Inaugural Address of George W. Bush
January 20, 2001
President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:
The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation; and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story. A story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story. A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws; and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along; and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth; and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every
generation; and this is my solemn pledge, "I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity." I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them; and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
T oday, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
T ogether, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives; we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent; we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans; we will build
our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge; and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests; we will show purpose without arrogance; we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength; and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal, "When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side."
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.
The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles, "to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well." In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, "our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity."
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
《乔治·布什自传》 作者的话 就像附着配料说明的食品一样，每本写华盛顿的书都应该在醒目的位置附上一篇让 读者有权了解其内容的简介。 我明确地告诉读者，如果你打开这本书，以为它又是一本关于里根政府“内幕”的 书，描述椭圆形办公室秘密会议上未经透露的秘密、内阁成员的分歧以及总统和副总统 星期四午餐吃什么，那你多半会失望的。 其实，本书早在里根政府组成前几年就已有构思。书中所写的是在那以前50多年的 事。严格地讲，这不是一本“写华盛顿的书”。它是一本关于得克萨斯州。缅因州、小 笠原群岛和中国的书—一除了华盛顿环形路外几个地方。 1977年1月，我的头脑中第一次出现了人过50常会有的那种强烈愿望：我要把我前 10年的经历和经验告诉别人。而在那10年中，我和我的妻子巴巴拉以及我的全家从休斯 顿到华盛顿，到纽约，到北京，然后又回到华盛顿。 时间的选择再好没有了。我们转了一圈后又回到休斯顿。190年1月，我开始了众议 员的公众工作生涯。1977年1月，我当了一年的中央情报局局长以后结束了这种生涯— —至少是没有再继续下去。在那10年期间i我去过许多地方。当时我所需要的只是出版 商的建议——“您考虑过写一本书吗？”而我已开始做准备，记笔记和录音。 接着，就像出版一本书的过程中经常出现的情况一样，在准备付印时，发生了一件 不寻常的事。我被另一件事迷住了，我发现自己为了在衣阿华州、新子布什尔州以及其 他进行总统预选的各州竞选，耗费了漫长的日日夜夜。1980年7月，我成了罗纳德·里 根在共和党全国竞选中的伙伴。1981年1月，我宣誓就任美国副总统。 不管我已经开始写的书是政治性的还是自传体的，我仍然想把它完成。我一直怀有 完成这本书的想法。事实上，这本书所写的内容不仅包括1967一1977年，也包括在那以 前好几年的事。 我的成长，正如中国俗话所说，是在“引人注目的时代”——这个时期包括本世纪
肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日） Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy January 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: 约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们： We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. 我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。 The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. 世界已然今非昔比，因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困，亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而，我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是，每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予，而是出自上帝之手。 We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. 今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时，让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀，这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝，亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。 Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
2017小布什就职演讲稿【中英版】 presidentclinton,distinguishedguestsandmyfellowcitize ns: thepeacefultransferofauthorityisrareinhistory,yetcomm oninourcountry.withasimpleoath,weaffirmoldtraditionsa ndmakenewbeginnings. asibegin,ithankpresidentclintonforhisservicetoournati on;andithankvicepresidentgoreforacontestconductedwith spiritandendedwithgrace. iamhonoredandhumbledtostandhere,wheresomanyofamerica ’sleadershavecomebeforeme,andsomanywillfollow. wehaveaplace,allofus,inalongstory.astorywecontinue,bu twhoseendwewillnotsee.itisthestoryofanewworldthatbeca meafriendandliberatoroftheold,astoryofaslave-holdingsocietythatbecameaservantoffreedom,thestoryofa powerthatwentintotheworldtoprotectbutnotpossess,todef endbutnottoconquer.itistheamericanstory.astoryofflawe dandfalliblepeople,unitedacrossthegenerationsbygranda ndenduringideals.thegrandestoftheseidealsisanunfoldin gamericanpromisethateveryonebelongs,thateveryonedeser vesachance,thatnoinsignificantpersonwaseverborn.ameri cansarecalledupontoenactthispromiseinourlivesandinour laws;andthoughournationhassometimeshalted,andsometime sdelayed,wemustfollownoothercourse.
