英国养老文献5篇

文献信息文献标题：Active Ageing, Pensions and Retirement in the UK（英国的积极老龄化、养老金和退休）文献作者：Liam Foster文献出处：《Journal of Population Ageing》,2018,11(2):117-132字数统计：英文3829单词，20396字符；中文6752汉字外文文献Active Ageing, Pensions and Retirement in the UK Abstract The ageing population has led to increasing concerns about pensions and their future sustainability. Much of the dominant policy discourse around ageing and pension provision over the last decade has focussed on postponing retirement and prolonging employment. These measures are central to productive notions of ‘active ageing’. Initially the paper briefly sets out the pension developments in the UK. Then it introduces active ageing and active ageing policy, exploring its implications for UK pension provision. It demonstrates that a more comprehensive active ageing framework, which incorporates a life-course perspective, has the potential to assist the UK to respond to the challenges of an ageing population. In doing so it needs to highlight older people as an economic and social resource, and reduce barriers to older people’s participation in society.Keywords: Active ageing, Extending working lives, UK, Longevity, PensionsIntroductionThe world’s population is ageing. The number of people aged 65 or older worldwide is projected to grow from 524 million in 2010 to nearly 1.5 billion in 2050 (World Health Organisation 2012). The age-based dependency ratio is also changing: in Europe there are four people of working age for every person over 65 and by 2060 there will be only two (European Commission 2010). In the UK it is estimated that thepopulation aged over 65 will grow twice as fast as the working age population, accounting for 24% of the population by 2037 (Office for National Statistics 2015). This process of demographic ageing with the accompanying shifts in the ratio of social security contributors to recipients poses a significant challenge to the sustainability of pensions (Hofäcker 2015).The ‘active ageing’ framework has emerged as a key policy resp onse to the challenges of an ageing population (Foster and Walker 2015). Active ageing is concerned with enabling people to remain independent and achieve their potential regardless of age. It emphasises the importance of maximizing health, participation and security in enhancing well-being as people age (World Health Organisation 2002). In addition, it indicates the role older people can play in combating the challenges of an ageing population through delaying exit from employment and maintaining an active life following retirement (European Commission 2014). Pension policies can have an important role in extending working lives in addition to providing an adequate income in retirement and, as such, should be a central component of the active ageing agenda (Foster 2012). Despite this, little attention has been given to the links between the active ageing framework and pensions, especially in the UK (Hinrichs and Aleksandrowicz 2006; Botti et al. 2011).Initially the paper briefly outlines the development of pensions in the UK. Then it considers the emergence of active ageing policy, exploring its implications for UK pensions and extending working lives, before outlining the importance of utilising a life-course approach to active ageing. It shows how an active ageing strategy can assist the UK to respond to the challenges of an ageing population. In doing so it emphasises the need to see older people as an economic and social resource, and reduce barriers to older people’s participation in society.The Development of Pensions in the UKIn the UK the fate of the aged poor became a public issue in the late nineteenth century and a campaign for the introduction of an old age pension began towards the end of 1898. This led to the creation of the 1908 Old Age Pensions Act. Coverage waslimited for financial and moral reasons, with the focus on undeserved poverty. The level of pension was insufficient to tempt those able to continue in full-time work to stop doing so. Following the Second World War, further changes were made to the state pension scheme based on the Beveridge Report (1942). A flat-rate pension, funded through National Insurance (NI) contributions (made by employees and employers), meant older people became more of a distinct social category, defined by age (of pension entitlement) (Walker 1980). This flat-rate pension was supplemented by an occupational pension for those who could afford them or by national assistance for those without further provision.These developments enhanced the connection between ageing and public policy in the UK and were accompanied by a rise in living standards of older people (Walker 2009). However they also contributed to the perception of older people as requiring economic support and enhanced ageist stereotypes of old age as a period of dependency and frailty (Townsend 1981). The developments meant older people were expected to exit the labour force at fixed ages and exchange wages for pensions. Pensions operated as a form of institutionalisation of retirement and management of the labour market (Kohli 2007). Retirement provided a clearly defined ‘normative’ phase of the lifecourse, structurally distinct from paid work, and formed a boundary that produced older people as a distinct group. These developments were underpinned by various types of support created through the welfare state, in addition to the expansion of occupational (defined benefit) pensions (Phillipson et al. 2016).An Active Ageing FrameworkThe concept of active ageing, which lacks a precise universally agreed definition, is a relatively new one, achieving widespread currency only in the past 20 years, largely due to the WHO. It emerged at a time when many countries began to restructure their old age income security systems in response to the challenges presented by an ageing population. These changes also fitted with principles of the active ageing framework which ‘portrayed an active role for older people’ (Walker 2009, p. 79). The emergence of active ageing can be traced back to