传媒2021年1月《网络新闻传播概论》课程考试离线作业考核试题33

网络与新媒体概论考试题一、选择题（每题2分，共30分）1.以下哪个不属于网络和新媒体的特点？A. 高度互动性B. 实时传递信息C. 可广泛覆盖的受众D. 信息传递的单向性2.以下哪个不是新媒体的一个形式？A. 网络视频B. 移动应用程序C. 电子邮件D. 广播电视3.社交媒体是指通过互联网来构建和分享用户生成内容的一类应用程序和网站。

以下哪个不是社交媒体的代表？A. FacebookB. TwitterC. 微信D. CCTV4.信息时代的特点之一是大数据的产生与应用。

下面哪个不属于大数据的特点？A. 高速度B. 高容量C. 高时效性D. 高价值5.网络与新媒体对传统媒体产生了重大的冲击和影响。

以下哪一个不是传统媒体的主要问题之一？A. 信息传递速度慢B. 信息传递范围有限C. 消息的传播不受控制D. 广告形式单一二、解答题（每题10分，共50分）1.请简要解释什么是互联网，以及互联网的基本组成部分。

互联网是指将全球各地的计算机网络相互连接形成的全球性计算机网络系统。

互联网的基本组成部分包括网络基础设施、传输媒介、网络协议、服务器和终端设备。

网络基础设施指的是网络的硬件设备，如服务器、路由器和交换机等；传输媒介包括光纤、电缆和无线信号等介质；网络协议是指在互联网上进行信息传输所遵循的一系列规则和约定；服务器是指提供互联网服务的计算机；终端设备是指连接到互联网的用户设备，如手机、电脑和平板电脑等。

2.请列举并简要解释三种常见的社交媒体平台。

a. Facebook：Facebook是全球最大的社交媒体平台之一，用户可以在上面与朋友分享照片、视频、状态更新等内容，并通过留言和点赞等功能与其他用户互动。

b. Twitter：Twitter是一种即时信息分享平台，用户可以发布短小的消息（推文）并与其他用户进行互动。

Twitter以其简洁的界面和实时性的特点而受到广泛关注。

c. 微信：微信是中国最受欢迎的社交媒体平台之一，用户可以通过微信发送文字、语音、图片和视频等信息。

网络新闻传播概论试题|远程作业1（2021）(答案:1534499857)一、名词解释1、网络中立（Net Neutrality）2、意见领袖3、数字化身二、简答题1、请介绍算法推送在新闻行业运用的现状，并分析这一新技术是否会带来“信息茧房”。

（600字以内）2、数字化社会研究领域具有影响力的学者范戴克（José van Dijck）提出“平台社会”（platform society）的概念来理解我们当下所处的信息环境。

