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乔治华盛顿：第一任就职演讲历史学系许尧 13326050 根据确立的行政部门的条款，总统有责任推荐“将他认为必要而有利的措施”。
但今天我与大家见面的这个场合不允许我深入这个问题，而要涉及到伟大的宪法，它使你们会于一地，规定了你们的权力，并指定了你们必需注意之处。
与此种情景更相一致的，更切合的驱使着我的内心激情的是不提出详细的措施，而是赞颂想出和采取这些措施的当选者的才能、操行和爱国心。
我从这些可敬的品质中看到了最可靠的保证，一方面来说，没有地域歧视或地方情绪，也没有任何观念分歧或党派仇恨，能够误导我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同团体和利益所组成的大集合体；因此从另一方面来说，我们国家政策将会以纯洁的不可变的个人道德原则为基础，自由政府的优越性将会被其能获得其公民喜爱和全世界尊重的所有特质所例证。
在那激烈的的爱国情怀的激励之下，我满怀喜悦凝思展望这前途，因为在自然界的构成和秩序中，存在美德和幸福，责任和利益，诚实宽厚的政策的实行和社会繁荣幸福之间的一个不可分割的整体，没有其他比这个整体存在时间更长；因为我们数次被说服，上帝不会眷顾一个无视它亲自制定的规则秩序的国家；因为维护自由的火种和共和政府的命运的重任被认为是深刻的、最后做赌注般委托于美国人民手上的实验上。
除了提请你们关注的普通关注点外，还仍然需要请你们判断力来决定，在面对质疑共和政体的反对，或是由其产生的不安焦虑的关键时刻，行使宪法第五条提出的权宜之计会产生多大的益处。
我将不会在此问题上提出任何特别建议，因为我没有从机遇中得到任何的启发，因而我会再一次将我全部的信任交给你们对公共利益的洞察力和追求；因为我自信当你们小心地避免任何会威胁到一个团结高效的政府的改变，或者应该等待未来考验才能做出的改变之时，你们对于自由公民权利的尊重和对社会和谐的关注会有效地影响你们关于如何绝不改变地维护前者和安全有效地加强后者的问题的意见。
除了上述的观点以外，我还有一条要补充，其将得到众议院最恰当的解决。
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。
国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
乔治·华盛顿离职演说（中英文）乔治·华盛顿是美国独立战争时期的武装部队总司令，并任一七八七年制宪会议主席，经一致推选，出任新国家第一任总统，并于一七九二年再度当选连任。
毫无疑问，华盛顿本来可以终身担任总统，因为没有别人比他更受人民敬仰与尊重了。
但是，他认为担任两届总统已经足够，他从第二任总统职位退休时，准备了这篇告别辞，于一七九六年九月十七日向美国人民发布。
告别辞对党争与派系倾轧的警告；对外国影响或卷入国外纠纷的警告；在公共事务方面对道德与忠诚精神的呼吁，都是忠告与诫言，对美国历史影响深远，实非华盛顿自己始料所及。
各位朋友和同胞：我们重新选举一位公民来主持美国政府的行政工作，已为期不远。
此时此刻，大家必须运用思想来考虑这一重任付托给谁。
因此，我觉得我现在应当向大家声明，尤其因为这样做有助于使公众意见获得更为明确的表达，那就是我已下定决心，谢绝将我列为候选人。
关于我最初负起这个艰巨职责时的感想，我已经在适当的场合说过了。
现在辞掉这一职责时，我要说的仅仅是，我已诚心诚意地为这个政府的组织和行政，贡献了我这个判断力不足的人的最大力量。
就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的经历更使我缺乏自信，这在别人看来，恐怕更是如此。
年事日增，使我越来越认为，退休是必要的，而且是会受欢迎的。
我确信，如果有任何情况促使我的服务具有特别价值，那种情况也只是暂时的；所以我相信，按照我的选择并经慎重考虑，我应当退出政坛，而且，爱国心也容许我这样做，这是我引以为慰的。
讲到这里，我似乎应当结束讲话。
但我对你们幸福的关切，虽于九泉之下也难以割舍。
由于关切，自然对威胁你们幸福的危险忧心忡忡。
这种心情，促使我在今天这样的场合，提出一些看法供你们严肃思考，并建议你们经常重温。
这是我深思熟虑和仔细观察的结论，而且在我看来，对整个民族的永久幸福有着十分重要的意义。
你们的心弦与自由息息相扣，因此用不着我来增强或坚定你们对自由的热爱。
第一次就职演说1801年3月4日于华盛顿* *1800年以后华盛顿成为美国的永久首都，故以下各篇演说不再注明演说地点。
朋友们，同胞们：我听从召唤出任我国最高行政职务，谨向在此集会的我国部分同胞当面表达我的由衷谢意，感谢同胞们所一直欣悦地寄予我的厚爱和期望。
我还要诚恳地奉告各位，我业已意识到这项任务非我的才干所能胜任，责任的重大和能力的欠缺，使我在赴任之时心中自然产生了焦虑和敬畏交织的感受。
我国是一个新兴的国家，地域辽阔，土地肥沃；各行各业的产品十分丰富，而且行销世界各地，与那些自视强大和不顾他人权利的国家开展商业贸易；它正向着肉眼凡胎无法想见的命运迅猛前进。
每当我想到这些超凡卓越的事情，看到我们这个可爱的国家从今天的局面和吉兆中所显示的荣誉、幸福和种种希望，我就不由得收住自己的思绪，并且因为面对如此宏伟的事业而自惭形秽。
的确，倘若不是今天在场的许多人使我意识到，我可以从宪法所设立的其他几个最高政府部门①找到智慧、美德和热情的源泉，帮助我渡过一切难关，我真会彻底丧失信心。
因此，从你们这些负责行使立法主权的先生们以及各位共事者那里，我充满勇气地期待能得到指导和支持，从而使我们能够把稳我们共同乘坐的这艘航船的舵柄，安然行驶在这个冲突四起、扰攘不宁的世界。
①指联邦政府中的立法部门（国会）和司法部门（最高法院）。
参见本书第13页注释①。
在最近这次观点的交锋中，我们大家都热烈讨论和积极奔走，这种局面不免使那些不习惯于自由思考和自由表达、写出自己想法的人感到很不自在；但现在这已由全国人民作出了决断，并且根据宪法的规定公诸于众，相信大家都会按照法律的意志对自己作出安排，为了我们共同的利益而团结一致和协同奋斗。
②同样，大家也会在心中牢记一条神圣的原则：虽然多数人的意志在一切情况下都应占据主导地位，但这种意志既要正当就必须首先合理；少数派也应拥有平等的权利，公平的法律必须对此加以保护，如若侵犯即是压迫。
那么，同胞们，就让我们同心同德地团结起来吧！让我们在社会交往中恢复和睦和友情，如没有和睦和友情，自由乃至生活本身就都成了毫无意趣的东西。