the activityperspective in the US, during the early 1960s, as the antithesis of disengagement, the mutual withdrawal between ageing persons and society (Foster and Walker 2015). Cumming and Henry (1961) assumed disengagement to be universal and inevitable. However, this theory was criticised as it largely ignored older adults’ perceptions about what engagement entailed, enforcing a deficit model (Hochschild 1975). At that time the key to ‘successful ageing’ was perceived as the continuation of activity in older age (Havighurst 1961; Rowe and Kahn 1987). This approach was predicated on reductionist aims and had the effect of placing an unrealistic expectation on individuals in older age to maintain levels of activity associated with middle age, disregarding functional limitations. Thus, it failed to acknowledge the heterogeneous nature of older age. Productive ageing followed in the US a decade later, focussing on ‘any activity by an older individual that produces goods or services, or develops the capacity to produce goods or services’ (Caro et al. 1993, p. 6), before the global concept of active ageing emerged.Active ageing represents a vision for policy in which facilitating the rights of older people will enable the expanding population to remain healthy (reducing the burden on health and social care systems), stay in employment longer (reducing pension costs), whilst also fully participating in community and political processes. It is concerned with ‘continuing participation in social, economic, cultural, spiritual and civic affairs, not just the ability to be physically active or to participate in the labour force’ (World Health Organisation 2002, p. 12). Therefore, it involves challenging views of older age as characterised by passivity and dependency. It also emphasises the importance of experiences in younger years for determining well-being in later life (Hamblin 2013), highlighting the need for preventative processes throughout the life-course, including providing opportunities to contribute to adequate pension schemes or rewarding periods of caring (Ginn and Macintyre 2013).Pensions and Active AgeingA productivist version of active ageing has focussed on raising the employment rates of older workers through a combination of pension and labour market reforms.Longer working lives are seen as a viable approach to reduce the welfare bill. In 2014 in the UK there were 2.9 million people out of work aged between 50 and the State Pension Age (SPA), the age at which the state pension is received, and the government was spending around £7 billion on out-of-work benefits for people in this age group (Government Office for Science 2016). There are also currently over 1 million people aged 50-SPA who are not working because of sickness or disability (Department for Work and Pensions 2014a). While ‘passive’ programmes tend to discourage the use of early retirement schemes, ‘active’ approaches target employment retention and the reintegration of older workers (Corsi and Samek 2010). Despite considerable increases in older worker’s employme nt in the UK the current employment rate declines from 86% for 50 year olds, to 65% for 60 year olds and 31% for 65 year olds (Government Office for Science 2016). The DWP ( 2014a) suggests that halving the employment gap between older people aged 50-SPA and those in their 40s could have seen income tax and NI receipts 1% (just under £3 billion) higher and GDP up to 1% (£18 billion) higher in 2013.Pension system reforms are seen as fundamental to older workers’ employment, by providing effective incentives and an environment for demand and supply of the labour of older workers (Botti et al. 2011). In the UK policy has encouraged delayed retirement in a number of ways, including increases in the age at which the state pension can be received (in 2008, the UK government announced a phased increase in the SPA to 68 by 2046) and gradually standardising the pension age for men and women. These are practices recently undertaken by a number of EU countries (Foster 2012). In an interview with the Guardian Sarah Harper suggested that if Brexit leads to a significant decline in migration in the UK then a reduction in the ratio of workers to retired people is likely to lead to additional increases in the SPA (Lyons and Hill 2017). The changes in SPA may be difficult for people who have already made employment, saving and retirement decisions based on a particular SPA who are unable to adjust to a higher SPA by working or saving longer. Raising the SPA in line with increasing life expectancy may result in more people with health problems or caring commitments leaving the labour market before they are eligible for the statepension (Price et al. 2015). Leaving work before SPA makes it increasingly difficult to maintain living standards into retirement. For instance a third of people who stopped work aged 50 to SPA between 2008 and 2010 saw their overall household income immediately drop by over a half (Department for Work and Pensions 2014a). Weyman et al. (2012) suggest that it is likely to have the greatest effect on middle to lower-income groups given that they are least likely to be in employment up to SPA. They may be most likely to see the SPA increase as a signal to work slightly longer if possible (Phillipson et al. 2016). For high income groups the state pension represents a relatively marginal factor in their financial planning. They are more likely to have access to occupational pensions and other financial assets.Ensuring an adequate level of income in retirement for all fits with a more comprehensive approach to active ageing as financial resources can enhance the prospect of ‘activity’ in retirement (Foster and Walker 2015). Government sources of income are crucial to maintaining post-retirement living standards (Phillipson et al. 2016). For instance, in 2012/13 state benefits accounted for 44% of pensioners’ incomes, occupational pensions made up 27%, earnings 17%, investment income 7%, and personal pensions (defined contribution (DC) schemes usually