1974年美国总统福特就职演说 （文章一）：1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon. President Ford;s Inaugural Address: [Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger] Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans: The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented pact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a caign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many. I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not caigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear
美国前总统小布什给父亲老布什总统的悼词(全文) 原标题：前总统小布什给父亲老布什总统的悼词 美国前总统卡特、克林顿、小布什、奥巴马和现总统川普，以及美国各界要员和布什家族的亲友等，今天应邀出席了美国第四十一届总统乔治·H·W·布什的葬礼。 四位美国前任总统，和现任总统同出席老布什葬礼 有一句话说，“直到死亡把我们分开”，在这里，要说成“直到死亡把我们团聚”才合理。 今天只是未来生命中的一天，但你的未来却取决于你今天做了什么。 海明威 前总统小布什讲话全文 1 尊敬的来宾，总统和第一夫人，政府官员，外国客人，朋友们；杰布，尼尔，多罗和我，以及我的家人，感谢你们的光临。 2 我曾经听说，人最好趁身心尚年轻时候去世，当然，时间要越晚越好。在我父亲85岁高龄的时候，他的一个娱乐就是开快船，他的船叫“忠心号”，他开足300马力，快得象飞一样，在大西洋上驰骋，留下保安船只在后面拼命追赶。 3 在90岁的时候，我父亲依然从飞机中跳伞而出，降落点是缅因Kennebunkport镇海边的圣安妮教堂，我的祖母就在这个地方举行的婚礼，这也是我父亲经常去礼拜的地方。母亲说，父亲特意选择了这个地方降落，就是为了应对伞包万一打不开的意外。 4 90岁了，有一天父亲正在住院，他的老朋友，前国务卿贝克，偷偷给他带进来一瓶灰鹅牌伏特加，他高兴坏了。这酒配上贝克从默顿牛排店买来的外卖，真是棒极了。 5 即便是在他最后的日子，父亲的生命也有启迪。他一边老去，一边教会我们如何带着尊严，幽默和善良而老去。当慈爱的上帝最终来叩门的时候，怎样带着勇气，带着对天国的期盼和喜乐，去迎接死亡的来临。 6 我父亲知道如何在“年轻”时死亡，因为他几乎曾经历过两次。十几岁的时候，一个葡萄球菌感染几乎要了他的命。几年后，他躺在一个救生筏里在太平洋上飘荡，一边祷告希望救生部队能先于敌人找到他。显然上帝听到了他的祷告，因为上帝给父亲的命运做了其他的安排。 7 从我父亲的角度，这些濒死的经历让他更加珍惜生命的可贵，他发誓要把每一天活到极致。 8 父亲是个大忙人，永远处于无穷动态之中。但是，他就是再忙，也不会忘记和周围的人分享快乐。他教会我们热爱户外运动，他喜欢看爱犬追逐被惊飞的野鸟，他爱钓狡诈的鲈鱼。即便是受限于轮椅而行动不便，他就坐在沃克海角的码头，沉思大西洋的宏伟，这仿佛是他最快乐的时刻。 9 他所看到的天边明亮而充满了希望。父亲是个真正乐观的人。这种乐观主义，也影响了下一代，让我们每一个人都坚信，可能性无处不在。一直以来，他都用一个个果敢的决定来拓展他的空间。 10 他是爱国者。高中毕业后，二战爆发，他暂停大学计划而成为海军飞行员。 11 父亲和很多同代人一样，本来不大喜欢宣扬自己报效国家的事迹。但是，作为公众人物，我们都知道了他的经历，他执行攻击，完成任务，被击落。我
第18讲肯尼迪总统就职演说 ——Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy 主讲人廖赐仰 Now the trumpet summons us again- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation- a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it-and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you-ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world , ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which
Bush's Inaugural Address I thank you all. Chief Justicer Renquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace. I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course. Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel. While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity. I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image. And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward. America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it
Inaugural Address of George Bush FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends: There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America. I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began. We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads: Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There are times when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right