请阅读以下节选段落，并选择某一个角度、结合自己的生活经历，归纳和阐述你对“平台社会”的理解。

In the introduction, we defined a platform as a programmable architecture designed to organize interactions between users. Many people think of platforms simply as technological tools that allow them to do things online: chatting, sharing, commenting, dating, searching, buying stuff, listening to music, watching videos, hailing a cab, and so on. But these online activities hide a system whose logic and logistics are about more than facilitating: they actually shape the way we live and how society is organized (Gehl 2011). Now let us first look more closely at the elements that construct a single platform’s anatomy: a platform is fueled by data, automated and organized through algorithms and interfaces, formalized through ownership relations driven by business models, and governed through user agreements. We will zoom in on each of these technical, economic, and sociolegal elements to explain the nature of their governance power, before we explore their mechanisms and effects in the next chapter.Platforms automatically collect large amounts of data— both content data and user data (Driscoll 2012; Mayer- Schönberger and Cukier 2013; Turow 2012; Van Dijck, 2014). The collection of data is enabled and shaped by hardware and software; devices people use to access platform services often come equipped with software and apps that can automatically collect data. With each mouse click and cursor movement user data are generated, stored, automatically analyzed, and processed—not just Internet protocol addresses and geolocations but detailed information about interests, preferences, and tastes. Large quantities of data are also collected across the Web through the implementation of “social buttons” and “pixels” (Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, Instagram, YouTube, or Google+) on websites (Gerlitz and Helmond 2013).Data provide the fuel for a growing connectivity between platforms. By means of application programming interfaces (APIs), platforms, subsequently, offer third parties controlled access to their platform data, giving them detailed insights into user behavior and metrics—information on which they can build new applications or platforms (Helmond 2015; Langlois et al. 2009; Zittrain 2008).5 Since eBay launched the first open API in the year 2000, its ubiquitous employment has arguably transformed the Web into a data- driven, platform- based ecosystem.Algorithms are another significant technological ingredient defining the connective architecture of platforms; they are sets of automated instructions to transform input data into a desired output (Gillespie 2014; Pasquale 2015). For instance, Google’s PageRank algorithms define the relevance of a web page by calculating the number and quality of hyperlinks to this page. And Facebook’s News Feed al gorithms determine the content you will be exposed to, calculated on the basis of the online activities of “friends” and “friends of friends” (Bucher 2012). Platforms use algorithms to automatically filter enormous amounts of content and connect users to content, services, and advertisements. Although platform owners may lift a veil on how their algorithms work, they are often well- kept trade secrets and are everything but transparent.Moreover, algorithms have become increasingly complex and are subject to constant tweaking. Shifting the focus from technological to economic relations, twoparticularly important ingredients of a platform’s architecture are its ownership status and business model. To start with the former, each platform has a specific legal–economic status; most distinctively, platforms may be operated on a for- profit or a nonprofit basis, even though such labels often leave implicit who stands to profit from a platform’s activities.7 Airbnb, for instance, is run by a US company with headquarters in San Francisco and satellite offices in nineteen cities around the world; the company is owned by its stockholders, who are, besides its founders, a number of Silicon Valley venture capitalists. Whether a company calls itself “global” or “American”has implications for compliance with regulatory regimes including taxation.Ownership status also has consequences for a site’s economic transactions and its social interactions with users. It is relevant for users to recognize owner– consumer relationships, especially because they may change over time. Couchsurfing Inc. is a case in point; the “hospitality site” started in 2005 as the Couchsurfing Collectives, with local teams operating from the United States, Canada, Austria, and New Zealand. When the site changed from a volunteer- based organization financed by donations to a corporation in 2011, many members objected to the shift from a nonprofit “travelers network” to a for- profit “accommodation site.” The switch translated accordingly into the selection of a different business model. Business models in the context of platforms refer to the ways in which economic value gets created and captured. In the online world, value gets measured in various types of currency: along with money and attention, data and user valuation have become popular means of monetization.9 One of the most pertinent myths is that platform services are “free” because many do not charge for their services. Facebook, Twitter, and Google+ are just a few of the many online social networks that are monetized through automating connections between users, content, data, and advertising (Couldry 2015; Fuchs 2011; Turow 2012). The “free” strategies adopted by many platforms have resulted in an ecosystem where the default mode is to trade convenient services for personal information (Schneier 2015).Technological and economic elements of platforms steer user interaction but simultaneously shape social norms. Although a platform’s architecture affords a particular usage and users are often met with a finite set of possible options, they are not “puppets” of the techno- commercial dynamics inscribed in a platform. Through itsinterfaces, algorithms, and protocols, a platform stages user interactions, encouraging some and discouraging other connections (Helmond 2015); for example, inserting a “like button” in the right- hand corner of an interface activates more “liking” than an insertion in the left- hand corner. Indeed, one could argue that any major platform is a recalibration laboratory where new features are constantly tested on users (Benbunan- Fich 2016).Another important element in platform- governing methods is its user agreement, usually called “terms of service” (ToS). These pseudo- legal contracts define and shape the relationships between users and platform owners, but they are often long, difficult to understand, and subject to constant change, which is why many people check the box without even looking at this “agreement.”以上内容节选自Van Dijck, J., Poell, T., & De Waal, M. (2018). The platform society: Public values in a connective world. Oxford University Press.。

网络传播概论试题答案一，名词解释斯塔尔报告1998年，美国独立检查官斯塔尔调查克林顿时间的报告在网上公布，我们统称为斯塔尔报告，这一案，现在已被称为是网络传播历史上的里程碑，这是有史以来人们第一次不是通过电视，电台或者报纸，而是通过网络率先了解一个重大新闻事件的详情。

OSI参考模型1977年，国际标准化组织建立了一个分委会专门研究网络体系结构，并于1984open system interconnection)这一年颁布了开放系统互联基本参考模型OSI( 模型定义了连接异种计算机的主体结构，从而解决了不同类型网络互联时的兼容问题，被公认为第三代计算机网络体系结构的基础，并为普及互联网奠定了基础。