set up by an individual which do not stipulate an employer contribution is required) 4% (Department for Work and Pensions 2014b). Cash benefits/state pensions represented 79% of the incomes of retired households in the bottom quartile in 2012 (Macnicol 2015). In the UK state pension provision is still comparatively low compared with its European counterparts, despite recent changes to the state pension scheme (Creighton 2014). The indexation of the Basic State Pension (BSP), a regular payment from the government that begins when people reach the SPA based on an individ ual’s history of payments of NI Contributions, and the means-tested Pension Credit has been improved and a new single tier pension, combining the basic and second (earnings-related) state pensions, was introduced in 2016 at about £155 per week if payable in full. Since no extra money is forthcoming, there will be both gainers and losers, with estimates of gainers varying from 35% of men and 61% of women (Crawford et al. 2013) to 70% of men and 75% of women (Department for Work andPensions 2015). Men and women already over the SPA in April 2016 are ineligible and will continue to receive the state pension in its current form, even where they would have benefitted from the new pension. As such many pensioners, including the oldest old, are excluded from this policy. If existing pensioners had been included, by 2025 this would reduce the projected percentage of pensioners living in relative poverty from around 11% under current policy to around 7%, rather than 10% when just including those reaching the SPA post-2016 (Carrera et al. 2012). Lloyd (2015), using ELSA, found that increasing income in retirement impacts upon retirement satisfaction. Therefore, enhancing the basic level of pension provision could assist older people to finance additional activities, key characteristics of comprehensive active ageing (ILC–UK 2014). Hence the need for a more inclusive approach to basic pension provision which does not exclude the oldest old (Walker 2002).Extending Working LivesIn 2010 the default retirement age (DRA) of 65, which meant that employers could force their employees to retire at the age of 65, was abolished in the UK following a number of countries including Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA (certain employers such as the fire service still have a compulsory retirement age). The abolition of the DRA in the UK, a productivist active ageing policy, was seen as an important way of ‘encouraging’ people with inadequate retirement incomes to continue working and contributing to pensions (Botti et al. 2011). An active ageing framework needs to acknowledge the diverse experiences and the lack of choice often associated with retirement decisions. The age at which people retire is influenced by a variety of factors including health, wealth, work decisions including involuntary redundancy, caring obligations and job satisfaction (Brown and Vickerstaff 2011). Pension arrangements, and the availability of other benefits (for instance as alternative retirement vehicles), also influence the timing and nature of retirement. Studies regarding the decision to retire find that people with higher incomes and occupational pensions are able to more freely decide when to retire (and tend to be most likely to either retire early or to continue working past SPA), while those without a privatepension are more likely to leave work involuntarily, because of redundancy, care-giving responsibilities or illhealth (Phillipson et al. 2016; Vickerstaff et al. 2006). There are also differences between those who ‘consider retirement a wel l-earned entitlement, individuals who retire for health reasons, those who are compelled to continue working for financial reasons and older workers who have an inherently positive relationship with employment and would like to continue working’ (Beck 2014, p. 201). As such the extending working lives agenda is a complex one, with choice unevenly distributed and constrained by a myriad of interrelated factors (Porcellato et al. 2010; Lain 2016).Whilst there has been an increase in people working past age 65 in the UK, this largely relates to people being retained in their current jobs rather than undertaking new ones. This is also applicable to self-employed workers where an increase in selfe-mployed individuals aged 65–69 is due to the long-term self-employed remaining in their jobs longer (Phillipson et al. 2016). It may be easier for self-employed workers to work beyond 65 as they are not as confined by organisational rules regarding retirement, have a greater ability to work flexibly and can return to work, having left, without having to convince an employer to rehire them (Lain 2016). Although opportunities to remain in work have improved, it is evident that age discrimination continues in hiring practices (Phillipson et al. 2016). While UK employers often acknowledge the benefits of age diverse workforces, in practice, recruitment trends show they prefer to recruit younger workers (Porcellato et al. 2010; Lain 2016). Stereotypes still exist that older workers: do not want to train; lack creativity; are too cautious; cannot do heavy physical work; and dislike taking orders from younger workers (Walker and Maltby 2012). This is despite evidence which shows older workers are, on average, as effective in their jobs as younger ones (Smeaton et al. 2009). Furthermore, Lain (2012) found that in the early 2000s employees working at age 65–69 who had recently been recruited were disproportionately in low paid, part-time employment which required few qualifications, pointing to the limitations of a productivist active ageing agenda.Active Ageing, Pensions and the Life-CourseWhile active ageing emphasises the need for extending working lives, employment throughout the life-course has considerable implications for pension accumulation. Individuals who have fragmented pension contribution histories are likely to build up smaller pension pots for retirement. Therefore, security in retirement cannot