1801年美国总统托马斯·杰斐逊第一次就职演说

布仕就职演讲稿中文版全文尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们：这次权益的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。

我们以朴素的宣誓庄重地爱护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。

第一，我要感谢克林顿总统为那个国家作出的奉献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。

站在那个地点，我专门荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。

在我之前，许多美国领导人从那个地点起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从那个地点连续前进。

在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在连续推动着历史前进，然而我们不可能看到它的尽头。

这是一部新世界的进展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。

这是一部美国由奴隶制社会进展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。

这是一个强国爱护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是战胜世界的历史。

这确实是美国史。

它不是一部十全十美的民族进展史，但它是一部在伟大与永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。

这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这确实是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。

美国人民肩负着一种使命，那确实是要尽力将那个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。

尽管我们的国家过去在追求实现那个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚决不移地完成这一使命。

在上个世纪的大部分时刻里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。

现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。

在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的期望。

民主，我们可不能独占，而会尽力让大伙儿分享。

民主，我们将铭记于心同时不断传播。

225年过去了，我们仍有专门长的路要走。

有专门多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公平。

失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。

有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，看起来我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。

我们不能同意这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。

第一次就职演说1981年1月20日对于今天在场的少数几个人来说，这乃是一个庄严而又至为重大的时刻；但在我国历史上，这又不过是一件司空见惯的事情。

在我国，按照宪法要求进行的有序的权力交接，总是一成不变地如期举行，迄今已近两个世纪，但我们当中很少有人去认真想一想，我们确实有多么独一无二。

我们视若寻常的这种四年一度的典礼，在世界上很多人心目中却不含是一个奇迹。

总统先生，我想让我国同胞们知道，你为保持这一传统作出了何等巨大的努力。

你在权力移交的过程中进行通情达理的合作，这就向正在注视着我们的世界表明：我们的人民团结一致，决心维护我们自己的政治制度，因为在这种制度下，对个人自由的保障程度是任何其他制度所无法比拟的。

我感谢你和你的下属为保持这种延续性所给予的帮助，这种延续性可以说是我们共和政体的支柱。

我们国家的事业一直在向前发展。

但现在我们的合众国正面临着巨大的经济困难。

目前这次通货膨胀在我国历史上乃是历时最长、持续最久的一次，我们都深以为苦。

它严重干扰我们的经济决策，使节俭储蓄者反受其累，把那些为谋生而挣扎的年轻人和靠固定收入为生的年长者一齐推向困境。

它使我国干百万人的生计陷入毁灭的威胁之中。

停产的企业把工人抛入失业状态，生活极为不幸，个人也失去尊严。

即使那些有工可做的人，其劳动也因税收制度的不合理而得不到公平的报酬，这种税收制度使那些在事业上有所作为的人吃尽苦头，因而使我们无法维持充足的生产。

我们的税收负担虽然非常沉重，但仍与公共开支相脱节。

数十年来，我们的赤字在滚雪球似地不断增大，为了目前一时的便利，不惜拿我们的未来及我们后代的未来作了抵押。

这种趋势如果长期持续下去，必定会导致社会、文化、政治和经济各个方面的大动荡。

你我作为个人，在入不敷出时可以通过借贷来维持生计，不过只能维持一段有限的时间。

可是，我们怎么能够认为，作为一个国家，我们就不应受到同样的限制呢？我们必须在今天就采取行动，以保住我们的明天。

First Inaugural AddressMarch 4, 1801FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye -- when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists. If there be anyamong us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter -- with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens -- a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people -- a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absoluteacquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me. With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it. Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs. I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts. The approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make. And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.【中文译文】：同心同德地团结起来托马斯-杰斐逊第一次就职演讲华盛顿,星期三,1801年3月4日朋友们、同胞们：我应召担任国家的最高行政长官，值此诸位同胞集会之时，我衷心感谢大家寄予我的厚爱，诚挚地说，我意识到这项任务非我能力所及，其责任之重大，本人能力之浅簿，自然使我就任时忧惧交加。

第一次就职演说1809年3月4日我蒙国家的召唤，依据最庄严的批准，即将宣誓就职而担负重任；当此之际，我谨遵循令人崇敬的先辈所树立的范例，借这一机会倾吐我内心由此产生的深切感受。

我国自由和公正的人民在这次审慎而平静的选举中，对本人表示了鲜明而强烈的信赖。

这不仅使我对将要承担的重托满怀敬畏，而且在任何情况下也都能激起我的感激之情和奉献之心。

目前这个时期形势错综复杂，使局面变得尤为严峻，这使我不禁感到，赋予我的荣誉和责任都更加重大，其加重的程度实在难以用语言加以形容。

当前的世界形势乃是极为罕见的，而我们国内的局面则又困难重重。

①它们所产生的压力在国家空前繁荣之际降临于我们，故使人感到尤为严重；这种变动所导致的反差也更为引人注目。

在我们的各项共和制度的有益作用下，加之我们在许多国家耽溺于血腥而劳民伤财的战争时仍与各国保持和平，我们因而得享正当政策的成果，我国财富与实力一度获得了无可比拟的增长。

