艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说(篇二)

《告别演说》 - 英文原稿GEORGE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL A DDRESS To the People of the United States . FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: The period for a new election of a citizen， to administer the executive government of the Un ited States， being not far distant， and the ti me actually arrived， when your thoughts mus t be employed designating the person， who is to be clothed with that important trust， it app ears to me proper， especially as it may condu ce to a more distinct expression of the public v oice， that I should now apprize you of the res olution I have formed， to decline being consi dered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you at the sa me time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a str ict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country； and that in withdrawing the tend er of service， which silence in my situationmight imply， I am influenced by no diminuti on of zeal for your future interest， no deficie ncy of grateful respect for your past kindness ， but am supported by a full conviction that t he step is compatible with both. The accept ance of， and continuance hitherto in， the of fice to which your suffrages have twice called me， have been a uniform sacrifice of inclinat ion to the opinion of duty， and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constant ly hoped， that it would have been much earli er in my power， consistently with motives，which I was not at liberty to disregard， to ret urn to that retirement， from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclinat ion to do this， previous to the last election，had even led to the preparation of an address t o declare it to you； but mature reflection on t he then perplexed and critical posture of our af fairs with foreign nations， and the unanimou s advice of persons entitled to my confidence i mpelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice， that the state of your concerns， external as well as internal， no longer renders the pursui t of inclination incompatible with the sentimen t of duty， or propriety； and am persuaded， whatever partiality may be retained for my ser vices， that， in the present circumstances of our country， you will not disapprove my dete rmination to retire. The impressions， wit h which I first undertook the arduous trust， w ere explained on the proper occasion. In the di scharge of this trust， I will only say， that I have， with good intentions， contributed to wards the organization and administration of t he government the best exertions of which a v ery fallible judgment was capable. Not uncons cious， in the outset， of the inferiority of my qualifications， experience in my own eyes， perhaps still more in the eyes of others， has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myse lf； and every day the increasing weight of ye ars admonishes me more and more， that the s hade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied， that， if any circu mstances have given peculiar value to my serv ices， they were temporary， I have the conso lation to believe， that， while choice and pru dence invite me to quit the political scene， pa triotism does not forbid it. In looking forw ard to the moment， which is intended to term inate the career of my public life， my feeling s do not permit me to suspend the deep ackno wledgment of that debt of gratitude， which I owe to my beloved country for the many hono rs it has conferred upon me； still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has support ed me； and for the opportunities I have thenc e enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attach ment， by services faithful and persevering，though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If be nefits have resulted to our country from these s ervices， let it always be remembered to your praise， and as an instructive example in our a nnals， that under circumstances in which the passions， agitated in every direction， were liable to mislead， amidst appearances someti mes dubious， vicissitudes of fortune often di scouraging， in situations in which not unfreq uently want of success has countenanced the s pirit of criticism， the constancy of your supp ort was the essential prop of the efforts， and a guarantee of the plans by which they were ef fected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea，I shall carry it with me to my grave， as a stro ng incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence； that your union and brotherly af fection may be perpetual； that the free constit ution， which is the work of your hands， ma y be sacredly maintained； that its administrat ion in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue； than， in fine， the hap piness of the people of these States， under th e auspices of liberty， may be made complete ， by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing， as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause， the affection， and adoption of every natio n， which is yet a stranger to it. Here， pe rhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life， a nd the apprehension of danger， natural to tha t solicitude， urge me， on an occasion like t he present， to offer to your solemn contempl ation， and to recommend to your frequent re view， some sentiments which are the result o f much reflection， of no inconsiderable obser vation， and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more fre edom， as you can only see in them the disint erested warnings of a parting friend， who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his c ounsel. Nor can I forget， as an encourageme nt to it， your indulgent reception of my senti ments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.Interwoven as is the love of liberty with e very ligament of your hearts， no recommend ation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirmthe attachment. The unity of Government ， which constitutes you one people， is also now dear to you. It is justly so； for it is a mai n pillar in the edifice of your real independenc e， the support of your tranquillity at home，your peace abroad； of your safety； of your prosperity； of that very Liberty， which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee， t hat， from different causes and from different quarters， much pains will be taken， many a rtifices employed， to weaken in your minds t he conviction of this truth； as this is the point in your political fortress against which the bat teries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often cov ertly and insidiously) directed， it is of infinit e moment， that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to