不自由 毋宁死GO

不自由，毋宁死帕特里克·亨利于1775年3月23日刚向众议院致辞的诸位尊贵的先生，你们忠诚爱国、才能出众，我对诸位之推崇敬重，非他人所能比拟。

但是，不同的人对同一事物的见解却常大异其趣。

因此，倘若我的想法有异于诸位先生，希望你们不至于觉得遭到冒犯。

我将直抒己见，毫无保留。

此时此刻，绝不可讲究虚文浮礼。

众议院所面对的是本国的非常时刻。

我个人觉得这无疑是非自由即奴役的问题。

此事攸关重要，因此，理应有同等程度的自由来辩论。

唯有如此，我们才能寻得真理，才能对上帝，对吾国有所交待。

倘若我惟恐得罪诸位先生，而在此关键时刻欲言犹止，那我就是背叛国家，背弃上帝。

可我崇敬上苍吾主胜于俗世的任何君主呀！议长先生，沉湎于希望之虚幻乃人之天性。

痛苦之现实，我们常爱视而不见，并倾听那妖妇的说唱，直到被她变成野兽为止。

为自由而壮烈、艰苦奋斗的聪明睿智之士，是否应该扮演这类角色呢？对有助于我们在尘世间获得解救之事，我们是否要视若无睹、充耳不闻呢？就吾而言，无论代价何等痛苦，我都要了解真相，明了最糟的情况并为之做好准备。

我只有一盏指路明灯；那就是人生阅历。

倘若没有过去的种种经历，我不知道我还能依靠什么来解读未来。

诸位先生满怀希望，并要众议院也怀着同样的美梦，可我敢问诸位先生，就过去的经验而言，英国内阁十年来的所做所为，有什么足以让您诸位相信美梦可以成真的呢？是他们不久前收到我们的请愿书时所发出的阵阵奸笑吗？诸位先生，千万别轻信他们，那只不过是个陷阱。

可别让别人的一番佯作亲昵给蒙骗了。

试想想，倘若真心大方地接受我们的请愿书，又何必进行类似备战的活动？他们的军舰遍布我国水域，他们的军队使我们的山河变色。

友爱、和解需要舰队、军队来传达吗？我们是否表现得极端不愿意和解，致使他们非得动武逼我们回心转意不可？诸位先生，请莫再自欺欺人。

这是开战、镇压的工具，是帝王的最后手段。

敢问诸位先生，倘若这诸般军事姿态，为的不是要我们屈服于武力之下，那所为何来？有哪位先生能够指出其他的动机吗？大不列颠帝国在地球的这个角落可有敌人，使其不得不派遣海、陆军到此？没有，诸位先生，完全没有。

不自由,毋宁死出处
不自由，毋宁死，读音是bú zì yóu，wú nìng sǐ。

意思是如果失去自由，那么不如去死。

源于美国人帕特里克·亨利（1736-1799）1775年3月23日于殖民地弗吉尼亚州议会演讲中的最后一句：“Give me liberty or give me death”。