easily be achieved by planning in the immediate run up to retirement (Macnicol 2015). In particular women’s incre ased risk of poverty in older age depends largely on lower accumulation of pension rights throughout the life-course often as a result of their greater likelihood of undertaking caring responsibilities (Corsi and Samek 2010). British women receive 25% less in state pension than men and women’s private pension savings are only half that of men (Pensions Policy Institute 2016). Such disparities between men and women’s pension income are not specific to the UK. For instance, taking the EU as a whole, men are on average entitled to pensions that are 40% higher than women’s (Tinios et al. 2015).Given that active ageing policy is dependent on characteristics and experiences throughout the life-course, policies should not simply be targeted at older age. A lack of pension income in later life is a result of insufficient pension saving in early and middle adult life. Therefore, pension challenges will not be addressed only through expanding working life and delaying pension receipt. A comprehensive active ageing approach needs to take into account pension saving throughout the life-course in order to understand income inequalities in older age. This needs to depart from an outdated notion of a ‘standardised’ or ‘normative’ life-course where exit from the labour market in older age is regulated by pension norms (Loretto and Vickerstaff 2015).While a neoliberal policy approaches may be steering an individual approach to pension saving (Grady 2016), the male breadwinner ideology is still prevalent in pension decision-making and women still undertake greater levels of caring responsibilities at all stages of the life-course (Scott and Clery 2012). Therefore, a comprehensive active ageing strategy needs to recognise the different trajectories women often face and not penalise women (and men) who diverge from traditional male patterns of employment (it is also worth noting that for many men workingpatterns have changed with more frequent movement between employers and an expansion in self-employment). Unfortunately, neoliberal pension policies, which promote individual responsibility for pension provision, do not account for the realities of many women’s (and some men’s) labour market experience. It would be possible to redevelop pension systems in a manner which de-couples retirement income from labour market participation (Strauss 2014) thus avoiding the penalty for caring years incurred in private pensions (Ginn and Macintyre 2013). In effect, we need to move beyond policy that solely reinforce the liberal celebration of better-paid employment in the labour market and explore ways to reward all forms of work including unpaid labour (Strauss 2014). One option is to introduce an unconditional Citizens Pension set at an adequate level. This approach would reduce gendered inequalities in pensions in retirement and provide a greater acknowledgement of the impact of a life-course approach to active ageing.ConclusionActive ageing has the potential to provide a framework for strategies relating to population ageing and pensions, particularly when a life-course approach is employed. Whilst it is important that a comprehensive active ageing approach recognises diversity and cultural differences, there are fundamental characteristics which must be included in an active ageing approach, whether the focus is on the UK, Europe or beyond. Ultimately it can assist with the process of optimising opportunities for health, participation and security (particularly through increasing the BSP) and as a way to enhance well-being as people age (Corsi and Samek 2010). A comprehensive strategy has the potential to assist with the challenges of workforce ageing and pressure on social protection systems, and enhance the experiences of older people (Foster and Walker 2013). It should not only be concerned with paid employment and pensions; the notion of ‘activity’ should involve all meaningful pursuits that contribute to an individual’s well-being, including their family, local community or society.In reality, much of the emphasis on active ageing has been on productivity and attempts to encourage people to work longer (Foster and Walker 2015). This focus islikely to adversely affect particular groups, including the lowest paid, carers and those with disabilities, who may have limited opportunities or choice in relation to employment (Phillipson et al. 2016). Furthermore, a greater emphasis on individual responsibility for pension provision has led to the displacement of risk and responsibility from a collective public level to individual policy-holders in the UK and beyond (McClymont and Tarrant 2016). This is likely to present significant challenges to those with limited access to opportunities to save and exacerbate gender inequalities in pension provision (Ginn and Macintyre 2013). In addition, increasing the SPA in the UK may result in more people with health problems or caring commitments leaving the labour market before they are eligible for the state pension (Price et al. 2015).We need to look beyond narrow productivist notions of active ageing, taking a lifecourse perspective, to ensure people have the income, opportunities and choices required to enhance their well-being in later life. At the same time, active ageing policies, including economic incentives to continue working in later life, need to be accompanied by policies that enable older workers who want to work to remain active in the paid labour market, focusing on i-deals (Loretto 2016). Unless sustainable pension provision with adequate income in retirement is enacted, there is a danger that more individuals will be compelled to work in insecure forms of paid employment or face an insecure retirement (Phillipson 2012; Grady 2016; Lain 2016). Therefore there is a need to develop a more comprehensive approach to active ageing in the UK which supports retirement as a period of financial security.中文译文英国的积极老龄化、养老金和退休摘要人口老龄化使人们越来越担心养老金及其未来的可持续性。

