Stern - Toward a Coherent Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior
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全文分为作者个人简介和正文两个部分:作者个人简介:Hello everyone, I am an author dedicated to creating and sharing high-quality document templates. In this era of information overload, accurate and efficient communication has become especially important. I firmly believe that good communication can build bridges between people, playing an indispensable role in academia, career, and daily life. Therefore, I decided to invest my knowledge and skills into creating valuable documents to help people find inspiration and direction when needed.正文:因为玩游戏没写完作业被老师叫家长英语作文全文共3篇示例,供读者参考篇1Dear Mom and Dad,I have some explaining to do about what happened today at school. I'm really sorry, but I didn't get my English homeworkdone last night. I know how important doing my homework is, but I made a bad choice and paid the price for it.It all started after I got home from baseball practice yesterday evening. I was starving, so I quickly ate the leftovers you left for me before heading upstairs to my room to get started on my homework. I figured I'd begin with the math worksheets since those are usually pretty straightforward. An hour later, I had powered through all 50 practice problems on factoring polynomials and quadratic equations. One subject down!Next up was the reading comprehension questions we had been assigned from our literature book. I find those kinds of assignments pretty tedious, but I tried to stick with it. Maybe I lost focus or something, because after slogging through a couple of the passages and question sets, I found myself getting distracted and restless. That's when my eyes drifted over to my Xbox sitting there, tempting me.The new Call of Duty game had just been released last week, and I had been dying to play it ever since. All my friends have it and have been raving about the incredible graphics and intense multiplayer battles. I told myself, "Maybe I'll just take a shortbreak and play for an hour to clear my head before getting back to my homework." Famous last words.One hour quickly turned into two, then three, then four. Before I knew it, I had been planted in front of that TV screen for over five hours, completely oblivious to everything else around me. The homework I had been planning to wrap up was long forgotten. I was too engrossed in capturing enemy territories, racking up kill streaks, and leveling up my character's loadout.I wish I could say this kind of thing doesn't happen often, but I have a tendency to become a little too invested in video games sometimes. It's like my brain gets hypnotized, and I enter this locked-in, zombie-like trance where nothing else in the world matters except the game I'm playing. It's honestly kind of scary how quickly time can slip away from me when I'm gaming.Eventually, I did snap out of my stupor, around midnight when my eyes started getting heavy and dry from staring at the screen for so long. That's when the horrible pit in my stomach feeling set in as I realized I had neglected every single one of my homework assignments except for the math. I could hardly believe I had wasted the entire evening like that. I felt like such an idiot.Trying not to panic, I forced myself to power through the reading assignments as best as I could while running on fumes. The next few hours were a blur of me struggling to comprehend the passages and sloppily scribbling down responses, praying they would be coherent enough to earn at least partial credit.By the time I finished around 3am, I was an exhausted, anxiety-ridden mess. I knew there was no way I would be able to concentrate enough to tackle the English homework, which was the most demanding of all since we had been assigned to write a lengthy essay analyzing a piece of literature we had read in class. Heavy weights of dread and disappointment weighed on me as I dejectedly clambered into bed, hoping to catch a few hours of sleep before my early morning baseball conditioning session.To make matters worse, my alarm didn't go off this morning due to some weird glitch, so I awoke in a panic with only 20 minutes to get ready before the first bell. Needless to say, I was a disheveled, wild-eyed wreck when I ran into English class right as the late bell was ringing. Mrs. Hendricks immediately noticed that I didn't have my essay turned in when she was collecting the assignments from everyone else."Mr. Thompson, do you have your essay analyzing The Great Gatsby for me?" she asked sternly, peering at me over the top ofher glasses. My heart sank as I guiltily shook my head no. I couldn't even meet her gaze.She let out an exasperated sigh and made a note in her grade book. "This is the third homework assignment you've missed turning in over the past couple of weeks. I'm afraid I'm going to have to request a parent-teacher conference if this pattern continues," she said sharply. "Please have your mother or father give me a call to set something up."My face immediately went flush with humiliation and shame. Having my parents called in to discuss my academic shortcomings is pretty much my worst nightmare scenario. I wanted to explain to Mrs. Hendricks what had happened, but I didn't have a good excuse besides my own lazy irresponsibility. Video games always seem to get me in trouble like this."Y-yes, ma'am. I'll make sure they call you," I responded meekly, knowing that meant I would have to confess to you both about why I didn't get my work done. In that moment, I felt like the world's biggest underachieving disappointment.The rest of the class period was torturous as we analyzed literary passages from the book, with Mrs. Hendricks periodically shooting me looks of profound disappointment any time I didn't have an answer at the ready. It was one of the mostgut-wrenching, uncomfortable experiences of my academic career. All I could think about was how I would have to face you both and try to account for my egregious lapse in judgment.So there you have it - the tale of how I epically dropped the ball. Saying I'm sorry almost seems insufficient given how badly I messed up and let you guys down. I feel absolutely terrible about it. You have worked so hard and made so many sacrifices to put me in a position to get a great education. And what do I do? I squander it away by prioritizing video games over my schoolwork.Please don't