OSI参考模型分为7层，分别是物理层，数据链路层，网络层，传输层，会话层，表示层和应用层。

域名系统在INTERNET里，人们喜欢用具有一定意义的字符串(英文，数字)来标识自己的计算机，因为这比IP好记，为了避免重复，人们采取在主机名后加后缀名的办法，这个后缀名就称为域名，用来标识主机的区域位置，域名具有一定的区域层次隶属关系，一般结构形式为“区域层次名。

机构名。

国别名” Internet协会规定结构性域名有七类，分别是:Com 商业机构组织 edu 教育机构组织Int 国际机构组织 gov 政府机构组织Mil 军事结构组织 net 网络结构组织Org 非赢利机构组织DNS服务器提供主机域名与IP地址之间相互转化服务的计算机系统叫DNS服务器，解析过程大致如下:(1) DNS客户向本地的DNS服务器发出查询请求(2) 如果该DNS本身有客户所需要的数据，直接返回给客户，如果没有，则与其他域名服务器联系，从其他服务器获得信息，再返回给客户 (3) 如果本地的DNS服务器查询了所有其他的域名服务器，仍未获得客户所需要的信息，则返回“找不到”或错误信息给请求方内联网内联网是在一个组织特别是企业内部使用的网络技术，它以通信和信息访问的方式，帮助组织成员实现组织内的传播。

1.请以手机媒体或网络媒体为例，结合本学期课堂讲授内容和你的个人体验，谈谈你对媒介融合含义、形式和发展态势的认识。

“媒介融合”( Media Convergence)这一概念最早由美国马萨诸塞州理工大学的浦尔教授提出的. 其本意是指各种媒介呈现出多功能一体化的趋势，这种关于媒介融合的想象更多的集中于将电视、报刊等传统媒介融合在一起。

美国新闻学会媒介研究中心主任Andrew Nachison 则将“融合媒介”定义为“印刷的、音频的、视频的、互动性数字媒体组织之间的战略的、操作的、文化的联盟”，他强调的“媒介融合”更多是指各个媒介之间的合作和联盟。

广义上,“媒介融合”包括一切媒介及其有关要素的结合、汇聚甚至融合，不仅包括媒介形态的融合，还包括媒介功能、传播手段、所有权、组织结构等要素的融合。

狭义上,媒介融合指不同媒介形式的结合重组从而产生新的媒介形式.以手机媒体为例,随着移动通信技术的发展, 互联网与无线通信融合的加强手机报、手机广播、手机电视等手机媒体相继问世,这一方面反映了报刊广电媒体对手机网络传播新高地的抢夺,另一方面也充分反映了报刊和广播电视以信息技术为中介，借助卫星、电缆、计算机技术等传输手段，使得各种信息在同一个平台上得到整合，不同形式的媒介彼此之间的互换性与互联性得到了加强，媒介一体化的趋势日趋明显。

媒介融合的表现形式分为以下三种1．不同媒介组织的跨媒介融合。

2．传统媒体内部业务的融合3．融合新闻4．传媒业务与功能的融合，指媒体之间相互借鉴传播方式，从而实现传媒业务和功能的融合。

结合目前媒介融合所面临的现实环境及表现形式，个人认为媒体融合未来的发展趋势有以下几个方面一传统媒体与新媒体之间的内容融合势在必行。

在信息时代，传统媒体的竞争优势在于对内容的拥有，然而规模化信息难以通过传统媒体自身充分地生产和流通；纵观以互联网为代表的新媒体，技术的优势造就了大规模的内容生产的可能性，但资本上的劣势往往阻碍其发展。

1、受众的概念传统意义上的受众是大众传媒的读者、听众、和观众的总称。

网络传播中的受众既可以是信息的接收者，又可以是信息的发布者，既可以是传播内容的消费者，又可以是传播内容的生产者。

2、网络传播的概念人类利用计算机和现代通信技术进行的数字化信息传播。

从字面上理解，“网络传播”是通过网络进行的传播活动或过程。

3、互联网的四大定律（特征）规模全球性、网址唯一性、规则统一性、功能服务性。

4、网络新闻专业传播者的概念利用网络专门从事新闻与信息传播的机构或个人。

名词解释1、超文本超文本是用超链接的方式，将各种不同空间的文字信息组织在一起的网状文本。

2、URLURL是统一资源定位符，是对可以从互联网上得到的资源的位置和访问方法的一种简洁的表示，是互联网上标准资源的地址。

3、APP手机软件，主要指安装在智能手机上的软件，完善原始系统的不足与个性化。

是手机完善其功能，为用户提供更丰富的使用体验的主要手段。

4、网络舆情网络舆情是指在互联网上流行的对社会问题不同看法的网络舆论，是社会舆论的一种表现形式，是通过互联网传播的公众对现实生活中某些热点焦点问题所持有的有较强影响力、倾向性的言论和观点。