y our collective and individual happiness； that you should cherish a cordial， habitual， and immovable attachment to it； accustoming yo urselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity；watching for its preservation with jealous anxi ety； discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion， that it can in any event be a bandoned； and indignantly frowning upon th e first dawning of every attempt to alienate an y portion of our country from the rest， or to e nfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every i nducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens ， by birth or choice， of a common country ， that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american， which bel ongs to you， in your national capacity， mus t always exalt the just pride of Patriotism， m ore than any appellation derived from local dis criminations. With slight shades of difference ， you have the same religion， manners， ha bits， and political principles. You have in a c ommon cause fought and triumphed together ； the Independence and Liberty you possess a re the work of joint counsels， and joint efforts， of common dangers， sufferings， and su ccesses. But these considerations， howev er powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility， are greatly outweighed by those ， which apply more immediately to your inte rest. Here every portion of our country finds th e most commanding motives for carefully guar ding and preserving the Union of the whole.The North， in an unrestrained intercourse wit h the South， protected by the equal laws of a common government， finds， in the producti ons of the latter， great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and preci ous materials of manufacturing industry. The S outh， in the same intercourse， benefiting by the agency of the North， sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North ， it finds its particular navigation invigorated ； and， while it contributes， in different wa ys， to nourish and increase the general massof the national navigation， it looks forward t o the protection of a maritime strength， to w hich itself is unequally adapted. The East， in a like intercourse with the West， already find s， and in the progressive improvement of inte rior communications by land and water， will more and more find， a valuable vent for the c ommodities which it brings from abroad， or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and co mfort， and， what is perhaps of still greater consequence， it must of necessity owe the se cure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight， influence， a nd the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union， directed by an indissolubl e community of interest as one nation. Any oth er tenure by which the West can hold this esse ntial advantage， whether derived from its ow n separate strength， or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power， must be intrinsically precarious. While， then， every part of our country thus feels an i mmediate and particular interest in Union， al l the parts combined cannot fail to find in the u nited mass of means and efforts greater strengt h， greater resource， proportionably greater security from external danger， a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ； and， what is of inestimable value， they must derive from Union an exemption from th ose broils and wars between themselves， whi ch so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments，which their own rivalships alone would be suff icient to produce， but which opposite foreign alliances， attachments， and intrigues woul d stimulate and embitter. Hence， likewise， t hey will avoid the necessity of those overgrow n military establishments， which， under an y form of government， are inauspicious to lib erty， and which are to be regarded as particul arly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sens e it is， that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty， and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the pres ervation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind， and exhibit the continu ance of the union as a primary object of Patriot ic desire. Is there a doubt， whether a commo n government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere spec ulation in such a case were criminal. We are a uthorized to hope， that a proper organization of the whole， with the auxiliary agency of go vernments for the respective subdivisions， wi ll afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With suc h powerful and obvious motives to Union， af fecting all parts of our country， while experie nce shall not have demonstrated its impractica bility， there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those， who in any quarter m ay endeavour to weaken its bands. In conte mplating the causes， which may disturb ourUnion， it occurs as matter of serious concern ， that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical dis criminations， Northern and Southern， Atla ntic and Western； whence designing men ma y endeavour to excite a belief， that there is a real difference of local interests and views. On e of the expedients of party to acquire influenc e， within particular districts， is to misrepres ent the opinions and aims of other districts. Yo u cannot shield yourselves too much against th e jealousies and heart-burnings， which spring from these misrepresentations； they tend to r ender alien to each other those， who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The i nhabitants of our western country have lately h ad a useful lesson on this head； they have see n， in the negotiation by the Executive， and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate，of the treaty with Spain， and in the universal satisfaction at that event， throughout the Unit ed States， a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in r egard to the mississippi； they have been witn esses to the formation of two treaties， that wi th Great Britain， and that with Spain， whic h secure to them every thing they could desire ， in respect to our foreign relations， toward s confirming their prosperity. Will it not be the ir wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were p rocured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to th ose advisers， if such there are， who would sever them from their brethren， and connect t hem with aliens? To the efficacy and perm anency of your Union， a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances， howev er strict， between the parts can be an adequat e substitute； they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions， which all al