举凡农业的改进、商业的成功、制造业和实用工艺的进步、国库收入的增加和利用这些收入所带来的公债下降，以及有价值的工程设施如雨后春笋般出现在全国各地，便是明证。

①其时英、法等国之间的战争仍在进行，交战各方都在海上对美国商船进行拦截，强行扣押美国船员。

美国为进行反击，在第三任总统托马斯·杰斐逊当政时期开始实行对欧洲的禁运措施，但结果却未对英、法等国发生多大影响，反而使美国国内工商业受到沉重打击，形势于是变得十分严峻。

依我之见，这种繁荣景象向一段时间以来令人沮丧的局面的转变，不能归咎于任何不可靠的观点，也非政府决策中不由自主犯下的过失所导致。

这一见解乃是十分难得的。

美国无意侵犯其他各国的权利或安宁，奉行正义以促进和平，绝对不偏不倚以格尽中立国的责任，从而赢得交战国的尊重，这乃是美国的真正荣耀所在。

只要世界上尚有公正可言，这些主张的真实可信便不容置疑，至少后世对此会有公断。

我们虽然奉行这种无懈可击的方针，可是未能制止好战国家的不当之举和暴力行为。

第1篇一、案件背景美国马歇尔法律案件是指19世纪末至20世纪初，美国联邦最高法院首席大法官约翰·马歇尔（John Marshall）在一系列重要案件中，通过法律解释和判决，对美国宪法和法律的适用产生了深远影响。

本文将以其中几个具有代表性的案件为例，分析马歇尔的法律思想和判决对后世的影响。

二、案件分析1. 马歇尔诉麦迪逊案（Marbury v. Madison, 1803）该案件是美国宪法史上一个里程碑事件，标志着美国司法审查制度的诞生。

案件背景是1801年，托马斯·杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson）当选总统后，其政治对手约翰·亚当斯（John Adams）任命了威廉·马伯里（William Marbury）为美国国务卿助理。

然而，亚当斯在任期结束前未能将任命状交给马伯里。

马伯里向最高法院提起诉讼，要求法院强制国务卿约翰·马歇尔（John Marshall）履行任命。

在审理此案时，马歇尔大法官提出了“马歇尔规则”，即如果国会授予法院某一特定权力，而该权力又未在宪法中明确规定，那么法院有权宣布该权力无效。

这一判决为美国司法审查制度奠定了基础。

马歇尔大法官在判决中明确指出：“如果一个案件涉及宪法解释，那么法院有责任和义务作出解释，无论其是否有利于原告或被告。

”这一判决对后世美国宪法解释和司法审查产生了深远影响。

2. 詹姆斯诉梅里克案（James v. Virginia, 1879）该案件涉及美国宪法第十四修正案中“正当法律程序”条款的适用。

案件背景是1869年，弗吉尼亚州通过了一项法律，禁止在州内设立和经营任何形式的赌博场所。

詹姆斯·梅里克（James Mercer）是一位赌场老板，他因违反该法律而被起诉。

梅里克认为，该法律违反了宪法第十四修正案中的“正当法律程序”条款。

马歇尔大法官在判决中指出，即使是一项合法的州法律，如果它侵犯了公民的基本权利，那么该法律也将被视为违反宪法。

第一次就职演说1897年3月4日同胞们：我遵从人民的意愿，当着大家的面，依据这份誓言授予我的权力，承担起合众国总统的重任。

我将依靠同胞们的支持，并祈求上帝的指引。

我们的信念使我们懂得，唯有我们的先辈们信奉的上帝最值得信赖，在我们祖国每一次面临考验时，上帝对美国人民总是特别偏爱。

只要我们谨守上帝的戒律，谦卑地踏着上帝的足迹前进，上帝是不会撇下我们不管的。

我应召承担的这一崇高职位所负有的责任，向来极其重要。

当前工商业的状况，自觉劳动的松懈，有用企业的亏损，①更加重了这种责任的分量。

国家正因为产业失调而受损，必须迅速予以解救。

为此，我们的财政制度必须有所调整；货币仍然坚挺，但币值决不容再受威胁，而必须被置于一个稳定的基础之上，使之不再轻易遭受打击，它的稳定性也不容怀疑或争论；货币必须继续置于政府的监督之下。

①在我看来，尽管我国有几种纸币经常使政府陷入尴尬之中，但却为财政提供了安全的王衡。

因此，我相信有必要设计一种制度，既无需减少流通环节，也不鼓励通货紧缩，便可以为那些在繁荣年代由更明智的办法所取代的临时性措施提供补贴办法。

只有而且必须在有足够的岁入作为保障之时，我们才能在既确保我国的货币安全和流通量的同时，又按照我们的意愿实现我国财政法的变革，这样政府无需维持如此庞大的黄金储备，也可消除由此而来并不可避免的投机诱惑。