帕特里克·亨利(Patrick Henry,1736～1799),苏格兰裔美国人,独立战争时期的自由主义者，美国革命时期杰出的演说家和政治家。

著名的《独立宣言》的主要执笔者之一,曾任弗吉尼亚州州长.深受爱戴,被誉为"弗吉尼亚之父".在反英斗争中发表过许多著名演说。

被普遍传诵的警句“不自由,毋宁死”就出自他的演说。

晚年政治上趋于保守。

《不自由，毋宁死》这篇脍炙人口的演说在美国革命文献史上占有特殊地位。

其时，北美殖民地正面临历史性抉择——要么拿起武器，争取独立；要么妥协让步，甘受奴役。

亨利以敏锐的政治家眼光，饱满的爱国激情，以铁的事实驳斥了主和派的种种谬误，阐述了武装斗争的必要性和可能性。

从此，“不自由，毋宁死”的口号激励了千百万北美人为自由独立而战，这篇演说也成为世界演说名篇。

中英对照阅读《不自由，毋宁死---GiveMeLibertyOrGiveMeDeath》中英对照阅读《不自由，毋宁死---Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death》Give Me Liberty Or Give Me DeathPatrick Henry, March 23, 1775.No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, throughfear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation?Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace andreconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Ourchains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!--------------Give Me Liberty Or Give Me DeathPatrick Henry, March 23, 1775.No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism爱国心, 爱国精神, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it willnot be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony典礼, 仪式, 礼节, 报幕员. The questing before the House is one of awful 可怕的, 威严的moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty犯罪的, 有罪的, 心虚的of treason叛逆, 通敌, 背信, 叛国罪 towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty不忠实, 不信, 不义, 背信弃义 toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere尊敬, 敬畏, 崇敬 above all earthly现世的, 可能的, 地球的, 俗世的 kings.Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge 沉湎于in the illusions 幻想of hope. We are apt to倾向于 shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren【希神】海上女妖莎琳[塞壬](半人半鸟的海妖, 常用歌声诱惑过路的航海者而使航船触礁毁灭) till she transforms us into beasts兽, 畜牲. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous费劲的, 辛勤的, 险峻的 struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to 使倾向于, 使有意于(to sth., to do) be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concerntheir temporal salvation拯救, 救助? For my part, whatever anguish 痛苦, 苦恼 of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace安慰themselves and the House. Is it that insidious阴险的 smile with which our petition请愿, 情愿书, 诉状, 陈情书has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare圈套, 罗网, 陷阱to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious亲切的, 高尚的reception of our petition comports with一致, 适合those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation和解, 调和, 顺从? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back 恢复, 夺得 our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation镇压, 平息, 征服; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial战争的, 军事的, 尚武的, 威武的 array排列, 编队, 军队, 衣服, 大批, if its purpose be not to force us to submission屈服, 降服, 服从, 谦恭, 投降? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.They are sent over to bind and rivet铆钉upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging锻炼, 伪造. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain徒劳的; 无效益的. Shall we resort to entreaty恳求, 乞求and humble卑下的, 微贱的, 谦逊的, 粗陋的 supplication恳求, 祈愿, 哀求? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?Let us not, I beseech恳求, 哀求 you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert转移the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated抗议; we have supplicated; we have prostrated使衰竭, 使累透; 使沮丧; 使忧郁ourselves before the throne王座, 君主, and have implored恳求, 哀求 its interposition插入 to arrest the tyrannical专制的：暴君或暴政的，和暴君或暴政有关的hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted轻微的, 微小的; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult侮辱, 凌辱; our supplications have been disregarded漠视, 忽视; and we have been spurned弃绝, with contempt轻视, 轻蔑, 耻辱, 不尊敬, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond ]喜爱的, 多情的, 喜欢的, 宠爱的, 温柔的hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate未亵渎的, 无污点的, 未受侵犯的those inestimable无价的, 无法估计的 privileges for which we have been so long contending斗争, 竞争, 主张--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged保证, 使发誓, 抵押, 典当, 举杯祝...健康ourselves never to abandon until the glorious光荣的, 显赫的object of our contest 论争, 竞赛shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable强大的, 令人敬畏的, 可怕的, 艰难的an adversary敌手, 对手. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution不决断, 优柔寡断, 犹豫不定 and inaction无行动, 不活动, 无为, 怠惰, 迟钝? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely掌心向上地, 仰卧地on our backs and hugging拥抱 the delusive欺骗的, 迷惑的, 虚妄的, 令人错解的 phantom幻影of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy神圣的, 圣洁的cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible不能征服的, 无敌的by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over负责, 主持the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant警惕着的, 警醒的, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election选举, 当选, 选择权. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission屈服, 降服, 服从, 谦恭, 投降and slavery! Our chains are forged铸造, 伪造! Their clanking叮当声may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.It is in vain徒然, sir, to extenuate掩饰, 减轻, 使人原谅, 低估 the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale大风that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding共鸣的; 反响的; 响[宏]亮的; 强烈的; 有利的arms! Our brethren弟兄们, 同胞 are already in the field! Why stand we here idle空闲的, 懒惰的, 停顿的, 无用的, 无价值的? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear昂贵的, 亲爱的, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it禁止, 不许, Almighty全能的 God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!不自由，毋宁死派确克.亨利 1775年3月23日没有人比我更相信刚才在议会发言的尊敬的先生们所怀有的爱国心和能力。

【名人演讲】帕特里克·亨利：不自由，毋宁死不自由，毋宁死——在弗吉尼亚州议会上的演讲（美国）帕特里克·亨利主席先生：没有人比我更钦佩刚刚在会议上发言的先生们的爱国精神与见识才能。