国外机构养老文献综述近年来，随着全球人口老龄化的加剧，养老问题备受关注。

国外机构针对养老问题进行了大量的研究和文献综述，为我们提供了许多有益的启示和建议。

国外机构的养老文献普遍强调了养老制度的重要性。

他们指出，一个完善的养老制度是确保老年人享有尊严和福祉的关键。

在这方面，养老金的发放是最重要的方面之一。

国外机构的研究发现，养老金的数额应该能够覆盖老年人的基本生活需要，并且应该与通胀率相匹配，以确保老年人的经济安全。

国外机构的养老文献还强调了老年人的健康状况。

他们指出，老年人的健康状况对于他们的生活质量至关重要。

因此，养老制度应该包括对老年人的医疗保健和长期护理的支持。

国外机构的研究表明，提供高质量的医疗服务和长期护理可以延长老年人的寿命，并提高他们的生活质量。

国外机构的养老文献还关注老年人的社交和精神健康。

他们指出，老年人需要与社会保持联系，并参与各种社交活动，以保持身心健康。

国外机构的养老文献还提到了老年人的居住环境。

他们指出，为老年人提供适宜的居住环境是非常重要的。

这包括提供安全和舒适的住所，以及易于使用的公共交通工具和社区设施。

国外机构的研究表明，良好的居住环境可以提高老年人的生活质量，并促进他们的独立性和社会参与。

国外机构的养老文献综述提供了许多有益的启示和建议。

它们强调了养老制度的重要性，包括养老金的发放、医疗保健和长期护理的支持、社交和精神健康的重要性，以及适宜的居住环境。

这些研究为我们制定和改进养老政策提供了宝贵的参考。

我们应该借鉴国外机构的经验和教训，为老年人提供更好的养老服务，以确保他们的尊严和福祉。

英国对老年人幸福生活的研究引言：老年人幸福生活一直是社会关注的焦点之一。

英国作为一个发达国家，在老年人幸福生活方面也进行了深入的研究。

本文将介绍英国对老年人幸福生活的研究成果，并探讨其对其他国家的启示。

一、社会支持和社交互动研究表明，社会支持和社交互动是老年人幸福生活的关键因素之一。

英国政府积极推动社会支持网络的建设，通过社区中心、义工组织等渠道为老年人提供社交活动和互助服务。

这种社会支持的建设不仅有助于老年人解决生活中的困难，还能增强他们的自尊心和归属感。

二、健康照护和医疗服务老年人的健康状况对其幸福生活至关重要。

英国的研究发现，提供优质的健康照护和医疗服务是保障老年人健康的重要手段。

英国政府通过全民医疗保险制度，为老年人提供免费的基本医疗服务。

此外，英国还鼓励老年人积极参与体育锻炼和健康活动，以提高他们的身体素质和心理健康。

三、经济保障和福利政策经济保障是老年人幸福生活的重要保障之一。

英国通过养老金制度和福利政策，为老年人提供稳定的经济来源。

养老金制度保障了老年人的基本生活需求，福利政策则提供了更多的经济支持和福利待遇。

这些政策的实施为老年人提供了经济上的保障，降低了他们的经济压力，提高了他们的生活品质。

四、住房条件和居住环境良好的住房条件和宜居的居住环境对老年人的幸福生活至关重要。

英国的研究发现，提供适宜的住房和改善居住环境，能够有效提高老年人的生活满意度和幸福感。

英国政府通过住房补贴和老年人福利住房项目，为老年人提供了安全、舒适的居住条件，为他们创造了良好的居住环境。

五、教育和文化活动老年人的教育和文化活动对他们的幸福生活起着重要作用。

英国的研究表明，继续学习和参与文化活动可以促进老年人的认知能力和社会参与感。

英国政府为老年人提供了各种教育和文化活动的机会，包括大学课程、文化艺术展览等。

这些活动的举办为老年人提供了学习和交流的平台，丰富了他们的精神生活。

六、社会安全和公共安全社会安全和公共安全是老年人幸福生活的基础。

养老保险外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)原文：Reintroducing Intergenerational Equilibrium: Key Concepts behind the New Polish Pension SystemAbstractPoland adopted a new pension system in 1999. This new pension system allows Poland to reduce pension expenditure (as a percent of GDP), instead of increasing it as is projected for the majority of other OECD countries. This paper presents the conceptual background of the new system design. The new system’s long-term bjective is to ensure intergenerational equilibrium irrespective of the demographic situation. This requires stabilisation of the share of GDP allocated to the entire retiredgeneration. Traditional pension systems aim, instead, at stabilisation of the share of GDP per retiree. The change in demographic structure observed over the past for a couple of decades and this historic attempt to stabilise the share of GDP per retiree led to severe fiscal problems and negative externalities for growth, as observed in numerous countries. Many countries have tried to reform their pension systems in different ways to try to resolve the issue of these ever-increasing costs. Although the Polish reform uses a number of techniques applied elsewhere, its design differs from the typical approaches –and the lessons and results are promising for all OECD countries. This paper presents the theoretical and practical application of this alternative approach and as such, the key features of the new Polish pension system design.IntroductionDemographic transition together with myopic policies has caused severe problems in the area of pensions in many countries around the world. Elements of traditional pension systems’ design include a weak link of benefits to contributions and the lack of control over costs of the system. Inclusion of these elements in the pension system design led to the explosion of costs, caused negative externalities for growth and contributed to persistently high unemployment. As such, the quest for pension reform is now on the top of policy agendas around the world, and especially in Europe. However, very few countries have been able to introduce fundamental reforms in the area of pensions to this time. In this case, the definition of reform is crucial. For the purposes of this paper, “reform” means changing t he system in order to remove tructural inefficiencies – and not just playing at the margins with contribution rates a nd retirement ages to adjust the system’s parameters for short-term fiscal and political reasons.Traditional pension systems have proven to be inefficient in providing societies with social security. Atthe same time attempts to cure these systems are hampered by a lack of consensus on what could replace the traditional system. Discussions on this issue involve confusion stemming from the ideological context of the discussion participants, as well as from overuse of such concepts as “pay-as-you-go” versus“funding”, or “public” versus “private”, while at the same time ignoring a number of important economic issues.Furthermore, economists have traditionally ignored pensions. Designing and running pension systems was left to non-economists, who were not extensively concerned with how to finance pensions in the long-term or with how to counteract these pension systems’ negative externalities. The new Polish pension system belongs to very small number of successful attempts to apply modern thinking in the area of pensions. This does not mean – as some may assume – giving up social security goals. Rather, the key idea was to give up the inefficient methods of delivering social security in order to save its goals and principles.This paper consists of two parts. The first focuses on a discussion of general issues that need to be addressed when designing a pension system. These issues are presented in a way that goes beyond the traditional way of thinking on pensions. In regards to this second part of the paper, it is important to point out that most countries in the current EU member states and candidate countries have pension systems that are essentially the same at the basic policy level. As such, the solutions in one member state or candidate country can be expected to be the same. Like European states such as France, Germany, Italy, the Czech Republic, Hungary and other European states, Poland and Sweden over the past decades and until the late 1990’s developed inefficient, costly pension systems. As such, in part two of the paper we shall examine how Poland has now successfully implemented the approach presented in the first part of the paper, and created a fundamentally strong and neutral pension system.Selected general issuesPension system design has to take into account a number of issues. Their full presentation and discussion goes beyond the scope of this paper This paper presents only a list of the issues for consideration and the most important observations. The pension system: externalities versus neutrality The description of a pension system depends strongly on both the aggregated and individual viewpoint.From the aggregated perspective, the pension system is a way of dividing current GDP between a part kept by the working generation and a part allocated to the retired generation. From the individual perspective, the pension system is a way of income allocation over a person’s life cycle. The above holds irrespective to the technical method applied or the ideological viewpoint. The pension system –as defined above –is not necessarily pay-as-you-go or funded. Such features stem from technical elements additionally applied on the top of the pension system, rather than from the system itself. If the pension system design assumes