于杜鲁门主义，有批评者认为这种思想会导致美国对其他国家的干涉和掌控。

他们担心美国会把自己的利益置于其他国家的利益之上。

然而，历史证明了杜鲁门主义的价值。

在经历了二战和冷战之后，多边主义和国际关系普遍得到了承认。

美国前总统克林顿1993年就职演讲同胞们：今天，我们庆祝美国复兴的奇迹。

这个仪式虽在隆冬举行，然而，我们通过自己的言语和向世界展示的面容、却促使春回大地--回到了世界上这个最古老的民主国家，并带来了重新创造美国的远见和勇气。

当我国的缔造者勇敢地向世界宣布美国独立，并向上帝表明自己的目的时，他们知道，美国若要永存，就必须变革。

不是为变革而变革，而是为了维护美国的理想--为了生命、自由和追求幸福而变革。

尽管我们随着当今时代的节拍前进，但我们的使命永恒不变。

每一代美国人，部必须为作为一个美国人意味着什么下定义。

今天，在冷战阴影下成长起来的一代人，在世界上负起了新的责任。

这个世界虽然沐浴着自由的阳光，但仍受到旧仇宿怨和新的祸患的威胁。

我们在无与伦比的繁荣中长大，继承了仍然是世界上最强大的经济。

但由于企业倒闭，工资增长停滞、不平等状况加剧，人民的分歧加深，我们的经济已经削弱。

当乔治·华盛顿第一次宣读我刚才宜读的誓言时，人们骑马把那个信息缓慢地传遍大地，继而又来船把它传过海洋。

而现在，这个仪式的情景和声音即刻向全球几十亿人播放。

通信和商务具有全球性，投资具有流动性；技术几乎具有魔力；改善生活的理想现在具有普遍性。

今天，我们美国人通过同世界各地人民进行和平竞争来谋求生存。

各种深远而强大的力量正在震撼和改造我们的世界，当今时代的当务之急是我们能否使变革成为我们的朋友，而不是成为我们的敌人。

这个新世界已经使几百万能够参与竞争并且取胜的美国人过上了富裕的生活。

但是，当多数人干得越多反而挣得越少的时候，当有些人根本不可能工作的时候，当保健费用的重负使众多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企业濒临破产的时候，当犯罪活动的恐惧使守法公民不能自由行动的时候，当千百万贫穷儿童甚至不能想象我们呼唤他们过的那种生活的时候，我们就没有使变革成为我们的朋友。

我们知道，我们必须面对严酷的事实真相，并采取强有力的步骤。

但我们没有这样做，而是听之任之，以致损耗了我们的资源，破坏了我们的经济，动摇了我们的信心。

美国总统克林顿首任就职演说当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时，消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。

而今，这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿人广播。

以下是小编给大家整理的美国总统克林顿首任就职演说，希望能帮到你!美国总统克林顿首任就职Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals—life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead—we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopefulpeople. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift—a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come—the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.。