我国财政法大都吸取了经验教训，经受过考验，所以不经调查或证明拟议中的变革确有明智之处，就不可轻举妄动。

我们必须做到“保证万无一失”，又“稍安勿躁”。

国会若能明智地考虑设立一个委员会，优先考虑修改币制、银行法和货币法，并因其重要性而给予切实、细致而公正的审查，我自会给予热情支持。

倘若这一权力被授予总统，我将任命一个由各党派杰出的闻达之士组成的委员会，这些人将因其才干和对工作的胜任而赢得公众的信任。

如此一来，工商业经验和公职训练便可以结合起来，对国家友好的人士的爱国热情就会得到恰当引导，从而使该委员会的报告得到各方的支持，而财政问题将不再是党派相争的主题。

Inaugural Address of Harry S. TrumanTHURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I acceptwith humility the honor which the American people have conferred uponme. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for thewelfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers ofevery one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. Thetasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we worktogether.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Todaymarks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a periodthat will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about,a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The firsthalf of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutalattacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars inhistory. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to livetogether in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty,composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time ofdoubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will,strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim tothe world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, andto declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired thisNation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right toequal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the commongood. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought andexpression. We believe that all men are created equal because they arecreated in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a worldin which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves asthey see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life. Above allelse, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace onearth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freelyarrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations findthemselves directly opposed by a regime withcontrary aims and a totally different concept of life.That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offerfreedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by thisphilosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learnto their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are theirreward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequatethat he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule ofstrong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral andintellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to governhimself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause,punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shallproduce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit ofthe individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protectingthe rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of hisabilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern theUnited States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that whatis involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right tobelieve in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, butbecause the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are athreat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery andlasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested itssubstance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restorepeace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. Wehave asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations andrelated agencies as a means of applying democratic principles tointernational relations. We have consistently advocated and relied uponpeaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effectiveinternational control of our most powerful weapon, and we have workedsteadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, welaunched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. Thepurpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthendemocracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent canresume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and cancontribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten backdespair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losingtheir liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world nowagree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even strongerstructure of international order and justice. We shall have as ourpartners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problemof national survival, are now working to improve the standards ofliving of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects tostrengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the UnitedNations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for waysto strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. Webelieve that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nationswhich are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-governmentunder democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behindthe European recoveryprogram. We are confident of the success of thismajor venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in thiseffort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers toworld trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peaceitself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreementdesigned to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such anagreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangementwithin the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakableproof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armedattack from any quarter. Each country participating in thesearrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armedattack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelmingforce, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to freenations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace andsecurity.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefitsof our scientific advances and industrial progress available for theimprovement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditionsapproaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims ofdisease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their povertyis a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development ofindustrial and scientific techniques. The material resources which wecan afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. Butour imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantlygrowing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store oftechnical knowledge in order to help themrealize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation withother nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, throughtheir own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materialsfor housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources inthis undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. Thisshould be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work togetherthrough the United Nations and its specialized agencies whereverpracticable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement ofpeace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standardsof living.Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled tobenefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in theinterest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into thesedevelopments.The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place inour plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on theconcepts of democratic fair-dealing.All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from aconstructive program for the better use of the world's human andnatural resources. Experience shows that our commerce with othercountries expands as they progress industrially and economically.Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key togreater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modernscientific and technical knowledge.Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselvescan the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is theright of all people.Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoplesof the world into triumphant action, not only against their humanoppressors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery,and despair.On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to helpcreate the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom andhappiness for all mankind.If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it isclear that we must havecontinued prosperity in this country and wemust keep ourselves strong.Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity.We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and morenations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate ingrowing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose uswill abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of theworld in a just settlement of international differences.Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and newresponsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, andour concept of liberty.But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and ourfirmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will beassured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.【中文译文】：四项主要的行动方针哈里-杜鲁门就职演讲星期四,1949年1月20日我国历史上的各个时期都面临过特殊的挑战。

美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国是世界上最强大的国家之一，每当一个新总统上任时，他都需要在国会大厦的就职典礼上发表演讲，宣誓就职并介绍他的政治愿景。

这些就职演讲稿是美国历史上一些最重要的政治讲话之一，它们描绘了该国的未来方向，同时向全世界展示该国的价值和道德标准。

现在，让我们回顾一下一些重要而难忘的美国历届总统就职演讲稿。

华盛顿的就职演讲(1789)乔治·华盛顿成为美国第一任总统时，他在1789年4月30日在联邦大厦前宣誓就职。

在他的演讲中，华盛顿强调了联邦政府的重要性，并试图消除各个州之间的分歧，奠定了美国政府的基础。

林肯第二次就职演讲(1865)林肯第二次就职演讲是美国历史上最有名的就职演讲之一。

在恢复国家的艰难时期，林肯在典礼上提出了“和平、团结、正义”的口号，他的讲话也被认为是对奴隶制度废除的胜利在道义上的肯定。

罗斯福第一次就职演讲(1933)富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺通过“新政”政策扭转大萧条的局面。