anonymous participation and a substantial scale of redistribution then we usually call this system pay-as-you-go. If the pension system design uses financial markets, then we usually call it funded. However, these two typically used concepts do not exhaust all possible combinations of anonymous versus individualised participation and financial versus non-financial pension system design techniques used. The dualistic pay-as-you-go versus funded approach leaves aside the combination of individual participation in a system that does not use financial markets. This approach also neglects the fact that using financial markets means investment (pension portfolio consists of private equities) or deferring taxes (pension portfolio consists of government bonds), which is obviously not the same. Adding redistribution or financial markets to the pension system generates externalities. These externalities can be positive and negative. Redistribution within the pension system can generate positive externalities if the system isinexpensive, namely the part of GDP allocated to the retired generation is not large. If the redistribution is large, then it generates negative externalities, such as contributing to persistently high unemployment and weak growth. Using financial markets causes positive externalities for growth if the pension system spends contribution money on investment. If the contributions are spent on government debt they may lead to negative externalities similar to those of large redistributive system, namely more tax distortions. This can happen if the rate of return on government debt is persistently above the rate of GDP growth. There exists yet another option, namely to bring the pension system as close toeconomic neutrality as possible. This option requires, among other things, combining individual participation in the system with dividing GDP between generations based on real economy developments, such as has been done in Poland and Sweden.Demographic structure: consequences of the change .Irrespective of the pension system design technique used, the pension system exchanges a right of the retired generation for a part of the product of the working generation. The exchange can be organised in various ways and also the rights can be expressed in various ways. In particular, the rights can be either traded in the financial markets, or defined in relation to some economic variables, or just based on political promise. In all of these cases there is a kind of market for pension rights. The working generation finances contributions in order to purchase the rights; the retired generation sells the rights in order to get a part of the product of the working generation. The various types of pension systems create an institutional framework for this market.Key features of the new Polish pension systemThe new Polish pension system design is a good example of applying the above described way of thinking in practice. The system named“Security through Diversity” started on 1 January 1999. It entirely replaced previous regulations on oldage pensions for majority of working population. Designing the new system from scratch provided the unique opportunity to avoid complicating the system. Instead, the new system design is simple and transparent. The main goal was to design a system that can be neutral or at least close to neutrality for economic growth irrespective of population ageing. The design of the new system does not copy any other pension system existing elsewhere. Strong similarity can be found only to the new Swedish pension system based on similar principles and started on the same day.16 At the same time, within this general framework the new Polish system uses a number of technical concepts developed in other countries. This brief presentation of the new Polish pension system focuses on the general economic design of the system, while leaving aside most technical details.The following bullets help in grasping the essence of the concept of the new Polish system design.Focusing on the universal part of the pension system;Separation of the old-age part of social security from the non-old-age parts of social security ; and segmenting the flows of revenue;Termination of the part of the previous system;Creation of a new pension system, entirely based on individual accounts; Accrual accounting within the system;Splitting each person’s OA contributions between two accounts (first account –NDC, second account – FDC);Annuitisation of account values at the moment of retirement;Minimum pension supplement on the top of both annuities if their sum is belowcertain level (financed out of the state budget).It should be strongly stressed that both accounts are annuitised at the same moment and play exactly the same role within social security. In particular there is no such element of the system as a “basic state pension”. Social redistribution exists but it has been moved out from the pension system. The sole role of the pension system is providing working generation with an efficient method of income allocation over their life cycle. The contribution rate for the entire social security system has not changed. However workers’ salaries were “grossed up” in order to introduce to them the idea that they pay part of the contribution and to build their awareness of the overall cost of the pension system. As such, since 1 January 1999 both workers and employers share the cost of contributions without any real change in the size of the total contributions. The whole operation affected percentages but not real flows of money. Thus the new system is based on the same contribution inflow as the previous system.Final remarksProviding people with social security –including financing consumption of the retired generation out of the product of the working generation - is very high on the list of social priorities in most countries. It is especially important in European societies. However, the inefficiency of traditional pension systems put achieving this goal at risk. Social and populist rhetoric suggests to the public that changes within the pension system are dangerous for social goals. In reality, for most countries in the world, it is just the opposite. The longer the traditional pension systems are held up, the more socially damaging effects will be created. Poland belongs to a non-numerous group of countries that are prepared for one of the most difficult challenges of our time, namely the ageing of the population. The new pension system will not only stop the increase of costs of the pension system but will alsoallow for their reduction. This will leave more resources available for development, which, in turn, will contribute to stronger growth and the increase of living standards of both the working and the retired generation. The example of the new Polish pension system, as well as the Swedish one, is interesting for yet another reason. This type of system contributes to labour mobility, which is particularly needed in Europe. Free movement of labour cannot be achieved if moving from one country to another affects expected retirement income. As such, aiming at pension system neutrality will be more and more important for European integration.译文：重新引入代际均衡：波兰养老保险制度摘要波兰于1999年通过了新的养老金制度。