Nothing filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summon ed by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect, my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much sway ed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliate d by the motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President, "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient."The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that isdue to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so ,on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted on the hands of the American people.。
历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
乔治·华盛顿:第一次就职演讲(1789年4月30日)篇一：美国的国父：乔治·华盛顿(Georgewashington)的就职演讲词美国第一任总统乔治-华盛顿就职演讲乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。
怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。
我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。
我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。
没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。
他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。
美国第一任总统乔治-华盛顿就职演讲乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。
怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。
我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。
我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。
没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。
他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。
美国总统就职演说中的第一人称指示语的语用意义探析作者：陈祥薇来源：《赤峰学院学报·哲学社会科学版》2015年第11期摘要：历届美国总统的就职演说一直是各学科学者研究的对象。
本文从语用学中的人称指示语方向入手，结合政治语篇的特征分析，探索在总统就职演说这一特定语料中第一人称指示语发挥的语用意义与作用。
文章将首先介绍美国总统的就职演说的特点及其重要性，阐明这一类型语篇的特殊性；接着会从语用学角度介绍第一人称指示语的使用；最后例举乔治·华盛顿，乔治·H·W·布什，以及巴拉克·奥巴马三位总统的就职演说中的第一人称使用具体说明。
关键词：美国总统；就职演说；第一人称；指示语；语用学中图分类号：H313 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1673-2596（2015）11-0166-02一、美国总统就职演说的意义及重要性美国历届总统就职之前均会举办正式的就职典礼，在典礼上新任总统会发表吸引国内外瞩目的就职演说（inaugural address）。
总统的就职演说不同于多数的正式演说，主要原因在于其特殊的政治目的。
从国内的角度来说，就职演说的政治目标不在于争取选民选票，而在于却令新当选总统作为超脱于党派斗争智商的国家元首的地位，着力恢复同种对美国传统价值观的信念，并最终好找全体美国人民共同协助新总统实现其政治抱负。
另一方面，从国际的角度来看，美国作为世界唯一的超级大国，新当选总统的就职演说也是其及其当选政党向世界传达的一种美国之声。
因此，作为一种特殊的政治语篇，美国总统就职演说语篇具有特定的交际形式、交际目的。
所以我们在分析美国总统就职演说的语用意义时，需区别与其他政治语篇。
二、人称指示语及第一人称指示语指示语（deixis）是语用学的一个重要议题，指在语境中才能确定其所指对象或所指信息的词语或结构。
何自然认为，“语用学研究语境条件下的语言使用与理解，而指示语可通过语言结构直接反应语言与语境之间的关系，尤其是语言使用与理解的语境依赖性。
华盛顿就职演讲稿篇一：美国总统乔治-华盛顿的就职演讲稿美国总统乔治-华盛顿的就职演讲稿地点：纽约时间：1789年4月30日星期四参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。
怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。
我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。
我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了永恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。
First Inaugural Address of William Jefferson Clinton January 20, 1993比尔克林顿第一次就职演讲星期三,1993年1月20日My fellow citizens:Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.今天，我们庆祝美国复兴的奇迹。
This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.这个仪式虽在隆冬举行，然而，我们通过自己的言语和向世界展示的面容、却促使春回大地--回到了世界上这个最古老的民主国家，并带来了重新创造美国的远见和勇气。
When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American. On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.当我国的缔造者勇敢地向世界宣布美国独立，并向上帝表明自己的目的时，他们知道，美国若要永存，就必须变革。