他提出了“唯有恐惧本身才是我们所应害怕的”这一名言，鼓舞了美国人的信心，促进了国家的复苏。

肯尼迪就职演讲(1961)约翰·肯尼迪的就职演讲被誉为美国历史上最具启发性和激情澎湃的演讲之一。

他在演讲中提出了“不要问国家为你们能做些什么，而要问你们可以为国家做些什么”的名言，这真正地激励了所有的美国人为自己的国家做出贡献。

尼克松第一次就职演讲(1969)理查德·尼克松在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺结束越南战争，并带领美国人民消除一切分裂。

他表示，他的首要任务是在极其分裂的美国社会中建立和谐。

这一演讲推动了美国的社会改革，缩小了美国社会的分裂。

奥巴马第一次就职演讲(2009)巴拉克·奥巴马成为第一个非白人美国总统，并在他的第一次就职典礼典礼上表达了自己对2008年大选的胜利兴奋以及对美国人民的期望。

他的演讲中，奥巴马渲染了美国困境，特别是经济上的困境，并谈到了一个更加团结的美国。

麦迪逊总统首任就职演说[1809年3月4日]我不愿背离最受人尊敬的前任总统所树立的典范，我要利用这个机会表达我接受国家召唤，即将在庄严神圣的仪式下宣誓就职、担负重任之时我内心的深刻感受。

经过一个自由、公正的国家的审慎选举所表达的人民对我的信任，在任何情况下都能足以使我产生无限的感激之情与奉献之心，同时我心中也充满了人民对我的信赖。

在此时此刻特别隆重庄严的情景下，我深深感到加诸于我身上的荣誉与责任，正在无形地增长。

目前的世界形势的确比较特殊，我们国家的情况更是困难重重。

这些压力非常大，因为它是在国家的繁荣达到前所未有的高峰时来临的；这种变化与从前的对比更显强烈。

在我们的共和体制影响下，当世界各国致力于血腥毁灭的战争时，而我国却能与各国维持和平状态，我们的力量和资源在没有竞争的情况下不断发展，公正的政策结出了硕果。

这可以从农业改良、企业成功、产品及实用技术的进步、财政收入的增加并用增加的财政收入减少公共债务，以及各种有价值的工程设施在祖国大地处处兴建的情祝中得到证实。

如果认为我们国家从繁荣状态走到目前令人沮丧的情景，[1]只是政府政策上的失误，那是不正确的。

而且我相信，这也决非政府的本意。

坚决反对任何侵犯他国权利或扰乱其安宁的行为，坚持正义、维持和平，在战争时期以最谨慎、最公正无私的态度贯彻中立政策，而得到各国的尊重，这才是美国的真正荣耀。

如果世界还有公正可言，这些论断的真实性将不会受到怀疑，至少子孙后世对此会给予公正的评价。

但这种无可挑剔的行为，并不能有效地制止交战国的残暴行为。

它们相互疯狂敌视，或受直接动机的驱使，它们所持的报复的原则，已完全违背了一般理性与公认的法律。

尽管美国并没有给这些报复原则以任何口实，尽管美国以公正自由去废止这些逻辑，但我们仍然无法预料它们这些专横的法令还将持续多久。

[2]我相信，在任何变化下，国家的坚定精神和团结一致的国会将会保护国家荣誉及其根本利益。

因此，我是怀着并不适合担当如此重任的心情，接受这个职务的。

第1篇一、案件背景1951年，美国堪萨斯州托皮卡教育委员会规定，公立学校中种族隔离是合法的，黑人和白人学生应分别就读于不同的学校。

这种种族隔离政策在当时得到了许多州和联邦法院的支持。

然而，这种政策却引发了黑人民权运动的支持者们的强烈抗议。

二、案件经过1951年，一名名叫刘易斯·布朗（Louis Brown）的黑人学生因种族隔离政策无法进入当地的白人学校就读。

他的父亲为布朗诉托皮卡教育委员会案提起了诉讼，要求废除这种种族隔离政策。

案件经过了一系列审理，最终在1954年，美国最高法院审理了此案。

在审理过程中，法庭听取了双方当事人的陈述，并审查了相关证据。

三、判决结果1954年5月17日，美国最高法院以9比0的压倒性多数作出判决，宣布托皮卡教育委员会的种族隔离政策违反了第十四修正案的平等保护条款，即“各州不得制定或实施任何剥夺公民权利的法律”。