特朗普就职演讲稿中文 导语：XX年11月9日，美国大选终于尘埃落定，一开始一直不被看好的唐纳德?特朗普击败民主党候选人希拉里?克林顿，当选美国第45任总统。他获选后的这篇演讲，不管是从内容还是风格形式上都非常有特色。以下是品才网小编整理的特朗普就职演讲稿中文，欢迎阅读参考。 特朗普就职演讲稿中文首席大法官罗伯茨先生，卡特前总统，克林顿前总统，布什前总统，奥巴马前总统，各位美国同胞，世界人民，感谢你们。 各位美国公民们，我们正参与到一项伟大的全国性事业当中：重建我们的国家，重塑对全体人民的承诺。我们将一起决定未来很多年内美国乃至全世界的道路。 我们将遭遇挑战。我们会遇到困难。但是我们能将这项事业完成。每过四年，我们都相聚在这里进行有序和平的权力交接。 我们应该感谢总统奥巴马和第一夫人米歇尔·奥巴马，他们在权力交接中，慷慨地给予我以帮助。他们真的很棒。谢谢你们。 今天的就职典礼有着特殊的意义。因为，今天我们不只是将权力由一任总统交接到下一任总统，由一个政党交接给另一政党。
今天，我们是将权力由华盛顿交接到了人民的手中，即你们的手中。 长久以来，华盛顿的一小群人攫取了利益果实，代价却要由人民来承受。华盛顿欣欣向荣，人民却没有分享到财富。政客们塞满了腰包，工作机会却越来越少，无数工厂关门。 建制派保护的是他们自己，而不是我们国家的公民。他们的成功和胜利不属于你们。当他们在我们的首都欢呼庆祝时，这片土地上无数在挣扎奋斗的家庭却没有什么可以庆祝的。但这些都会改变，在此地改变，在此时改变。因为你们的时刻来临了，这一刻属于你们。 这次胜利，属于今天聚集在这里的所有人，以及全国正在观看这次典礼的所有美国人。这是属于你们的一天。这是你们的庆祝日。我们所在的美利坚合众国，是你们的国家。 真正重要的，并不是政府由哪个政党来掌控，而是政府能不能被人民掌控。XX年1月20日，这一天将会被铭记，美国人民重新成为了国家的主宰者。 曾经被忽视的美国人不会继续被忽视。 现在，所有人都在倾听你们。你们数以千万计地投入到这场历史运动中，这样的事情世界上从来没有过。 这一就职典礼的核心是一种信念——我们坚信国家是为服务人民而存在的。我们国家想要为孩子们提供优良的学校教育，为家庭提供安全的生活环境，为每个人提供好的就
George W. Bush Babbles Like An Idiot 小布什搞笑语录集锦 “The war on terror involves Saddam Hussein because of the nature of Saddam Hussein, the history of Saddam Hussein, and his willingness to terrorize himself.” - Grand Rapids, Mich., Jan. 29, 2003 我们要打击恐怖主义包括侯赛因·萨达姆主要是因为他的本性，他的个人历史，和他要恐吓自己的意愿。 “I can’t hear you because I can’t see.” - G.W. Bush from Journeys With George by Alexandra Pelosi, debuted on HBO Nov. 5, 2002 我听不到你说什么因为我看不见你。 “Our most abundant energy source is coal. We have enough coal to last for 250 years, yet coal also prevents an environmental challenge.” — April 20, 2005, in Washington. 是present吧，而不是prevent。失之毫厘。。。 See，one of the interesting things in the Oval Office，I love to bring people into the Oval Office right around the corner from here and say，this is where office，but I want you to know the office is always bigger than the person。"——GeorgeW.Bush,Washington,D.C.,Jan.29,2004 请看,有关椭圆形办公室的一件有趣的事是,我喜欢人们从这个角落进来参观椭圆形办公室。这就是我办公的地方，但是我想让你们知道的是,办公室总是比人大。 “There’s an old saying in Tennessee—I know it’s in Texas, it’s probably in Tennessee—that says, fool me once, shame on ... shame on you. Fool me ... Y ou can’t get fooled again.” - G.W. Bush quoted by the Baltimore Sun - Oct 6, 2002 在田纳西州有句老话---我知道是在德州，但可能会是在田纳西州---这句话说到：。。。。。。（这句谚语本来是“fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me”） “Do you have blacks too?” - Bush ignorantly asked Brazil’s President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Reported by the reputable German publication Der Spiegel. Rumor has it, Condoleza Rice interupted the president and explained in brief the African history in Brazil. “你们这也有黑人？”布什无知地问巴西总统Fernando Henrique Cardoso。德国知名出版社Der Spiegel报道。谣言说：赖斯打断了布什并向他简略地介绍了非洲移民在巴西的历史。“This foreign policy stuff is a little frustrating.” - G.W. Bush as quoted by the New Y ork Daily News, April 23rd, 2002 这个外交政策的内容确实是有些让人沮丧。 “And so, in my State of the—my State of the Union—or state—my speech to the nation, whatever you want to call it, speech to the nation—I asked Americans to give 4,000 years --4,000 hours over the next—the rest of your life—of service to America.”” - G.W. Bush. April 9th, 2002. Reported by the San Francisco Gate (among others) 在我的陈述国情，不对，国情陈述，不对，在我对全国的讲话中，也不对，不管你怎么叫它，总之是对全国的讲话中，我要求每个美国人拿出生命的四千年为国服务。 “{waves hello}”- G.W. Bush waves to the blind musician, Stevie Wonder, as reported by the Washington Post, March 6th, 2002 布什向盲人音乐家Stevie Wonder 挥手打招呼。。。 “When I take action, I’m not going to fire a $2 million missile at a $10 empty tent and hit a camel in the butt. It’s going to be decisive.” September 19th, 2001 当我采取措施时，我肯定不会点燃发射一枚2百万美元的导弹，结果却只射中了一个10美元的空帐篷，击中了一只骆驼的屁股。我要做到抉择明确有效。 “We spent a lot of time talking about Africa, as we should. Africa is a nation that suffers from
摘要：就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势，很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象，对排比的大量使用进行分析，旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势，使演说的逻辑更加清晰，同时也增强了演说者的感召力，增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词：就职演说词；演讲；排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题，既不同于日常谈话，也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合，由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情，获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动，因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时，有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长，弃口语松散杂乱之短；既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风，又不失口语生动感人之韵，使人听来感到铿锵悦耳，感情充沛，极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众，并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待，总统治国理想，对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析，施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明，大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见，一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料，以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析，揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力，以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比（parallelism）是一种修辞手法，它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近，结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组（主谓/动宾）或句子并排，达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases （Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986）.这种结构的大量运用，使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整，在语篇上更具气势，在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中，每一位总统的就职演说词，都依据各自不同的政治目的，而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法，以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初，国家建设时期的就职演讲中，排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷，鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们，让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱，如果没有这些，自由，甚至生活本身都会索然寡味，让我们再想一想，我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上，如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容，其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿，那么我们必将无所收获。……因此，让我们以勇气和信心，迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则，拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列，从团结到和睦如初，到想一想，最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则，把团结置于首位，加强了感情联络，产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期，林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念，给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中，强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性，突出了国家宪法高于一切，人民的利益是以宪法为保障，一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据，因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代，富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中，排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心；他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147