(完整word版)华盛顿(GeorgeWashington)就职演说中英对照版乔治·华盛顿（George Washington）就职演说中英对照Fellow Citizens:同胞们：I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate。
我再次被我的祖国召唤来履行首席执行官的职责。
When the occasion proper for it shall arrive，当将来适当机会来临时，I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor，我将努力表达我对这非凡荣耀的高尚情感，and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.和统一的美国民众寄于我的信心.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office.在总统行使任何官方职责之前,宪法要求就职宣誓.This oath I am now about to take,and in your presence：在你们面前,这就是我要承诺的誓言：That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government ，在我的政府行使职务期间，I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof，如有任何明知故犯地违反已有的禁令，I may(besides incurring constitutional punishment）be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.我不但将遭受宪法的处罚，而且还将受到出席这庄严仪式的诸位的谴责。
我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。
富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。
这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。
务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。
[00:02.00]First Inaugural Address of William Jefferson Clinton[00:05.93] January 20, 1993[00:07.95][00:08.71]美国复兴的新时代比尔克林顿第一次就职演讲星期三,1993年1月20日[00:11.00][00:12.67]My fellow citizens :[00:14.75]同胞们：[00:15.62]Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.[00:19.16]今天，我们庆祝美国复兴的奇迹。
[00:20.80]This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we[00:27.36]show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings[00:36.37]forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.[00:41.02]这个仪式虽在隆冬举行，然而，我们通过自己的言语和向世界展示的面容、却促使春回大地--[00:41.52]回到了世界上这个最古老的民主国家，并带来了重新创造美国的远见和勇气。
[00:42.83]When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to[00:48.97]the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's[00:55.59]sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we[01:08.62]march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define[01:20.01]what it means to be an American.[01:22.64][01:24.23]On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of [01:32.30]service to America.[01:35.48][01:38.48]当我国的缔造者勇敢地向世界宣布美国独立，并向上帝表明自己的目的时，他们知道，[01:43.48]美国若要永存，就必须变革。
乔治·华盛顿第一次就职演说文章导读：它是由总统的义务”推荐给您的考虑等措施,他要按公正审判必要和有益的。
”在某些情况下,我现在见到你会赦免我从进入这个题目来指远比大宪章在宪法所聚集,在定义你的力量,选定对象,你的注意力是给你们。
它将会是更一致的情况下,而且更加与感情,驱动和志趣相投的人,我来代替一个替补,具体措施的建议,进贡,是由于天赋、正直、爱国主义点缀的人物设计、选择收养他们参议院的国民和众议院:在任何情况下沧桑事件生活可以充满我,以更大的忧虑的是通过通知贵公司的定单,已收到的礼物14th天月。
一方面,我被召唤我的国家,我从来没听过他的声音,但尊敬和爱,我所拣选的撤退,最可爱的偏好、,而且我希望,一个不可奉承的选择,因为我的年华的庇护——就是每天撤退提供更多的必要以及更为亲切增加的习惯和频繁的倾向,打断我的健康逐渐浪费时间。
在它承诺另一方面,大小和困难的信任,我的国家的声音呼唤我,充分唤醒在最聪明的和最有经验的公民资格审查进他不信任,不禁使人与抑郁(继承劣质禀赋来自大自然和unpracticed民政部门的责任)应当特殊的意识到自己的不足之处。
在这场冲突中所有我敢断言的情绪是它被我忠实的研究收集我的职责只是欣赏从每一个情况下它可能会受到影响。
我希望,如果敢在执行这个任务,我已经太多的受感激的记忆,或由前一个深情的实例证明这种超然的敏感性,看重我的信心,那里太少无咨询以及为庞大而不关心我,我尝试之前的错误是palliated动机及其产生的后果欺哄我,从我的国家都有偏见,他们因此得名。