这一判决成为美国历史上著名的“布朗诉托皮卡教育委员会案”。

四、判决意义布朗诉托皮卡教育委员会案具有以下重要意义：1. 确立了美国法律至上的原则。

该案明确指出，联邦法院有权审查州法院的判决，并对州政府的政策进行司法审查。

2. 废除了种族隔离政策。

这一判决使得美国公立学校中的种族隔离政策被废除，为黑人和白人学生提供了平等的受教育机会。

3. 促进了民权运动的发展。

布朗诉托皮卡教育委员会案成为了民权运动的重要里程碑，激励了广大黑人争取平等权利的斗争。

4. 为后续法律改革奠定了基础。

该案判决为美国后续的法律改革提供了先例，如1964年的《民权法》和1965年的《投票权法》等。

五、案例分析1. 法律至上原则的体现。

在布朗诉托皮卡教育委员会案中，美国最高法院通过司法审查，推翻了州法院的判决，体现了美国法律至上的原则。

2. 平等保护条款的运用。

该案判决基于第十四修正案的平等保护条款，强调各州政府不得制定或实施剥夺公民权利的法律。

3. 民权运动的影响。

布朗诉托皮卡教育委员会案对民权运动产生了深远影响，为黑人争取平等权利提供了法律依据。

美国历任总统就职演说名句（一）*我对我祖国的召唤，永远只能敬奉如仪。

I was summoned by my country ,whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love.——乔治·华盛顿首任就职演说(1789.4.30)*同胞们：我再度奉人民之召执行总统职务.只要适当时机一到,我将会尽力表现出我心中对这份殊荣及美利坚人民对我的信任所怀有的崇高的感受。

宪法规定总统在执行公务之前,需先行宣誓就职。

现在我在你们面前宣誓:在我执掌政府期间，若企图故意触犯法律,除承受宪法惩罚外,还接受在现在这个庄严的仪式中所有见证人的严厉谴责。

Fellow Citizens:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.——乔治·华盛顿连任就职演说(1789.4.30)*像我们这样的政府,不论存在多久，都是全人类知识与道德普遍传播的证明。

thomas jefferson first inaugural address first inaugural address march 4, 1801 friends and fellow-citizens, called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country,i avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is hereassembled toresources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties.to you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation,and to thoseassociated with you, i look with encouragement for that guidance and support whichmay enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidstthe conflicting elements of a troubled world. government, the worlds best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserveitself? i trust not. i believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government onearth. i believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would flyto the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his ownpersonal concern. sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the governmentof himself. can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? or have we found angels in the forms of kings to governhim? let history answer this question. let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own federal and republicanprinciples, our attachment to union and representative government. kindly separatedby nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe;too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country,with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation;entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to theacquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens,resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightenedby a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all ofthem inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;acknowledging and adoring an overruling providence, which by all its dispensationsproves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happinesshereafter -- with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy anda prosperous people? still one thing more, fellow-citizens -- a wise and frugalgovernment, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave themotherwise free toregulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take fromthe mouth of labor the bread it has earned. this is the sum of good government, andthis is necessary to close the circle of our felicities. protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected. theseprinciples form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our stepsthrough an age of revolution and reformation. the wisdom of our sages and blood ofour heroes have been devoted to their attainment. they should be the creed of ourpolitical faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try theservices of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error orof alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leadsto peace, liberty, and safety.同心同德地团结起来托马斯-杰斐逊第一次就职演讲华盛顿,星期三,1801年3月4日朋友们、同胞们：我应召担任国家的最高行政长官，值此诸位同胞集会之时，我衷心感谢大家寄予我的厚爱，诚挚地说，我意识到这项任务非我能力所及，其责任之重大，本人能力之浅簿，自然使我就任时忧惧交加。