一个关于养老改革的外文文献综述——基于人口结构、决策环境以及新自由主义的视角内容提要：本文以养老改革为话题对国外学者的相关研究作了一个文献综述，主要从人口结构、决策环境以及新自由主义三个方面展开。

通过文献研究发现，人口老龄化是一个全球性问题，该问题的存在及恶化会给养老保险体系以及宏观经济带来严重的冲击。

各国政府为应对人口老龄化危机，分别从参数或结构上对本国的养老保险体系进行了改革。

而具有不同政治偏好和利益诉求的政党及工会组织，则通过选举制度和经济制度等平台，左右着本国的养老改革进程。

全球化背景下，新自由主义者所倡导的市场化、私有化以及行政干预最小化等观念，通过世界银行等国际组织的推波助澜，对各国的养老改革产生了越来越深刻的影响，比如其推崇的“多支柱养老改革方案”，能得到越来越多国家的欢迎便是最好的明证。

关键词：老龄化养老保险现收现付制基金制一、引言养老保险作为最基本的社会再分配力量之一，在保障老年人的退休生活和缩小社会贫富差距方面发挥着重要作用。

随着覆盖面和积累资产规模的扩大，其对经济增长所产生的影响力也在逐步增强。

无论是参保者个人还是政府，都非常关注养老保险制度的有效性和可持续性。

人口结构的变化是影响制度有效性和可持续性的关键因素。

人口老龄化不但会影响参保者的养老金收益，还会影响工作一代的养老负担，对于改善养老保险体系在代际再分配方面的公平性和在财政预算上的可持续性非常不利。

基于此，各国为应对日益严峻的老龄化形势，纷纷对本国的养老保险体系进行了调整，或进行参数上的改革，或进行结构上的改革。

养老改革不但与全民退休生活息息相关，更事关不同社会阶层之间的利益分配，其改革方案应当充分考虑到不同阶层的政治偏好和利益诉求。

一个国家的政治决策生活中，不同社会阶层的成员主要通过政党以及工会等组织，来表达其对养老改革方案的期望和诉求。

而各国的政治制度和经济制度则是这些期望和诉求得以表达的平台，从而形成了养老改革的决策环境。

有关养老参考文献养老是指在退休之后的生活阶段，人们需要依靠积累的养老金或其他经济资源来维持生计。

随着全球人口老龄化问题的日益突出，养老问题成为各国共同面临的挑战。

因此，研究和探索养老问题，提出可行的解决方案变得尤为重要。

在研究养老问题时，参考文献是非常重要的资源。

以下是一些关于养老的参考文献，这些文献提供了对养老问题的深入研究和分析，以及有关解决养老问题的建议和政策:1. 王晓峰, 范晓宇, & 李德毅. (2017). 养老金改革与中国老龄化的社会经济影响研究. 经济研究, 52(6), 86-99.这篇文章探讨了中国养老金改革对老龄化社会的社会经济影响。

它提供了关于养老金改革的政策建议，并分析了养老金制度对经济增长以及老年人生活质量的影响。

2. Piggott, J., & Woodland, A. (2011). 退休金改革与养老保障. 经济学(季刊), 10(4), 445-464.这篇文章主要关注养老金改革与退休保障问题。

它研究了退休金制度的可持续性，提出了一些改革建议，并探讨了养老金改革对社会保障的影响。

3. Aiyar, S., Ebeke, C., & Shao, X. (2016). The Impact of Workforce Aging on European Productivity. IMF Working Paper, WP/16/238.这篇国际货币基金组织的工作论文研究了劳动力老龄化对欧洲生产力的影响。

它分析了老龄化对劳动力市场的潜在挑战，并提供了一些政策建议来应对这些挑战。

4. Brsch-Supan, A., & Coe, N. B. (2017). Pension systems in Europe: a cross-national comparison. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 33(1), 137-165.这篇文献对欧洲国家的养老金制度进行了跨国比较。

养老研究的国外专著随着人口老龄化问题的日益突出，养老研究成为了全球关注的焦点之一。

在国外，有许多专著对养老问题进行了深入研究，为我们提供了宝贵的经验和启示。

本文将介绍几本国外养老研究的专著，为读者提供一些有关养老问题的新思路。

第一本专著是英国学者约翰·斯密斯的《养老政策与实践》。

该书从政策和实践两个层面对养老问题进行了全面分析。

斯密斯教授首先回顾了英国养老政策的演变，并探讨了政策实施的各种挑战。

他还详细研究了养老院的管理和护理模式，提出了一系列改进措施，以提高养老院的服务质量和居民的生活质量。

第二本专著是美国学者玛丽·琼斯的《老龄化与社会支持系统》。

琼斯教授从社会支持系统的角度研究了老龄化对社会的影响。

她认为，老年人的福祉不仅仅依赖于政府的养老金和医疗保障，还需要社会的全面支持。

因此，她提出了建立一个完善的社会支持系统的建议，包括社区养老服务、志愿者活动和家庭照顾等。

第三本专著是加拿大学者安妮·李的《老年人的生活质量与幸福感》。

李教授通过实地调研和访谈老年人，探讨了老年人的生活质量和幸福感的影响因素。

她发现，身体健康、社会参与和人际关系是老年人幸福感的重要组成部分。

基于这些研究结果，李教授提出了一些建议，如提供更多的健康服务、鼓励老年人积极参与社会活动等，以提高老年人的生活质量和幸福感。

第四本专著是澳大利亚学者大卫·布朗的《老年人的工作和退休问题》。

布朗教授研究了老年人的工作和退休问题，并提出了一系列政策建议。

他认为，老年人的劳动力参与对于个人和社会都有积极的影响，因此应该鼓励老年人延迟退休。

此外，他还提出了改善老年人工作环境和提供培训机会的建议，以帮助他们更好地适应工作需求。

以上仅是几本国外养老研究的专著中的一部分，这些专著从不同角度对养老问题进行了深入研究，为我们提供了宝贵的经验和思路。

在面对人口老龄化的挑战时，我们可以借鉴这些国外专著的研究成果，制定更加科学和有效的养老政策，提高老年人的生活质量和幸福感。

英国养老保险体制特点及启发关于英国养老保险体制特点及启发的论文报告目录：I. 微观经济学分析英国养老保险体制特点1. 公共养老保险体系2. 自愿性个人储蓄计划3. 企业养老保险4. 长期护理保险5. 对比其他国家养老保险制度II. 宏观经济学分析英国养老保险体制特点1. 政策措施2. 经济因素3. 社会因素4. 与其他国家的差异5. 参考价值III. 英国养老保险案例分析1. 英国个人储蓄账户（ISA）2. 英国退休计划3. 英国国家养老金（State Pension）4. 英国长期护理保险5. 英国临终关怀服务I. 微观经济学分析英国养老保险体制特点1. 公共养老保险体系英国的养老保险体系以国家养老金作为基础，由政府提供一定的养老保障。