为什么罗斯福就职演说那么出名篇一：罗斯福总统就职演说FirstinauguraladdressofFranklind.RooseveltSaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamcertainthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePreside ncyiwilladdressthemwithacandorandadecisionwhichthepresentsituationof ournationimpels.Thisispreeminentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth ,franklyandboldly.norneedweshrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourco untrytoday.Thisgreatnationwillendureasithasendured,willreviveandwillpro sper.So,firstofall,letmeassertmyfirmbeliefthattheonlythingwehavetofearisf earitself--nameless,ueasoning,unjustifiedterrorwhichparalyzesneededeffor tstoconvertretreatintoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeadershi poffranknessandvigorhasmetwiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeople themselveswhichisessentialtovictory.iamconvincedthatyouwillagaingiveth atsupporttoleadershipinthesecriticaldays. insuchaspiritonmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.Theycon cern,thankGod,onlymaterialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentofantasticlevels;ta xeshaverisen;ourabilitytopayhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseri ouscurtailmentofincome;themeansofexchangearefrozeninthecurrentsoftra de;thewitheredleavesofindustrialenterpriselieoneveryside;farmersfindnomarketsfortheirproduce;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffamiliesarego ne.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumbertoilwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcande nythedarkrealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta generoususeofitlanguishesintheverysightofthesupply.Primarilythisisbecau setherulersoftheexchangeofmankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubbornnessandtheirow nincompetence,haveadmittedtheirfailure,andabdicated.Practicesoftheunsc rupulousmoneychangersstandindictedinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejectedb ytheheartsandmindsofmen.Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureofcredittheyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmoremon ey.Strippedofthelureofprofitbywhichtoinduceourpeopletofollowtheirfalsel eadership,theyhaveresortedtoexhortations,pleadingtearfullyforrestoredcon fidence.Theyknowonlytherulesofagenerationofself-seekers.Theyhavenovi sion,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeopleperish. Themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilization.wemaynowrestorethattempletotheancienttruths.Themeasureoftherestorationli esintheextenttowhichweapplysocialvaluesmorenoblethanmeremonetarypr ofit.Happinessliesnotinthemerepossessionofmoney;itliesinthejoyofachieveme nt,inthethrillofcreativeeffort.Thejoyandmoralstimulationofworknolonger mustbeforgotteninthemadchaseofevanescentprofits.Thesedarkdayswillbe worthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministeredunt obuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen. Recognitionofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandi nhandwiththeabandonmentofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpolitica lpositionaretobevaluedonlybythestandardsofprideofplaceandpersonalprofi t;andtheremustbeanendtoaconductinbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenh asgiventoasacredtrustthelikenessofcallousandselfishwrongdoing.Smallwo nderthatconfidencelanguishes,foritthrivesonlyonhonesty,onhonor,onthesa crednessofobligations,onfaithfulprotection,onunselfishperformance;witho utthemitcannotlive.Restorationcalls,however,notforchangesinethicsalone.Thisnationasksforac tion,andactionnow. ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeaccomplishedinpartbydirectrecruit ingbytheGovernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyofawar,butatthesametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlynee dedprojectstostimulateandreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources. Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationi nourindustrialcentersand,byengagingonanationalscaleinaredistribution,en deavorto provideabetteruseofthelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskcanbehelp edbydefiniteeffortstoraisethevaluesofagriculturalproductsandwiththisthep owertopurchasetheoutputofourcities.itcanbehelpedbypreventingrealisticall ythetragedyofthegrowinglossthroughforeclosureofoursmallhomesandourf arms.itcanbehelpedbyinsistencethattheFederal,State,andlocalgovernments actforthwithonthedemandthattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcanbehelped bytheunifyingofreliefactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,uneconomical ,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforand supervisionofallformsoftransportationandofcommunicationsandotherutilit ieswhichhaveadefinitelypubliccharacter.Therearemanywaysinwhichitcanb ehelped,butitcanneverbehelpedmerelybytalkingaboutit.wemustactandactq uickly.Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofworkwerequiretwosafeguardsa gainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;theremustbeastrictsupervisionofallba nkingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtospeculationwithother people'smoney,andtheremustbeprovisionforanadequatebutsoundcurr ency.Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyurgeuponanewcongressinspecial sessiondetailedmeasuresfortheirfulfillment,andishallseektheimmediateassi stanceoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweaddressourselvestoputtingourownnational houseinorderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelation s,thoughvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandnecessitysecondarytotheesta blishmentofasoundnationaleconomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoff irstthingsfirst.ishallsparenoefforttorestoreworldtradebyinternationalecono micreadjustment,buttheemergencyathomecannotwaitonthataccomplishme nt. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itistheinsistence,asafirstconsideration,upontheinterdepe ndenceofthevariouselementsinallpartsoftheUnitedStates--arecognitionofth eoldandpermanentlyimportantmanifestationoftheamericanspiritofthepione er.itisthewaytorecovery.itistheimmediateway.itisthestrongestassurancethat therecoverywillendure. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwoulddedicatethisnationtothepolicyofthegood neighbor--theneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso, respectstherightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespe ctsthesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors.ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealizedbeforeourinterdependenceoneachother;thatwecannotmerelytakebutwemu stgiveaswell;thatifwearetogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarm ywillingtosacrificeforthegoodofacommondiscipline,becausewithoutsuchdisciplineno progressismade,noleadershipbecomeseffective.weare,iknow,readyandwilli ngtosubmitourlivesandpropertytosuchdiscipline,becauseitmakespossibleal eadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgingthatthelar gerpurposeswillbinduponusallasasacredobligationwithaunityofdutyhithert oevokedonlyintimeofarmedstrife.withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleadershipofthisgreatarmyo fourpeoplededicatedtoadisciplinedattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourconstitutionissosimpleandpracticalt hatitispossiblealwaystomeetextraordinaryneedsbychangesinemphasisanda rrangementwithoutlossofessentialform.Thatiswhyourconstitutionalsystem hasproveditselfthemostsuperblyenduringpoliticalmechanismthemodernwo rldhasproduced.ithasmeteverystressofvastexpansionofterritory,offoreignw ars,ofbitterinternalstrife,ofworldrelations. itistobehopedthatthenormalbalanceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymay bewhollyadequatetomeettheunprecedentedtaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatan unprecedenteddemandandneedforundelayedactionmaycallfortemporaryde parturefromthatnormalbalanceofpublicprocedure.iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutytorecommendthemeasuresthatastri ckennationinthemidstofastrickenworldmayrequire.Thesemeasures,orsuch othermeasuresasthecongressmaybuildoutofitsexperienceandwisdom,ishall seek,withinmyconstitutionalauthority,tobringtospeedyadoption. Butintheeventthatthecongressshallfailtotakeoneofthesetwocourses,andinth eeventthatthenationalemergencyisstillcritical,ishallnotevadetheclearcourse ofdutythatwillthenconfrontme.ishallaskthecongressfortheoneremainingins trumenttomeetthecrisis--broadExecutivepowertowageawaragainsttheemer gency,asgreatasthepowerthatwouldbegiventomeifwewereinfactinvadedby aforeignfoe. Forthetrustreposedinmeiwillreturnthecourageandthedevotionthatbefittheti me.icandonoless. wefacethearduousdaysthatliebeforeusinthewarmcourageofthenationalunit y;withtheclearconsciousnessofseekingoldandpreciousmoralvalues;withthe clean satisfactionthatcomesfromthestemperformanceofdutybyoldandyoungalike .weaimattheassuranceofaroundedandpermanentnationallife. wedonotdistrustthefutureofessentialdemocracy.ThepeopleoftheUnitedStat eshavenotfailed.intheirneedtheyhaveregisteredamandatethattheywantdirec t,vigorousaction.Theyhaveaskedfordisciplineanddirectionunderleadership. Theyhavemademethepresentinstrumentoftheirwishes.inthespiritofthegiftit akeit.inthisdedicationofanationwehumblyasktheblessingofGod.mayHeprotectea chandeveryoneofus.mayHeguidemeinthedaystocome.译文：富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。