第一次就职演说1869年3月4日美国公民们：我经你们投票当选为合众国总统，业已依照我国宪法的规定宣誓就职。

我宣誓时思想上毫无保留，并且决心全力以赴地格尽职守。

我深感这一职位责任繁重，但仍然无所畏惧地加以承担。

这一职务对我乃是不谋而得，①因而我履行职责时也就不会心有顾虑和畏首畏尾。

我既身居此职，必将以自觉的意愿和决心，竭尽所能以使人民满意。

①格兰特本人并未在1868年大选中谋求成为总统候选人，他只是接受了共和党人的提名。

对那些使公众心理激荡不安的所有重大问题，我会经常向国会陈述我的意见，并根据我的判断推动它们的解决。

在我觉得适宜时，我会运用宪法赋予我的特权，行使否决以挫败我所反对的措施。

①但所有法律不论是否得到我的同意，都将会得到忠实执行。

①参见本书第104页注释①。

我对所有问题都会提出某种政策，但决不会执行任何违背民意的政策。

法律的约束及于所有人，无分赞成者还是反对者。

据我所知，要废除那些糟糕透顶或令人憎恨的法律，最有效的办法莫过于对它们加以严格执行。

我们的国家刚刚经历了一场大动乱②，在今后四年里，会有许多问题需要加以解决，这是以往历届政府从未经历过的。

面对这些问题，我们最好处事冷静，抛弃偏见、仇恨和地域优越感；我们要时刻牢记，我们的目标是为绝大多数人谋求最大利益。

②③指内战。

详见本书第182页注释④。

这就要求在我国任何地方，都必须保障人身和财产安全，保障宗教自由和政治言论自由，不要带有地方偏见。

所有旨在实现这些目标的法律，我都将尽全力去执行。

为了我们及我们的子孙后代能确保联邦制度，③国家背上了一笔庞大的债务。

④我们必须做出妥善安排，尽快偿还这笔债务的本金和利息，以及尽快恢复硬币制，⑤不能让债务人和整个国家遭受任何物质损失。

为了维护国家的荣誉，所有政府公债必须用黄金来支付，除非债务契约中另有明确规定。

我们应当懂得，拒绝偿付公债，哪怕只有一分一厘，也势必会失去人民的信任。

我们还要进一步加强信用制度，使之独步天下，这样就会使我们最终能够用低于我们现在所付利息的债券来取代债务。

美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）内容简介美国总统的就职演讲是美国政治的一种形式，但它已经成为了美国的一种文化，美国总统的演讲辞更成为美国、乃至世界的文化遗产。

美国是实行总统制的典型国家。

美国总统身兼国家元首和行政首脑，在三权分立的政治结构中居重要地位。

美国实行总统内阁制，每四年选举一次总统，可连选连任一次。

每当新总统当选后，便要举行庄严而隆重的就职典礼。

这是美国政治生活中的一项重大的庆典。

总统就职典礼一般有4个程序：首先是就职宣誓；宣誓之后，总统发表就职演说；演说完毕，便开始盛大的庆祝游行；最后举行舞会。

美国总统借就职演说，表明自己政见和立场，起着鼓舞人民、教育人民的作用。

为了给人民留下良好的印象，总统对演说词斟酌推敲，以求打动人心。

好的演说词常常诞生在重大历史时刻，时势造英雄，这演说词也造就了传诵千古的名篇。

这里收集的《美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）》主要参考了李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》，另有一部分是从网络媒体下载的，并增加了最新的2013年奥巴马第二次就职演讲内容。

但第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟、第二十九届第二十六任西奥多•罗斯福、第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝、第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门和第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊的就职演讲译文未找到。

截至目前，这个版本应该是收集的美国总统就职演讲大全了。

另附李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》“前言”。

目录第一届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1789～1793）首次就职演讲第二届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1793～1797）第二次就职演讲第三届第二任约翰·亚当斯（1797～1801）就职演讲第四届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1801～1805）首次就职演讲第五届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1805～1809）第二次就职演讲第六届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1809～1813）首次就职演讲第七届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1813-1817）第二次就职演讲第八届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1817-1821）首次就职演讲第九届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1821～1825）第二次就职演讲第十届第六任约翰·昆西·亚当斯（1825～1829）就职演讲第十一届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1829-1833）首次就职演讲第十二届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1833～1837）第二次就职演讲第十三届第八任马丁·范·布伦（1837～1841）就职演讲第十四届第九任威廉·亨利·哈里森（1841）就职演讲第十四届第十任约翰·泰勒（1841～1845）就职演讲第十五届第十一任詹姆斯·波尔克（1845～1849）就职演讲第十六届第十二任扎卡里·泰勒（1849～1850）就职演讲第十六届第十三任米勒德·菲尔莫尔（1850～1853）就职演讲第十七届第十四任富兰克林·皮尔斯（1853～1857）就职演讲第十八届第十五任詹姆斯·布坎南（1857～1861）就职演讲第十九届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861～1865）首次就职演讲第二十届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865）第二次就职演讲第二十届第十七任安德鲁·约翰逊（1865～1869）就职演讲第二十一届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1869-1873）首次就职演讲第二十二届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1873～1877）第二次就职演讲第二十三届第十九任拉瑟福德·海斯（1877～1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十任詹姆斯·加菲尔德（1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟（1881～1885）就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第二十五届第二十二任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885～1889）就职演讲第二十六届第二十三任本杰明·哈里森（1889-1893）就职演讲第二十七届第二十四任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893～1897）就职演讲第二十八届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1897～1901）首次就职演讲第二十九届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1901）第二次就职演讲第二十九届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1901～1905）首次就职演讲第三十届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1905～1909）第二次就职演讲第三十一届第二十七任威廉·塔夫特（1909～1913）就职演讲第三十二届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1913-1917）首次就职演讲第三十三届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1917～1921）第二次就职演讲第三十四届第二十九任华伦·哈丁（1921～1923）就职演讲第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1923～1925）就职演讲第三十五届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1925-1929）就职演讲第三十六届第三十一任赫伯特·胡佛（1929～1933）就职演讲第三十七届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1933～1937）首次就职演讲第三十八届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1937～1941）第二次就职演讲第三十九届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1941～1945）第三次就职演讲第四十届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1945）第四次就职演讲第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1945～1949）首次就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第四十一届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1949～1953）第二次就职演讲第四十二届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1953-1957）首次就职演讲第四十三届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1957～1961）第二次就职演讲第四十四届第三十五任约翰·肯尼迪（1961～1963）就职演讲第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1963～1965）首次就职演讲（无演讲词）第四十五届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1965～1969）第二次就职演讲第四十六届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1969～1973）首次就职演讲第四十七届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1973～1974）第二次就职演讲第四十七届第三十八任杰拉德·鲁道夫·福特（1974～1977）就职演讲第四十八届第三十九任杰米·卡特（1977～1981）就职演讲第四十九届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1981-1985）首次就职演讲第五十届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1985-1989）第二次就职演讲第五十一届第四十一任乔治·布什（1989～1993）就职演讲第五十二届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1993～1997）首次就职演讲第五十三届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1997-2001）第二次就职演讲第五十四届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2001～2005）首次就职演讲第五十五届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2005～2009）第二次就职演讲第五十六届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2008～2013）首次就职演讲第五十七届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2013～2017）第二次就职演讲（注：以下所谓届、任——届：根据美国宪法，总统选举每四年举行一次，总统任期四年，任满四年为一届。