5、Web3.0web3.0是在web2.0的基础上发展起来的能够更好地体现网民的劳动价值，并且能够实现价值均衡分配的一种互联网方式。

6、自媒体自媒体又称"公民媒体"或"个人媒体"，是指私人化、平民化、普泛化、自主化的传播者,以现代化、电子化的手段，向不特定的大多数或者特定的单个人传递规范性及非规范性信息的新媒体的总称。

自媒体平台包括:博客、微博、微信、百度官方贴吧、论坛/BBS 等网络社区。

7、PDFPDF（Portable Document Format的简称，意为“便携式文件格式”）是由Adobe Systems在1993年用于文件交换所发展出的文件格式。

它的优点在于跨平台、能保留文件原有格式（Layout）、开放标准，能自由授权（Royalty-free）自由开发PDF兼容软件，在今天的互联网上应用广泛。

网络新媒体期末试题及答案一、简答题1. 请简要介绍网络新媒体的概念和特点。

网络新媒体是指利用互联网和相关技术手段进行信息传播和交流的媒体形式。

其特点包括信息传播速度快、覆盖范围广、互动性强、多媒体性和个性化服务等。

2. 请列举常见的网络新媒体应用。

常见的网络新媒体应用包括社交媒体（如微博、微信）、视频分享平台（如YouTube、抖音）、音频分享平台（如喜马拉雅FM）、直播平台（如斗鱼、虎牙）等。

3. 请简要介绍网络新媒体对传播方式和传播效果的影响。

网络新媒体改变了传统的单向传播方式，实现了信息的互动性和多样化。

传统媒体的内容广泛传播、互动程度较低，而网络新媒体通过互动、评论、分享等功能，使用户可以主动参与和塑造内容。

同时，网络新媒体的传播效果可以实时反馈，可以更准确地了解受众的反馈和需求，实现精准传播和个性化服务。

二、论述题网络新媒体的发展对传统媒体产业的冲击和机遇随着互联网和移动互联网的快速发展，网络新媒体逐渐成为人们获取信息、表达意见和娱乐消遣的重要渠道。

这给传统媒体产业带来了冲击和机遇。

首先，网络新媒体的崛起对传统媒体产业构成了冲击。

传统媒体（如报纸、电视、广播）在信息获取和传播方面受到了网络新媒体的竞争压力。

网络新媒体具有信息传播速度快、覆盖范围广、互动性强等特点，使得传统媒体的观众和读者数量逐渐减少。

许多传统媒体不得不转型发展，加强自身的网络新媒体应用，以便适应这一新的传媒环境。

其次，网络新媒体给传统媒体产业带来了机遇。

传统媒体可以通过与网络新媒体的融合创新，拓宽传播渠道和媒体形式。

例如，许多报纸、电视台、广播台都建立了自己的官方网站和移动应用，通过文字、图像、音视频等多媒体形式传播信息。

传统媒体也积极利用社交媒体、短视频平台等网络新媒体渠道扩大影响力和读者群体。

此外，网络新媒体的崛起还促使传统媒体产业加强内容创新和用户体验。

面对网络新媒体用户对内容个性化、多样化的需求，传统媒体不得不提供更具吸引力和有竞争力的内容，通过深度报道、优质制作等提高传统媒体的价值和竞争力。

网络传播概论课后题1. 简答题1.1 什么是网络传播？网络传播是指通过网络技术和平台，向广大用户群体传递信息、表达观点、传播知识和实现交流的过程。

它是信息技术与传播学相结合的产物，通过互联网、社交媒体、移动通信等技术与平台，实现了信息的快速传递和多向交流。

1.2 网络传播的特点有哪些？网络传播具有以下几个特点：1.全球范围：通过互联网，网络传播可以无视时间和地域的限制，使信息可以迅速传递到世界各地。

2.互动性：网络传播不再是单向的信息传递，用户可以通过评论、点赞、分享等方式参与进来，形成多向互动的传播模式。

3.自由性：每个人都可以通过网络自由地表达自己的观点和思想，传递个人的声音和信息。