liances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth， you have improvedupon your first essay， by the adoption of a C onstitution of Government better calculated th an your former for an intimate Union， and fo r the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government， the offspring of our own choice， uninfluenced and unawed ， adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation， completely free in its principles ， in the distribution of its powers， uniting s ecurity with energy， and containing within it self a provision for its own amendment， has a just claim to your confidence and your suppo rt. Respect for its authority， compliance with its laws， acquiescence in its measures， are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter t heir Constitutions of Government. But the Con stitution which at any time exists， till change d by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people， is sacredly obligatory upon all. The v ery idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the dut y of every individual to obey the established G overnment. All obstructions to the executio n of the Laws， all combinations and associati ons， under whatever plausible character， wi th the real design to direct， control， counter act， or awe the regular deliberation and actio n of the constituted authorities， are destructiv e of this fundamental principle， and of fatal t endency. They serve to organize faction， tog ive it an artificial and extraordinary force； to put， in the place of the delegated will of the nation， the will of a party， often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the commu nity； and， according to the alternate triump hs of different parties， to make the public ad ministration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction， rather than t he organ of consistent and wholesome plans di gested by common counsels， and modified b y mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends， they are li kely， in the course of time and things， to be come potent engines， by which cunning， a mbitious， and unprincipled men will be enab led to subvert the power of the people， and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ； destroying afterwards the very engines， w hich have lifted them to unjust dominion. T owards the preservation of your government， and the permanency of your present happy sta te， it is requisite， not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its ack nowledged authority， but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its princ iples， however specious the pretexts. One me thod of assault may be to effect， in the forms of the constitution， alterations， which will impair the energy of the system， and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown . In all the changes to which you may be invite d， remember that time and habit are at least a s necessary to fix the true character of governments， as of other human institutions； that experience is the surest standard， by which t o test the real tendency of the existing constitu tion of a country； that facility in changes， u pon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion ， exposes to perpetual change， from the end less variety of hypothesis and opinion； and re member， especially， that， for the efficient management of our common interests， in a c ountry so extensive as ours， a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty its elf will find in such a government， with pow ers properly distributed and adjusted， its sure st guardian. It is， indeed， little else than a n ame， where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction， to confi ne each member of the society within the limit s prescribed by the laws， and to maintain all i n the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the righ ts of person and property. I have already in timated to you the danger of parties in the state， with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view， and w arn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party， general ly. This spirit， unfortunately， is insepar able from our nature， having its root in the st rongest passions of the human mind. It exists u nder different shapes in all governments， mo re or less stifled， controlled， or repressed； but， in those of the popular form， it is seen in its greatest rankness， and is truly their wo rst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another， sharpened by the spirit of revenge， natural to party dissension， wh ich in different ages and countries has perpetra ted the most horrid enormities， is itself a frig htful despotism. But this leads at length to a m ore formal and permanent despotism. The diso rders and miseries， which result， gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and r epose in the absolute power of an individual；and sooner or later the chief of some prevailin g faction， more able or more fortunate than h is competitors， turns this disposition to the p urposes of his own elevation， on the ruins of Public Liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind， (which neverthele ss ought not to be entirely out of sight，) the c ommon and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrai n it. It serves always to distract the Public Councils， and enfeeble the Public Administr ation. It agitates the Community with ill-found ed jealousies and false alarms； kindles the an imosity of one part against another， foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption， whi ch find a facilitated access to the government i tself through the channels of party passions. T hus the policy and the will of one country are s ubjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion， that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government， and serve to keep alive t he spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits i s probably true； and in Governments of a Mo narchical cast， Patriotism may look with ind ulgence， if not with favor， upon the spirit o f party. But in those of the popular character， in Governments purely elective， it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tende ncy， it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And， there being constant danger of excess， the ef fort ought to be， by force of public opinion ， to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be q uenched， it demands a uniform vigilance to p revent its bursting into a flame， lest， instea d of warming， it should consume. It is im portant， likewise， that the habits of thinkin g in a free country should inspire caution， in those intrusted with its administration， to con fine themselves within their respective constitu tional spheres， avoiding