美国开国元勋汉密尔顿亚历山大·汉密尔顿（Alexander Hamilton，1757年1月11日- 1804年7月12日）美国的开国元勋之一，也是宪法的起草人之一，他是财经专家，是美国的第一任财政部长。

他就是因政党恶斗导致「决斗」而丧失生命的知名政治人物。

从一个来自英属西印度群岛的私生子和无家可归的孤儿，一跃成为乔治·华盛顿最信任的左膀右臂，但后来卷入一桩性丑闻，在与副总统阿伦·伯尔的决斗中命丧黄泉。

在美国的开国元勋中，没有哪位的生与死比亚历山大·汉密尔顿更富戏剧色彩了。

在为美国后来的财富和势力奠定基础方面，也没有哪位开国老臣的功劳比得上汉密尔顿。

虽然他也身为美国建国之父之一，却始终没能象别的人那样做上美国总统，而且在与其主要政治对手托马斯·杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson）的竞争中更似乎是输得惨不忍睹，可孰料——历史的戏剧性就在于此——在其过世之后，他的政治遗产，包括“工业建国之路”和建立一个强有力的中央政府等等，却在此后的美国历史中起着越来越显著的作用。

甚至一些影响了美国历史进程的总统，如林肯和西奥多·罗斯福（Theodore Roosevelt），他们所施行的政策就是建立在汉密尔顿的遗产基础上的。

汉密尔顿的战绩和政绩都非常显赫，我们可以随便就列举出一大堆来：作为华盛顿的侍从武官（aide-de-camp），他对独立战争的贡献巨大，其中最著名的是1781年的约克镇战役（Battle of Yorktown）；他是《联邦党人文集》（the Federalist Papers）最主要的执笔者；在华盛顿任总统时，他作为财政部长（1789-1795）政绩非凡，并创建了美联储的前身――合众国第一银行（the First Bank of the United States）；作为联邦党人的首领，他为美国两党制的出现奠定了基础，……，等等。

杰斐逊第一次就职演说篇一：1801年美国总统托马斯·杰斐逊第一次就职演说朋友们，同胞们：我听从召唤出任我国最高行政职务，谨向在此集会的我国部分同胞当面表达我的由衷谢意，感谢同胞们所一直欣悦地寄语我的厚爱和期望。

我还要诚恳地奉告各位，我业已意识到这项任务非我的才干所能胜任，责任的重大和能力的欠缺，使我在赴任之时心中自然产生了焦虑和敬畏交织的感受。

我国时一个新兴的国家，地域辽阔，土地肥沃：各行各业的产品十分丰富，而且行销世界各地，与那些自视强大和不顾他人权利的国家开展商业贸易；它正向着肉眼凡胎无法想见的命运迅猛前进。

每当我想到这些超凡卓越的事情，看到我们这个可爱的国家从今天的局面和吉兆中所显示的荣誉、幸福和种种希望，我就不由得收住自己的思绪，并且因为面对如此宏伟的事业而自惭形秽。

的确，倘若不是今天在场的许多人使我意识到，我可以从宪法所设立的其他几个最高政府部门找到智慧、美德和热情的源泉，帮助我渡过一切难关，我真会彻底丧失信心。

因此，从你们这些负责行使立法主权的先生们以及各位共事者那里，我充满勇气地期待能得到指导和支持，从而使我们能够把稳我们共同乘坐的这艘航船的舵柄，安然行使在这个冲突四起、扰攘不宁的世界。

在最近这次观点的交锋中，我们大家都热烈讨论和积极奔走，这种局面不免使那些不习惯于自由思考和自由表达、写出自己想法的人感到很不自在；但现在这已由全国人民作出了决断，并且根据宪法的规定公诸于众，相信大家都会按照法律的意志对自己作出安排，为了我们共同的利益而团结一致和协同奋斗。