国家养老金是一种公共养老金计划，所有的合法居民都有资格申请。

基于缴纳国家养老保险税的年限和所得，每月领取不同数额的养老金。

国家养老金的优点在于，它不受市场波动，政策变动或企业破产等不可预测事件的影响，因为它是由政府提供的。

2. 自愿性个人储蓄计划自愿性个人储蓄计划，也称为个人储蓄账户（ISA），是另一种形式的养老保障。

ISA是在税前所得的基础上建立的，人们可以把他们的钱存入ISA账户，收益不受所得税或资本利得税的影响。

一旦达到了法定的退休年龄，人们就可以从ISA账户中提取现金。

ISA的优点是，它提供了一种弹性的、不受限制的投资方式，可以满足个人的需求和风险偏好，同时也能够在抵押贷款、教育支出和税收等方面提供税收优惠。

3. 企业养老保险企业养老保险是一种由雇主提供的养老保险计划，员工在工作期间缴纳养老保险费用，退休后通过企业养老金计划获得养老金。

企业养老保险的主要优点在于，参与员工可以根据自己的风险偏好选择投资计划，同时还能享受雇主的配套福利。

4. 长期护理保险除了基本的养老保险，英国还有一种长期护理保险，旨在为那些需要大量辅助生活的老年人提供帮助。

这种保险计划有助于支付日常生活和医疗护理费用。

国外养老保险制度改革及其对中国的启示——以英国为例近年来，随着人口老龄化问题的凸显，国外养老保险制度备受瞩目。

其中，以英国为例的养老保险制度以其先进性和成熟性被广泛关注。

本文将以英国养老保险制度为例，探讨其对中国的启示。

首先，英国养老保险制度的核心是逐步引入个人账户制度。

在过去，英国的养老保险主要依靠国家提供的基本养老金，但随着社会经济的发展和人口老龄化的加剧，国家负担越来越重。

为了解决这一问题，英国政府于2002年引入了个人账户制度，即“职业养老金”（Stakeholder Pension），建立了一个强制性基金，用于个人在退休后领取养老金。

这种个人账户制度的推行，一方面可以减轻国家的负担，另一方面可以增加个人的养老金收入，提高老年生活质量。

对于中国来说，逐步引入个人账户制度有助于缓解养老保险金支付压力，并激励个人提高储蓄水平。

其次，英国养老保险制度的另一个重要举措是逐步提高退休年龄。

根据英国的养老金计划，退休年龄将逐步延长至66岁，并有可能进一步上调。

这样的措施可以使养老金制度更加可持续，并推迟养老金支出的时间，减轻国家负担。

与之类似，中国也面临着人口老龄化的挑战。

根据联合国人口署的预测，到2050年，中国65岁及以上人口将超过4亿人。

因此，适时调整退休年龄，推迟养老金支付时间，对于中国来说也是必要的。

不仅可以减轻财政压力，还可以促进就业，提高劳动力参与度。

此外，英国养老保险制度还强调了私人养老金的重要性。

为了激励个人更多地参与养老金储备，英国政府为个人提供税收减免政策。

例如，养老金缴费可以享受税收减免，个人养老金收入也只需缴纳一定比例的税收。

这些政策的推行增加了私人养老金的吸引力，提高了个人参与养老保险的积极性。

与之相似，中国可以借鉴英国的经验，在税收政策上给予个人养老金更多的优惠，激励个人更多地储备养老金。

总的来说，英国养老保险制度给中国提供了许多有益的启示。

逐步引入个人账户制度、提高退休年龄、加大私人养老金的推广力度以及政府与社会各界的积极合作，都是中国养老保险制度可借鉴的经验。

英国养老服务体系：经验和发展柴化敏【摘要】本文梳理了英国养老服务体系发展历程，介绍了英国老年人养老现状。

90％的老年人居家和在社区养老，机构养老比例为10％。

养老机构以民办为主，养老服务的定位是市场化的，地方政府作为服务购买者和服务监督评估方。

社区长期照护在20世纪80年代就已经被提出并受到重视，大大减轻了政府财政压力。

各地政府对老年人长期照护需求进行评估并负责满足其需求，同时为鼓励居家养老，还评估家庭照护者的需求。

根据老年人收入和财产状况确定是否可以部分或全部享受政府提供的长期照护服务。

对于贫困和低收入老年人，政府承担托底角色。

此外，英国目前也面着临医疗和长期照护如何相互融合的问题并积极进行试点。

【期刊名称】《社会政策研究》【年(卷),期】2018(000)003【总页数】18页(P79-96)【关键词】人口老龄化;养老服务体系;医疗服务;长期照护【作者】柴化敏【作者单位】华东师范大学公共管理学院;【正文语种】中文【中图分类】D632.1一、英国老龄化和老年人口健康状况1930年英国65周岁以上的老年人口占总人口比例达到7.2%，是继法国（1890年）和瑞典（1890年）之后第三个宣告进入老龄化的国家。

从老龄化发展速度来看，老年人口占比翻一番（至14%），英国用了45年（1930—1975年），相比之下，法国用了115年（1860—1975年），瑞典用了85年（1890—1975年），美国用了69年（1944—2013年），英国的速度明显更快。

截至2016年，英国65周岁以上和85周岁以上老年人口分别为1180万人和160万人，分别占总人口的18.3%和2.4%（UK Office for National Statistics，2017）。

据预测，到2040年，英国65周岁以上老年人将增长到总人口的24.2%，85周岁以上高龄老年人数将翻一番增加到340万人。

同时，16～64周岁劳动年龄人口将从2016年的64%下降到58%。