in the exercise of thepowers of one department to encroach upon a nother. The spirit of encroachment tends to co nsolidate the powers of all the departments in one， and thus to create， whatever the form of government， a real despotism. A just esti mate of that love of power， and proneness to abuse it， which predominates in the human h eart， is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of t his position. The necessity of reciprocal check s in the exercise of political power， by dividi ng and distributing it into different depositorie s， and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others，has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern； some of them in our country and un der our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If， in the opin ion of the people， the distribution or modific ation of the constitutional powers be in any par ticular wrong， let it be corrected by an amen dment in the way， which the constitution des ignates. But let there be no change by usurpation； for， though this， in one instance， ma y be the instrument of good， it is the customa ry weapon by which free governments are dest royed. The precedent must always greatly over balance in permanent evil any partial or transie nt benefit， which the use can at any time yiel d. Of all the dispositions and habits， whic h lead to political prosperity， Religion and M orality are indispensable supports. In vain wou ld that man claim the tribute of Patriotism， w ho should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness， these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politicia n， equally with the pious man， ought to res pect and to cherish them. A volume could not t race all their connexions with private and publi c felicity. Let it simply be asked， Where is th e security for property， for reputation， for li fe， if the sense of religious obligation desert t he oaths， which are the instruments of investi gation in Courts of Justice? And let us with ca ution indulge the supposition， that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined ed ucation on minds of peculiar structure， reaso n and experience both forbid us to expect， th at national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true ， that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule， indeed， e xtends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who， that is a sincere fr iend to it， can look with indifference upon att empts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?Promote， then， as an object of primary imp ortance， institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion，it is essential that public opinion should be enli ghtened. As a very important source of stre ngth and security， cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is， to use it as sparin gly as possible； avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace， but remembering als o that timely disbursements to prepare for dan ger frequently prevent much greater disbursem ents to repel it； avoiding likewise the accumu lation of debt， not only by shunning occasion s of expense， but by vigorous exertions in ti me of peace to discharge the debts， which un avoidable wars may have occasioned， not un generously throwing upon posterity the burthe n， which we ourselves ought to bear. The exe cution of these maxims belongs to your repres entatives， but it is necessary that public opini on should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty， it is essential that you should practically bear in mind， that tow ards the payment of debts there must be Reven ue； that to have Revenue there must be taxes ； that no taxes can be devised， which are no t more or less inconvenient and unpleasant； t hat the intrinsic embarrassment， inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties)， ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it ， and for a spirit of acquiescence in the meas ures for obtaining revenue， which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observ e good faith and justice towards all Nations；cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct； and can it be， that good policy does not equally enjoini t? It will be worthy of a free， enlightened， a nd， at no distant period， a great Nation， t o give to mankind the magnanimous and too n ovel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can dou bt， that， in the course of time and things，the fruits of such a plan would richly repay an y temporary advantages， which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be， that Providence has not connected the permanent f elicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experi ment， at least， is recommended by every se ntiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! isit rendered impossible by its vices ? In the execution of such a plan， nothing is more es sential， than that permanent， inveterate anti pathies against particular Nations， and passio nate attachments for others， should be exclud ed； and that， in place of them， just and a micable feelings towards all should be cultivat ed. The Nation， which indulges towards anot her an habitual hatred， or an habitual fondnes s， is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection， either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and i ts interest. Antipathy in one nation against ano ther disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury， to lay hold of slight causes of um brage， and to be haughty and intractable， w hen accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions， obstinate， envenomed， and bloody contests. The Natio n， prompted by ill-will and resentment， so metimes impels to war the Government， cont rary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity， and adopts through passion what reason would reject； at other times， it mak es the animosity of the nation subservient to pr ojects of hostility instigated by pride， ambiti on， and other sinister and pernicious motives . The peace often， sometimes perhaps the lib erty， of Nations has been the victim. So li kewise， a passionate attachment of one Natio n for another produces a variety of evils. Symp athy for the favorite Nation， facilitating the il lusion of an imaginary common interest， in c ases where no real common interest exists， a nd infusing into one the enmities of the other ， betrays the former into a participation in th e quarrels and wars of the latter， without ade quate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privile ges denied to others， which is apt doubly to i njure the Nation making the concessions； by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained； and by exciting jealousy， ill-。