4.多样性：网络传播媒体丰富多样，包括文字、图片、音频、视频等多种形式，用户可以根据自己的需求选择合适的媒体进行传播。

5.实时性：网络传播几乎是即时进行的，信息可以在短时间内传递到用户手中，用户可以实时获取最新的信息。

6.影响力：网络传播具有广泛的影响力，可以迅速传播大量信息，引起社会关注，影响公众舆论。

1.3 网络传播对社会的影响有哪些？网络传播对社会的影响具有多方面的作用：1.扩大信息范围：网络传播使人们可以获取到更广泛、更全面的信息，扩大了信息获取的范围和途径。

2.促进信息传递效率：通过网络传播，信息的传递速度和效率大大提高，可以迅速传递重要信息，促进社会的发展。

3.促进知识传播和学习：网络传播为知识的传播提供了方便和便利，人们可以通过网络学习、培训等方式获取知识。

4.形成多元化的媒体环境：网络传播媒体丰富多样，让人们可以选择不同类型的媒体进行信息获取，形成多元化的媒体环境。

5.拓宽社交圈子：通过社交媒体等网络传播平台，人们可以与世界各地的人进行交流和互动，扩大了社交圈子。

6.促进公共参与和民主化：网络传播为公众参与社会事务、表达意见提供了便利，促进了社会的民主化和公众参与程度的提高。

2. 论述题2.1 网络传播的挑战和问题有哪些？随着网络传播的快速发展，也带来了一系列的挑战和问题：1.网络信息的真实性问题：网络上的信息来源众多，真实性难以保障，容易出现谣言、假消息等问题，对用户造成误导。

2021年中国传媒大学《新闻与传播专业综合能力》试丿中国传媒大学《新闻与传播专业综合能力》试题（2021）一、简答（每题15分）1、简述网络媒介的传播特征【解析：大纲考点：第二章第三节二、网络传播的媒介特征】2、简述媒介制度的类型【解析：大纲考点：第三章第一节一、2、媒介制度的类型】3、简述媒介产业的特点【解析：大纲考点：第三章第一节二、2、媒介产业的特点】二、论述（每题30分）（1）试述媒介伦理失范的表现和原因【解析：大纲考点：第四章第一节二、媒介伦理的失范;年度新闻热点;我在2021年1 月3日《临考440后续资料》附送中把学术硕士年度《热点14：》也送给了专硕考生】（2）试述你对广播电视频道化发展前景的看法（可以选广播或电视）【解析：大纲考点: 第三章第二节二3、广播电视节目的栏目化与频道化。

今年出了频道化，为较难的实践发散性题目，考生可以选取央视某一频道、地方台某一频道或广播某一频率节目特色论述】三、案例分析（45分）结合犀利哥走红，利用所学新闻传播知识分析为什么犀利哥能够迅速走红（大概，给了一个简答的介绍）【解析：乍一看，考生看不出在考纲的什么考点，但对传播学知识功底深厚以及对社会热点（尤其是网络热点事件常分析）熟络的考生來说，可以从中凝结出答题要点（考题问的是走红的原因，考生可不必答传媒在报道“犀利哥”中存在的伦理失范【对精神病人报道产生的困扰等）】从四方面论述：1、媒介的议程设置功能【对应考点：第一章第三节五3、媒介与议程】。

其实，现今传统媒体和网络媒体出于“吸引眼球”等原因都会对社会热点事件进行集中报道，从而实现媒介的特殊功能一-议程设置。

“犀利哥”事件无疑是媒体炒红的，而媒体炒作的背后，是与传播学里议程设置功能分不开的。

2、媒介的娱乐与商业功能【对应考点：第一章第二节四娱乐与商业的功能】。

传媒在“收视率为王”的利益驱动下，将其娱乐功能发挥到了极致。

“犀利哥”无意中引发的是一次席卷全球的媒介娱乐狂欢。

2021秋网络新闻传播概论试题|远程作业2(参考:1534499857)一、名词解释1、六度分隔（Six Degrees of Separation）2、长尾理论(Long-Tail Theory)3、GDPR法案二、简答题1、1994年4月20日，中国全功能接入互联网。