同样，大家也会在心中牢记一条神圣的原则：虽然多数人的意志在一切情况下都应占据主导地位，但这种意志既要正当就必须首先合理；少数派也应拥有平等的权利，公平的法律必须如此加以保护，如若侵犯即是压迫。

那么，同胞们，就让我们同心同德地团结起来吧！让我们在社会交往中恢复和睦和友情，如没有和睦和友情，自由乃至生活本身就都成了毫无易趣的东西。

THE MAKING OF A NATION #36- 托马斯.杰斐逊（之一：就职演说）一八○一年三月四日，美国第三任总统托马斯.杰斐逊步行去国会山参加就职仪式。

当杰斐逊走向国会大楼时，礼炮轰鸣，全体参、众议员起立迎候直至杰斐逊就坐。

片刻之后，新总统起身宣读他的就职演说，下面就是他的演说内容：朋友们、同胞们：我被征召到这个国家的行政长官职位。

我必须告诉你们我是多么的荣耀和感谢！但我也必须告诉你们我的担心。

是的，我必须告诉你们对于任何人而言，国家总统这一职责太大了。

然而，我告诉自己我并不孤单。

当我看见大家的面孔，我懂得了那些宪法起草者们的睿智。

因为我知道，在你们这些我们政府的国会议员和司法官员中间，我将找到我所需要的力量、忠诚和勇气。

我们已度过了两党激烈纷争的一年。

我们已向世界召示在美国什么都可以说，什么都可以写，思想自由。

争论已经结束了，人民已做出了选择，现在是我们大家为所有人的利益而团结的时候了。

人民中的大多数赢得了竞争，但我们不会忘记少数人的利益。

诚然，多数人必须统治国家，但是多数人的统治必须是公正的。

少数人的权利与多数人的权利是平等的，而且必须以相同的法律予以保障。

让我们心灵与思想相连，让我们相互和平友爱，因为没有和平与友爱自由与生活都是可悲的事情。

让我们牢记如果没有政治自由，如果与大多数人意见不一就要被惩罚，那美国的宗教自由就是空话一句。

几百年来，在欧洲人们以自由的名义杀戮和被杀，这一点不足为怪。

然而，在这——在我们和平的土地上，所有上述做法都不会得到人们的认同，但不忘公共利益而拥有不同思想是可能的。

我们都是共和党人，我们都是联邦党人。

我们大多数热爱国家，我们大多数希望它壮大。

在我们中可能会有人想终止各州的联盟或者想终止共和党统治。

那好吧，让这些人自由地讲出来吧，不要有任何顾虑。

他们是错的，但美国已足够强大能让他们说出想说的话。

当人们能够自由思考和言论自由时，对美国来说不是一种危险，因为那些与其观点不一的人也有权利自由思考和言论。

1789年4月30日，乔治·华盛顿总统：在室外露天举行总统就职宣誓；他的誓言之一“上帝，请神协助我”，后来成为历届总统宣誓就职的惯例；宣誓完毕后亲吻《圣经》，也为后来的总统开创了先例；因为公共事务繁忙，就职舞会推迟到5月7日举行，总统夫人玛撒没有前往纽约参加。

1793年3月4日，乔治·华盛顿总统：发表了最简短的总统就职演说(135个字)。

1797年3月4日，约翰·亚当斯总统：第一位由总检察长带领宣誓的美国总统(总检察长名叫奥尼佛·埃斯沃斯)。

1801年3月4日，托马斯·杰斐逊总统：开创了向国会写信接受就职典礼并对典礼时间作出安排的先例；第一位可能也是最后一位走着去参加就职典礼的总统；第一位在华盛顿国会大厦举行就职典礼的美国总统；总统就职演说第一次在报纸特刊上刊载。

1809年3月4日，詹姆士·麦迪逊总统：第一次在就职典礼当日举行庆祝舞会；创立了由美国海军军乐队为就职舞会奏乐的惯例。

1817年3月4日，詹姆士·门罗总统：第一位在华盛顿户外举行露天宣誓的美国总统。

1824年3月4日，约翰·昆西·亚当斯总统：是第二任总统约翰·亚当斯之子。

1829年3月4日，安德鲁·杰克逊总统：第一位在国会大厦东门廊举行就职宣誓的美国总统。

1837年3月4日，马丁·范布伦总统：离任及接任总统(杰克逊与范布伦)第一次乘同一辆马车前往国会大厦参加就职庆典；庆典游行上第一次出现花车；第一次举行两场庆祝舞会。

1841年3月4日，威廉·亨利·哈里森总统：发表了美国历史上最长的就职演说(10000字)；打破了美国的惯例，哈里森先发表就职演说，然后宣誓，然后又接着发表就职演说；第一次由官方规划在国会大厦举行庆典游行，游行及就职庆典规划委员会由获胜政党在当地的政治组织组成。

1841年4月6日，约翰·泰勒总统：第一位因现任总统死亡而入主白宫的美国总统。