美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。

我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。

尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。

我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。

纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。

追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。

任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。

走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。

这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。

我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。

不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。

欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。

只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。

我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。

我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。

我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。

直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。

美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。

但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。

麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲Farewell Addressto Congressmy country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is monly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater expression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the munist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to munism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must prehend something of asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, aheretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. in this situation, it bees vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. thesepolitical-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoidthe pitfalls of unrealism.of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the littoral line of the americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.*any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort.* no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or ourfriends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly ect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this littoral defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. for that reason, i have strongly remended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under munist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was pletely non-homogenous, being partmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tes of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under theregime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiangkai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus bee militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute excellent soldiers, with petent staffs and manders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has bee aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.i have from the beginning believed that the chinese munists' support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the samelust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a mendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government mitted to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked munism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race. of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. we must be patient andunderstanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the ans of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as i said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was plete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were mitted against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.such decisions have not been forthing.while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never givena thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china's coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the mon enemy.for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces mitted to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements,the position of the mand from the military standpoint forbade victory.we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its plete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nieen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:men since the beginning of time have sought peace. various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. from the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by wayof the crucible of war. the utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. we have had our last chance. if we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, armageddon will be at our door. the problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past XX years. it must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. war's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.in war there is no substitute for victory.there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence bees the only other alternative."why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" i could not answer.some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither explanation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the maximum power it can mit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy willmore likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against munism. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description. they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: "don't scuttle the pacific!"i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have metall tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, buti still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.good bye.。

美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。

我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。

尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。

我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。

纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。

追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。

任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。

走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。

这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。

我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。

不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。

欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。

只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。

我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。

我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。

我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。

直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。

美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。

但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。

布什总统在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的演讲/lvle/archive/2008/07/04/1090436.aspx 在毕业典礼现场有他当年的同窗、耶鲁大学某学院院长brodhead。