interpret this foolish incident as any indication that I don't care about my studies or value learning. Quite the contrary - getting a high quality education is extremely important to me, which is why I'm beating myself up so hard over this. I guess I have a tendency to get overly obsessive about gaming sometimes and lose my way. It's something I am going to work a lot harder to get under control moving forward.You deserve so much better than having a son who doesn't apply himself to his fullest capabilities. I promise to be far more diligent, responsible, and judicious with how I allocate my time and priorities from now on. No more zoning out for hours on end absorbed in video games when I have actual real-worldobligations to attend to. I have learned a painful but valuable lesson about self-discipline and time management.If there's any way I can make this up to you or Mrs. Hendricks, please let me know. I will happily do extra credit assignments, take an academic integrity pledge, or whatever is required to regain your trust and respect. I understand there will likely need to be consequences for my lack of judgment as well, whether that's being grounded, having gaming privileges revoked, or something else you see fit. I will accept those penalties because I know I absolutely brought them upon myself through my own blatant irresponsibility.Again, I'm so incredibly sorry to have let you down like this. You have my word that I will apply myself with greater focus and ownership over my academic obligations going forward. No more giving in to the temptation of video games at the expense of what truly matters in life. I hope you can find it in your hearts to forgive me.Love,[Your Name]篇2Here's a 2000 word English essay in the voice of a student who didn't finish their homework because they were playing video games, and got called to meet with the teacher and their parents:The Walk of ShameAs I dragged my feet towards Mr. Henderson's classroom, a pit formed in my stomach. The hallways seemed to stretch on forever, each step feeling heavier than the last. I could already picture the disappointment on my parents' faces when they arrived. How could I have let this happen again?Video games have always been my vice, a digital siren's call luring me away from responsibilities. Just one more level, one more mission, one more battle royale. Before I knew it, hours had melted away, and the homework assignments I'd been putting off were now due bright and early the next morning.Mr. Henderson's door loomed ahead like the gaping maw of a hungry beast. I reluctantly knocked, the sound echoing hollowly in the empty corridor. "Enter," his gruff voice responded from within.I cracked open the door to find Mr. Henderson sitting ramrod straight behind his desk, my parents already occupyingthe two visitor's chairs across from him. My mom's lips were pursed into a thin line, while Dad shook his head slowly, eyes fixed on the floor. This was bad."Have a seat, Michael," Mr. Henderson said, gesturing to the remaining chair beside my parents. I wanted nothing more than to turn and bolt, but I knew that would only make matters worse. Hesitantly, I took my place in the hot seat, feeling their disapproving stares burning into me.Mr. Henderson wasted no time cutting to the chase. "I've called you all here today to discuss Michael's continuing issues with incomplete and missed assignments." He slid a stack of my recent work - or lack thereof - across the desk towards my parents. "As you can see, there are a number of zeros and incomplete grades over the past few weeks."My mom snatched up the papers, eyes narrowing as she flipped through them. "Michael, what is the meaning of this?" She punctuated the question by smacking the stack down on the desk firmly. "You know how important maintaining your grades is, young man."I opened my mouth to respond, but Mr. Henderson jumped in again. "Michael has an unfortunate habit of leaving assignments to the last minute, and as a result, many of themdon't get finished at all." He fixed me with a hard look over the tops of his glasses. "When I asked him about the missed work, do you know what his excuse was?"Grimacing, I already knew where this was going. Mr. Henderson didn't wait for me to respond. "Playing video games," he said flatly. "It seems Michael has been prioritizing video games over his schoolwork as of late."The silence that followed was deafening. My dad was the first to break it, letting out a long, disappointed sigh. "Michael, you know how we feel about video games during the school week," he said, shaking his head again. "They're a privilege, not a right. One that you've clearly abused.""But I--" I started, but my mom cut me off."No 'buts', Michael. This is unacceptable." She jabbed a finger at the stack of papers on the desk. "Look at this. Weeks of missed assignments and low test scores because you couldn't pull yourself away from those silly games long enough to get your work done."My face flushed with shame and anger. Sure, I may have gotten a little carried away with gaming lately, but to call it "silly" felt like a slap in the face. Video games were my passion, mydriving creative force. But in that moment, I knew trying to explain that would only make me sound immature and irresponsible.Mr. Henderson cleared his throat, drawing my attention back to him. "Michael, you're a bright young man with a lot of potential," he said, his stern expression softening slightly. "But that potential will go unrealized if you don't get these priorities straightened out. Gaming in moderation is fine, but when it starts impacting your schoolwork, that's where I have to draw the line."I wanted to argue, to justify my actions, to make them understand. But the harder I tried to find the words, the more they escaped me. In the end, I could only nod mutely, feeling about two feet tall."I think we need to seriously consider revoking Michael's gaming privileges," my dad interjected, causing my head to snap up in horror. My gaming rig was my pride and joy, not to mention an expensive investment on their part. Having it taken away would be devastating."Now dear, let's not go making any rash decisions," my mom replied, holding up a placating hand. "Michael knows he's made some mistakes here. Don't you, young man?" She turned anexpectant look my way, her perfectly arched eyebrow raised in challenge.Mutely, I