在这种印象,我曾经在服从公共传票、维修将车站,它将会遗漏在这个特殊的不当行为我第一次正式火热的人恳求全能规则在宇宙中,理在主战者,其providential国家艾滋病可以供应的每一个人,他的祝福缺陷,可能使到自由和幸福的美国人民政府设立的这些重要用途,自己,可以使每一个仪器应用于管理执行成功的功能分配给他的费用。
First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789 Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no eventcould have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order,and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondestpredilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the additionof habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficultyof the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferiorendowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All Idare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of myfellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and itsconsequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to thepresent station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whoseprovidential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for theseessential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with 乔治·华盛顿第一次就职演讲 纽约 星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们： 在我的人生际遇中，没有任何一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令所送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，在我偏爱的向往中，最是息影林下，我决意在早已为自己选择好的退隐之地度过晚年。
随着时光的不断磨蚀，我的健康状况日渐衰颓，屡感体力不济，因此在退隐地平静地生活除了适合我的秉性习惯外，更显得必要和弥足珍贵。
然而，受到祖国的召唤，我不能不一如既往肃然倾听，感戴复命。
另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以让最有才智和经验的国人也不能不顾虑重重，掂量自己的资格，而我天资低下，又无行政管理的经历，当然更加感到自己能力不足，诚惶诚恐。
怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，一直以来我总是公正地权衡与评估可能对履行职务产生影响的各种情况，潜心谋划，恪尽职守。
我唯一敢祈求的是，如果我在执行总统职务时因沉湎于往事，或因陶醉于同胞们此时对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多的影响，以致在处理从未经历过的重大事务时，疏于检讨自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的动机不同而减轻；而大家在评判错误的后果时，也能因由以产生这些错误结果的偏爱是我们大家同样持有的而给予适当的谅解。
既然我在听从公众召唤赴任总统时作如是之强烈感怀，那么，在首次国事活动开启之际，如不热忱地祈求全能上帝的帮助就太过失当了，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，祂的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，为美国人民的自由和幸福的神圣不可侵犯，授权美国人民且由他们自己按此基本目的而组成政府，并保佑总统府推行的各项举措都能成功地完成其应有的职能。
success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of everypublic and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of menmore than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in theimportant revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the pastseem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under theinfluence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you areassembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and thepatriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, noseparate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of ournational policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributeswhich can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truthmore thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an我确信，在向一切公众利益和私人利益的伟大造物主献上这份崇敬时，这不仅表达了我的心意，更表达了诸位的情感，不仅表达了个别人的想法，更表达了广大公民同胞们的襟怀。