布什总统说，当时他俩常泡图书馆，因为那里有很舒适的沙发。

他们俩还有个君子协定，brodhead不大声朗读，他不打呼噜。

we both put a lot of time in at the sterling library, in the readingroom, where they have those big leather couches. (laughter.) we had a mutualunderstanding -- dick wouldnt read aloud, and i wouldnt snore. (laughter.)篇二：布什总统在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的演讲the president: president levin, thank you very much. dean brodhead, fellows ofthe yale corporation, fellow yale parents, families, and graduates: its a specialprivilege to receive this honorary degree. i was proud 33 years ago to receive myfirst yale degree. im even prouder that in your eyes ive earned this one.i congratulate my fellow honorees. im pleased to share this honor with such adistinguished group. im particularly pleased to be here with my friend, the formerof mexico. senor presidente, usted es un verdadero lider, y un gran amigo. (applause.)i congratulate all the parents who are here. its a glorious day when your childgraduates from college. its a great day for you; its a great day for your wallet.(laughter.)this is my first time back here in quite a while. im sure that each of you willmake your own journey back at least a few times in your life. if youre like me, youwont remember everything you did here. (laughter.) that can be a good thing.(laughter.) but there will be some people, and some moments, you will never forget. our course selections were different, as we followed our own path to academicdiscovery. dick was an english major, and loved the classics. i loved history, andpursued a diversified course of study. i like to think of it as the academic roadless traveled. (laughter.)for example, i took a class that studied japanese haiku. haiku, for theuninitiated, is a 15th century form of poetry, each poem having 17 syllables. haiku is fully understood only by the zen masters. as i recall, oneof my academic advisers was worried about my selection of such a specialized course.he said i should focus on english. (laughter.) i still hear that quite often.(laughter.) but my critics dont realize i dont make verbal gaffes. im speaking inthe perfect forms and rhythms of ancient haiku. (applause.)i did take english here, and i took a class called the history and practice ofamerican oratory, taught by rollin g. osterweis. (applause.) and, president levin,i want to give credit where credit is due. i want the entire world to know this --everything i know about the spoken word, i learned right here at yale. (laughter.) as a student, i tried to keep a low profile. it worked. last year the new yorktimes interviewed john morton blum because the record showed i had taken one of hiscourses. casting his minds eye over the parade of young faces down through the years,professor blum said, and i quote, i dont have the foggiest recollection of him.(laughter.)in my time, they spoke of the yale man. i was really never sure what that was.but i do think that im a better man because of yale. all universities, at their best,teach that degrees and honors are far from the full measure of life. nor is that measuretaken in wealth or in titles. what matters most are the standards you live by, theconsideration you show others, and the way you use the gifts you are given. for some, that might mean some time in public service. and if you hear that calling,i hope you answer. each of you has unique gifts and you were given them for a reason.use them and share them. public service is one way -- an honorable way -- to markyour life with meaning.today i visit not only my alma mater, but the city of my birth. my life beganjust a few blocks from here, but i was raised in west texas. from there, yale alwaysseemed a world away, maybe a part of my future. now its part of my past, and yalefor me is a source of great pride.布什总统在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的演讲一直对布什总统了解甚少,只是随大流地认为由于他缺乏水准没能把美利坚共和国治理好,直到偶然读到他在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的演讲。

艾森豪威尔告别演说课文翻译我的美国同胞们：1.今晚我向你们致告别辞，并与你们，我的同胞们，分享一些最后的想法。

2.像每一位公民一样，我祝愿新总统以及所有和他一起工作的人们一帆风顺。

我祈祷在未来几年美国会幸运地享有和平与繁荣。

3.我们现在距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间的四次大规模战争。

我们自己的国家参与了其中的三次。

尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国仍是世界上最强大、最有影响力、生产水平最高的国家。

我们自然地为此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和声望不仅取决于我们无与伦比的物质进步、财富和军事实力，还取决于我们如何为世界和平与人类进步使用我们的力量。

4.朝着这些崇高目标迈进的过程一直持续不断地受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。

这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。

我们面对一种敌对的意识形态，规模是世界性的，性质是无神论的，目标是残忍的，手段是阴险的。

不幸的是，它所造成的危险恐怕将长期存在。

欲成功应对它，所必需的与其说是危难关头的感情上的短暂牺牲，不如说是那些能使我们稳步推进的动力，当然了，不包括对一场长期复杂斗争的重任的抱怨──因为自由是我们的赌注。