但是，人们常常从不同的角度来观察同一事物。

因此，尽管我的观点与他们截然不同，我还是要毫无顾忌、毫无保留地讲出自己的观点，并希望不要因此而被认为是对先生们的不敬。

此时不是讲客气话的时候，摆在各位代表面前的是国家存亡的大问题，我认为，这是关系到享受自由还是蒙受奴役的大问题。

鉴于它事关重大，我们的辩论应该允许各抒己见。

只有这样，我们才有可能搞清事物的真相，才有可能不辱于上帝和祖国所赋予我们的伟大使命。

在这种时刻，如果怕冒犯各位的尊严而缄口不语，我将认为自己是对祖国的背叛和对此世界上任何国君都更为神圣的上帝的不忠。

主席先生，沉湎于希望的幻觉是人的天性。

我们有闭目不愿正视痛苦现实的倾向，有倾听女海妖的惑人歌声的倾向，可那是能将人化为禽兽的惑人的歌声。

这难道是在这场为获得自由而从事的艰苦卓绝的斗争中，一个聪明人所应持的态度吗?难道我们愿意做那种对这关系到是否蒙受奴役的大问题视而不见充耳不闻的人吗?就我个人而论，无论在精神上承受任何痛苦，我也愿意知道真理，知道最坏的情况，并为之做好一切准备。

我只有一盏指路明灯，那就是经验之灯，除了以往的经验以外，我不知道还有什么更好的方法来判断未来。

而即要以过去的经验为依据，我倒希望知道，10年来英国政府的所作所为中有哪一点足以证明先生们用以欣然安慰自己及各位代表的和平希望呢?难道就是最近接受我们请愿时所流露出的阴险微笑吗?不要相信它，先生，那是在您脚下挖的陷阱。

不要让人家的亲吻把您给出卖了。

请诸位自问，接受我们请愿时的和善微笑与这如此大规模的海、陆战争准备是否相称。

难道舰艇和军队是对我们的爱护和战争调停的必要手段吗?难道为了解决争端，赢得自己的爱而诉诸武力，我们就应该表现出如此的不情愿吗?我们不要自己欺骗自己了，先生，这些都是战争和征服的工具，是国君采取的最后争执手段。

不自由,毋宁死作者：帕特里克.亨利来源：《领导文萃》2010年第03期《不自由,毋宁死》这篇演说在美国革命文献史上占有特殊地位。

其时,北美殖民地正面临历史性抉择——要么拿起武器,争取独立;要么妥协让步,甘受奴役。

亨利以敏锐的政治家眼光,饱满的爱国激情,以铁的事实驳斥了主和派的种种谬误,阐述了武装斗争的必要性和可能性。

从此,“不自由,毋宁死”的口号激励了千百万北美人为自由独立而战,这篇演说也成为世界演说名篇。

摆在议会代表们面前的问题关系到国家的存亡。

我认为,这是关系到享受自由还是蒙受奴役的大问题,而且正由于它事关重大,我们的辩论就必须做到各抒己见。

只有这样,我们才有可能弄清事实真相,才能不辜负上帝和祖国赋予我们的重任。

在这种时刻,如果怕冒犯别人而缄口不言,我认为就是叛国,就是对比世间所有国君更为神圣的上帝的不忠。

议长先生,对希望抱有幻觉是人的天性。

我们易于闭起眼睛不愿正视痛苦的现实,并倾听海妖惑人的歌声,让她把我们化作禽兽。

在为自由而进行艰苦卓绝的斗争中,这难道是有理智的人的作为吗?难道我们愿意成为对获得自由这样休戚相关的事视而不见,充耳不闻的人吗?就我来说,无论在精神上有多么痛苦,我仍然愿意了解全部事实真相和最坏的事态,并为之做好充分准备。

我只有一盏指路明灯,那就是经验之灯。

除了过去的经验,我没有什么别的方法可以判断未来。

而依据过去的经验,我倒希望知道,10年来英国政府的所作所为,凭什么足以使各位先生有理由满怀希望,并欣然用来安慰自己和议会?难道就是最近接受我们请愿时的那种狡诈的微笑吗?不要被人家的亲吻出卖吧!请你们自问,接受我们请愿时的和气亲善和遍布我们海陆疆域的大规模备战如何能够相称?难道出于对我们的爱护与和解,有必要动用战舰和军队吗?难道我们流露过决不和解的愿望,以至为了赢回我们的爱,而必须诉诸武力吗?我们不要再欺骗自己了,先生。

这些都是战争和征服的工具,是国王采取的最后论辩手段。

我要请问先生们,这些战争部署如果不是为了迫使我们就范,那又意味着什么?哪位先生能够指出有其他动机?难道在世界的这一角,还有别的敌人值得大不列颠如此兴师动众,集结起庞大的海陆武装吗?我们应该如何进行抵抗呢?还靠辩论吗?先生,我们已经辩论了10年了。