在过去进28年的历程中这一传播技术对新闻行业、新闻环境都产生了巨大的影响。

请结合所学、查询资料，对互联网对新闻业的影响划分时间阶段，并概括各个阶段的传播特征。

2、挪威媒体学者Taina Bucher梳理了媒体和时间之间关系的历史，分为广播时间、网络时间和算法时间。

请阅读以下节选段落，概括中不同媒体时间的特征，然后结合自己的媒体使用经验，提出你对这一个划分的看法。

（提示：言之成理即可，鼓励具有原创性的思考，杜绝抄袭和复制粘贴）Media timesThe category of time has been a major concern in a wide range of disciplines including physics, psychology, philosophy, theology, sociology, cultural theory, rhetoric, and media studies. Existing perspectives on time have either theorized time as an objective phenomenon external to human activity or as a subjective phenomenon bound to social norms and individual experience. If the former sees time as quantitative, linear, and abstract, the latter is mainly concerned with time as qualitative, relative, and specific to human experience and action (Orlikowski and Yates, 2002: 685). This objective-subjective dichotomy loosely corresponds to the classic Greek conception of “chronos,” or the chronological sequence of time, and “kairos,” understood as the qualitative dimension of appropriate time. Chronos constitutes what we usually thinkof as time, expressed in a chronological sequence and marked by a clock. Kairos, however, suggests a much more personal or qualitative “appropriateness” of time, a temporality marked by crucial moments (Marramao, 2007).Broadcast time: flow and livenessOne of the most canonical notions of media time was first developed by Raymond Williams in the 1970s around the idea of television as flow. Williams coined the notion of “flow” to depict the way that television scheduling and audience consumption patterns created a stream or continuous flow of programming (Williams, 2004). For Williams, flow was a key term for understanding the distinctive nature of television, a term that could capture what was specific about television both as a technology and a cultural form. As he wrote, “In all developed broadcasting systems the characteristic organisation, and therefore the characteristic experience, is one of sequence or flow” (Williams, 2004: 86). Understood as a specific time regime particular to broadcasting, flow is not just “objective” in the sense of being an intrinsic feature of the medium of television or “subjective” as in designating a particular viewing and reception experience but also a temporality that is linked to specific institutional practices and norms or what Williams described as “planned flow.” For Williams, flow signifies an unbroken stream of preplanned programs and commercials designed to keep the audience fixed to the screen.In addition to the concept of flow, the notion of “liveness” has been another defining feature of how the temporality of television and radio has commonly been theorized. In his book Liveness, Philip Auslander (2008) points out how the ontology of television from the very beginning was grounded in the medium’s ability “to transmit events as they occur, not in a filmic capacity to record events for later viewing” (p. 12). The idea of “liveness” features strongly in another, more phenomenological sense as well. As Paddy Scannell (2014) argues, liveness is a feeling, an experience of a shared now instigated by the temporal regime of television. For Scannell, liveness is not some inherent property of technology. Liveness, according to Scannell, cannot be located in the technology as such but in what it reveals and makes us sense about the world at the same time others do. For Scannell (2014), broadcast time is thus characterized by whathe terms a “common public time” (p. 356)—the experience of shared timeframe. On most accounts, then, television owes its character to the temporality of “live,” to a sense of simultaneity, presence, and immediacy (Auslander, 2008; Scannell, 2014; Van Es, 2017). According to Jane Feuer (1983), television’s origin story as a live medium may also explain why television remained a “live medium,” even long after it actually ceased to be live, at least, in the ideological sense. In the following section on the digital register, we will see how the time of the digital in many ways follows from the temporal logic of television.Networked media time and the real-time webVarious social theorists and media scholars have noted how social changes brought about by increased connectivity and globalization have significantly changed the ways in which we perceive time. During the 1990s and early 2000s, the notion of real-time emerged as a particularly prolific term to talk about the acceleration of everyday life and the breaking down of traditional time-space boundaries. The notion of temporal acceleration is, perhaps, most famously captured in Paul Virilio’s (1999) assertion that the diminishing of geographical distance has given way to the “tyranny of real time” (p.87). For Virilio, the possibility of instantaneous information offered by new networked media is not necessarily a good thing. Instantaneity requires decision-makers increasingly to act in real-time without little or no time to reflect. Others have similarly coined terms such as “network time” (Hassan, 2003) and “timeless time” (Castells, 1996) to grapple with the observed acceleration and erosion of traditional space-time boundaries introduced by networked media. However, there is also a more technological understanding of the term in which “real-time” is invoked as a medium-specific storage and processing capacity. German media theory, after Kittler, talks about “time-axis manipulation,” theorizing how the technological management and manipulation of time lies at the very heart of the computer’s processing power (Kittler, 2017; Krämer, 2006). Yet, Esther Weltevrede et al. (2014) convincingly argue that there are limits to the explanatory power of “real-time.” Real-time should not be treated as a universal category of time. Instead, they argue, there is a multiplicity of real-times and distinct forms of “realtimeness” that hinge not just on the technological infrastructure but also on practices of use. Seen as “immanent to and co-constituted” by specific“device cultures,” real-time is essentially fabricated through the distinct ways in which different platforms “offer different paces, rhythms, and durations”(Weltevrede et al., 2014: 145).Algorithmic media time: towards an understanding of right-timeMedia technologies that fundamentally rely on algorithms to sort, filter, rank, and curate content are not merely operating in or producing distinct forms of realtimeness but hinge on a set of temporal relations that work to produce a particular temporal landscape characterized by a time that is right. As Facebook’s description of the news feed as delivering the right content to the right people at the right-time suggests, what matters in an algorithmic media landscape is not necessarily to deliver content in real-time but at a particular point in time. In order to substantiate this claim, I draw on different data sources, including public reactions to platform changes on Twitter and Instagram, patent documents detailing the operational logics of Facebook features and functionalities, publicly available industry speech describing the goals and intentions of platforms, as well as users’ understanding of algorithmic systems based on previous interview studies (see Bucher, 2018). In what follows, I examine how platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram perform “right-time” to transform the information flow and presentation of content in an attempt to deliver relevance. In the way Williams sought to theorize flow as the distinctive way in which television scheduling and audience consumption patterns create the experience of flow as television time, my endeavor is to understand the distinctive temporal nature of algorithmic media as right-time. The argument is that algorithmic media such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram organize and create a sense of time that is not about liveness but timing, not freshness but relevance, not real-time but right-time. In order to develop the idea of “right-time” as a key temporal logic of algorithmic media, I examine three places in which the structuring and experience of “righttime” become available for analysis: in the controversies around platform changes, in technical and industry descriptions of digital infrastructure, and in users’ understanding of algorithms.。