一、引言美国总统就职演说是具有代表性的一种政治演说，它由总统在就职时向国内外公开发表、宣布自己的施政纲领，说服公众接受并支持自己的观点。

美国总统就职演说作为一种独特而重要的文体，是一个研究热点。

这其中学者们研究关注的焦点之一就是肯尼迪的就职演说。

第35 任美国总统约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪的就职演说与富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的第一次就职演说被并称为20 世纪最令人难忘的两次美国总统就职演说，共计1355 个单词的演说成为激励型语言和呼吁公民义务的典范之作。

在他的就职演说后，约有四分之三的美国民众认可了新总统。

该演说何以具有如此的说服力？本文拟从象似角度作出解读。

二、象似性原则与肯尼迪演说语言的象似性是指语言的能指和所指之间，亦即语言的形式和内容之间有一种必然的联系，两者之间的关系是可以论证的，是有理可据的。

（沈家煊，1993；赵艳芳，2001：155-162）象似性在语言教学、英汉对比、语用分析、文体分析中应用广泛。

支配语言的象似性用法的法则称之为象似性原则。

象似性原则频频现身于各类语篇中，使语篇呈现出不同的文体特征。

从象似性的角度对就职演说加以研究能揭示其文体效果产生的深层原因，并且对于欣赏和学习演讲技巧具有一定的指导意义。

为了论述方便，笔者将从距离象似性、数量象似性、对称象似性、顺序象似性、标记象似性等几个方面对肯尼迪的就职演说加以分析。

（一）距离象似性海曼（Haiman，1983：872）提出，语言表达式之间的距离对应它们所表示概念之间的距离。

雷考夫和约翰逊（Lakoff and Johnson，1980：126-133）从隐喻的角度讨论了距离象似性问题。

他们提出，语言成分的毗邻程度体现了概念之间互相影响的程度。

请看下面的例子：And so，my fellowAmericans ask not what your country cando for you；ask what you can do for your country．My fellow citizens of the world，ask notwhatAmericawill do foryou，but what togetherwe can do for the freedom of man．一般说来，我们常用的是“do not ask what．．．”的句式。