只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。

5.我们的军事机构是维护和平至关重要的因素。

我们的武装力量必需是强有力的，能随时投入战斗，因此才能没有任何潜在的侵略者敢拿他自己的生命开玩笑。

6.今天我们的军事组织，与我的任何一位和平时期的前任，甚至是第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的大相径庭。

7.直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前，美国仍没有军事工业。

但随着时间的推移，美国的犁头制造商们也能在必要时制造剑。

但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建出一个巨大规模的永久性军事工业。

除此之外，350万男人和妇女直接从事于国防机构。

我们每年在军事安全上的开支超过了美国所有的公司的净收入。

Bush's Farewell Address（Chinese version）各位公民：八年来，我有幸担任你们的总统。

新世纪的第一个十年是一段意义重大的时期——一个时间分界点。

今晚，我怀着一颗感谢的心，请求一个最后的机会，就我们一起走过的旅程以及国家的未来，与诸位分享一些想法。

五天后，世界将目睹美国民主的活力。

按照我们立国时的传统，总统之位将传给你们——美国人民所选择的继任者。

站在国会山的台阶上的，将是一个其故事可以说明我们国家持久承诺的人。

这是我们全国的希望与骄傲的深刻。

我和所有美国人一起，向总统当选人奥巴马、他的妻子米歇儿以及他们两个美丽的女儿致以最美好的祝愿。

今晚，我满怀感激——感激副总统切尼以及行政成员们；感谢劳拉，她给这个家带来欢乐，给我的生活带来爱；感谢我们了不起的女儿芭芭拉和詹娜；感谢我的父母亲，他们的榜样为我提供了毕生的力量。

最重要的是，我感谢美国人民给我的信任。

我感谢你们的祈祷鼓舞了我的灵魂。

我感谢你们在过去八年让我目睹了无数体现勇气、慷慨与仁慈的行动。

今晚，我的思绪回到我站在这个地方向你们致辞的第一个晚上——2001年9月11日。

那天早上，恐怖分子夺走了近3000性命，这是自珍珠港事件以来，美国遭遇的最严重的袭击。

我记得于三天后站在世贸中心的废墟中的情形，周围是全天候工作的救援人员。

我记得我跟那些在五角大楼烟雾弥漫的走廊里工作的勇敢灵魂谈话，跟那些登上93号航班最终成为英雄的人们的妻子们谈话。

我记得阿琳·霍华德（Arlene Howard），她把已经陨落的儿子的警察勋章给了我，提醒我我们失去了什么。

我仍然戴着他的徽章。

随着时间的流逝，大多数美国人可以回归911之前的生活，但我就不能。

每天早上，我都收到一份关于我国面临威胁的简报。

我发誓要尽我所能保证我们的安全。

在过去七年，一个新的国土安全部成立了。

军队、情报界以及FBI已经警告改造。

我们的国家装备了新的工具去监控恐怖分子的活动，冻结他们的金融，打破他们的阴谋。

美国第34‎任总统艾森‎豪威尔告别‎演说(全文)时间：1961年‎1月17日‎地点：白宫我来说两句‎再过三天，在我为我国‎服务半个世‎纪之后，随着总统的‎权威按传统‎的隆重仪式‎归属我的继‎任者，本人将卸下‎公职。

我们现在的‎日期距本世‎纪中点已过‎十年，这个世纪经‎历了大国之‎间四次大的‎战争，我们自己的‎国家卷入其‎中三次。

尽管发生了‎这些大规模‎的战祸，当今美国乃‎是世界上最‎强大、最有影响、生産力最高‎的国家。

我们自然爲‎此卓越成就‎感到自豪，但我们也意‎识到，美国的领导‎地位和威信‎不仅取决于‎我们举世无‎双的物质进‎步、财富和军事‎力量，而且取决于‎我们如何爲‎世界和平与‎人类福利使‎用我们的力‎量。