网络与新媒体概论考试题一、名词解释（每小题5分，共20分)1．数字电视2．网络报刊3．拟态环境4．网络暴力二、简述题（每小题10分，共40分)1．何为新媒体?新媒体的主要特征是什么?2．手机报面临怎样的困境?可以从哪些方面解决?3．请简述媒介融合的特征。

4．新媒介形态和新产业对传统媒体的商业模式造成了哪些冲击?三、论述题（每个20分，共40分)1．请结合长尾理论阐述你所熟悉的某种新媒体是如何盈利的。

2．有人说新媒体语境下公共领域是获得了重构，请谈谈你的看法。

答案:一、名词解释1.数字电视:数字电视（Dig ital TV，DTV)指节目信号的摄取、记录、处理、传播、接收和显示均采用数字技术的电视系统，包括了节目采集、节目制作、节目传播到用户端接收的全过程。

2．网络报刊:即通过互联网发行和传播的报刊，将多媒体技术、网络技术和通信技术应用到报刊出版、发行、利用的全过程。

网络报刊有网络报纸和网络杂志。

3.拟态环境:由美国传播学者李普曼提出。

所谓“拟态环境”，也就是我们所说的信息环境，它并不是现实环境‘镜子式'的再现，而是传播媒介通过对象征性事件或信息进行选择和加T、重新加以结构化以后向人们提示的环境。

4．网络暴力:网络暴力是指网民在网络上的暴力行为，是社会暴力在网络上的延仲。

其表现形式有:网民对未经证实或已经证实的网络事件，在网上发表具有攻击性、煽动性和侮辱性的失实言论，造成当事人名誉损害;在网上公开当事人现实生活中的个人隐私，侵犯其隐私权;对当事人及其亲友的正常生活进行行动和言论侵扰，致使其人身权利受损等等。

二.、简述题1、新媒体:新媒体（New media）概念是1967年山美国人戈尔德马克率先提出的。

新媒体是相对于传统媒体而言的，是报刊、广播、电视等传统媒体以后发展起来的新的媒体形态，是利用数字技术、网络技术，通过互联网、无线通信网、卫星等渠道，以及电脑、手机、数字电视机等终端，向用户提供信息和娱乐服务的传播形态。