纵观美国在‎自由政府体‎制上的探索‎历程，我们的基本‎目的始终是‎维护和平，促进人类进‎步，在人民中和‎国家之间增‎进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的‎品质。

追求较低的‎目标会辱没‎一个自由、有虔诚宗教‎信仰的民族‎。

任何由于骄‎傲自大或理‎解力不强或‎缺乏奉献精‎神的失败都‎将在国内外‎给我们带来‎严重损害。

走向这些崇‎高目标的进‎程一直受到‎现在正席卷‎全球的冲突‎的威胁。

这种冲突迫‎使我们全神‎贯注，全力以赴。

我们面对一‎种敌对的意‎识形态──具有世界性‎规模和无神‎论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。

不幸的是，它所造成的‎危险将长期‎存在。

欲成功地对‎付它，所要求的与‎其说是危急‎关头感情上‎短暂的痛苦‎，毋宁说是作‎出牺牲以使‎我们能坚定‎踏实、任劳任怨地‎承担一场长‎期复杂斗争‎的重任──与自由共存‎亡。

只有这样我‎们才能战胜‎一次又一次‎的挑衅，始终朝着世‎界持久和平‎和人类美好‎未来的方向‎前进。

我们的军队‎是维护和平‎必不可少的‎要素。

我们的武装‎力量必须强‎大，随时准备投‎入行动，以使任何潜‎在的侵略者‎都不敢贸然‎以卵击石。

我们今天的‎军事组织与‎我的任何一‎位和平时期‎前任所了解‎的，与第二次世‎界大战或朝‎鲜战争中的‎军人所了解‎的军事组织‎大相径庭。

本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==艾森豪威尔就职演说篇一：艾森豪威尔离职演讲美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。

我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。

尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。

我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。

纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。

追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。

任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。

走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。

这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。

我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。

不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。

欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。

只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。

我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。

我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。

我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。

艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说三篇艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说第一篇：对国家安全的警告尊敬的美国人民：我站在这个伟大的国家的最高岗位上，为您发表告别演说。

在过去的八年里，我有幸成为美国的总统，为这个国家和人民服务。

然而，我现在感到有必要向您警告一些事情，以确保我们的国家安全和繁荣的未来。

我们现在正面临着前所未有的挑战和威胁，这些威胁可能对我们的国家造成长期的伤害。

首先，我要提醒我们对于军事工业复合体的警惕。

我们的国家在二战后取得了巨大的军事实力，但我们必须警惕这种实力背后的利益集团。

我们不能让军事工业复合体成为我们国家政策的决定者，否则我们将失去我们的自由和独立。

其次，我要强调我们在全球事务中的责任。

作为一个超级大国，我们不能仅仅关注自己的利益，而是要思考整个世界的利益。

我们必须遵循公正和道义的原则，以确保和平和稳定的世界秩序。

最后，我要提醒我们对于核武器的谨慎使用。

核武器是人类历史上最可怕的杀伤性武器，使用它们将带来灾难性的后果。

我们必须坚守冷战时期的核裁军承诺，并与其他国家合作，以确保核武器不会再次被使用。

亲爱的美国人民，我们生活在一个危机四伏的时代，但我坚信我们有能力克服所有的困难和威胁。

只要我们保持团结和信心，我们将继续成为世界的领导者和榜样。

感谢您的支持和信任，愿上帝保佑美国。

艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说第二篇：人权和民主的捍卫者亲爱的美国人民：在我即将离任之际，我想向您表达我对于人权和民主的热忱信念。

这些价值观是我们国家的基石，也是我们与其他国家之间的纽带。

作为一个自由国家，我们有责任捍卫人权和民主的原则。

我们必须坚持言论自由、宗教自由和平等权利，以确保每个人都能享有尊严和自由。

然而，我们不能忽视我们国内外的挑战。

在我们自己的国家，我们仍然面临着种族歧视、贫困和不平等的问题。

我们必须努力消除这些问题，以确保每个人都能平等地获得机会和权益。