nodded again, marshaling my courage. "Yeah, I..." I started haltingly. "I really dropped the ball on this one. You're right, I got way too obsessed with gaming and it made me lose focus on what's really important." My voice grew stronger as I went on. "It won't happen again, I promise. Just... please don't take my games away."I looked between my parents imploringly. My dad seemed unconvinced, but my mom's expression had softened somewhat. "We'll discuss consequences at home," she said finally. "But you're on very thin ice, Michael. We expect to see significant improvements from here on out. No more zeros, no more missed assignments. Are we clear?""Crystal," I responded quickly, letting out a small, relieved sigh. My games were safe... for now, at least. But I knew I had to hold up my end of the bargain too.Mr. Henderson nodded approvingly. "Well, I'm glad we were able to have this discussion and get on the same page," he said, rising from his seat. My parents followed suit, and after an awkward round of goodbyes and handshakes, we turned to leave the classroom.As I trailed behind my parents, I couldn't help but feel disappointed in myself. All my efforts and passion had been misdirected for weeks, frittered away on games while my real responsibilities gathered dust. I resolved in that moment to scale back on gaming and redouble my focus in class. One thing was for sure - I never wanted to be called into another meeting like that again.The walk back through those endless hallways seemed shorter than the journey there, my stride more purposeful. Maybe this embarrassing experience was the wake-up call I needed to get my priorities straight. Either way, I knew gaming wouldn't be the top one anymore. That title belonged to my education, and making my parents proud.篇3I Spent Too Much Time Gaming and Didn't Finish My HomeworkMan, I really screwed up this time. I knew I had that huge English essay due tomorrow, but I just couldn't resist firing up my Xbox and playing a few rounds of Call of Duty with the guys online. Just a couple matches to blow off some steam after getting home from school, I told myself. But before I knew it,hours had flown by in what felt like minutes. The siren call of leveling up my character and unlocking new gear was simply too tempting to ignore.I barely even made a dent in the essay before my mom shouted up the stairs that dinner was ready. I figured I could bang it out after eating, no big deal. But then my little brother wanted to play some Mario Kart together for a while. I meant to just humor him for a bit to keep him from whining, but I got really into it, determined to beat his high score.After that, I lost track of time watching YouTube videos of speed runs and getting tips on how to pull off advanced strategies and techniques from the top gamers. Before I knew it, it was after midnight and I had barely written the intro paragraph for my essay that was due first period in the morning!I considered just staying up all night to grind it out, guzzling energy drinks to stay awake. But I had soccer practice after school the next day and I knew I needed to be well-rested to perform my best. With a huge sigh, I decided to just get what little sleep I could and hope for the best – maybe I could beg the teacher for an extension or something.Well, that plan backfired spectacularly. Not only did I turn in unfinished, garbage work, but Mr. Henderson was not having itwith my feeble excuses about being "obsessed with gaming" all night. He went on one of his classic irresponsibility rants about how we'd all be broke, jobless losers if we didn't learn discipline and priorities now.Then he made the ultimate power move – he demanded I sit down right there and call my mom to come get me, saying she should take me home and make sure I completed the assignment on my own time while missing class as punishment. My face burned up in humiliation as I had to slink out to the hallway with a fragile façade of nonchalance and call my furious mother.The car ride home was pure, sizzling, agonizing silence. I fought the urge to try defending myself, knowing there was no justification for blowing off schoolwork to goof off playing mindless video games all night like a child. I was 16 years old – I should know better by now.As soon as we got home, my mother blasted me with a verbal lashing about being a lazy, irresponsible screw-up who would end up flipping burgers for minimum wage if I didn't get my act together. I'd heard it all before but it still stung, probably because she was absolutely right this time. All I could do was nod contritely and mumble "Yes, mom" over and over.She stormed off to fold laundry, leaving me alone to fume in the silent treatment for a bit before resigning myself to finally knuckling down and doing the work I should have done last night. I fired up my laptop and tried to concentrate, but I kept getting distracted.First it was wondering what my friends were up to online and being tempted to try squeezing in one quick multiplayer match. Then I started mindlessly checking social media every five minutes to look at memes that made me chuckle. An hour passed and I'd written all of two paragraphs.This wasn't going to cut it. If I wanted to have any hope of redeeming myself and avoiding getting grounded until the end of time, I needed to shape up and put in the real work. I forced myself to turn off all online distractions, put my phone on silent, and focus solely on churning out the essay.Now, I may be irresponsible, but I'm not stupid – I actually am a pretty talented writer when I apply myself. I just have a bad habit of leaving things until the very last minute and then scrambling. Once I got in the groove and the words started flowing, the essay began taking shape much faster than I anticipated.Hours whittled away as I got immersed in crafting clever metaphors, finding the perfect examples to illustrate my arguments, and obsessing over every last semicolon. I barely noticed when my mom poked her head in a few times, impressed that I seemed to finally be taking it seriously.When I finally emerged from my writing cocoon, night had fallen and my stomach rumbled as I realized I'd skipped dinner. I beamed with pride as I did one last proofread of my completed essay – it was one of the best I'd ever written. Screw it up now by forgetting to actually turn it in, I decided to email it to Mr. Henderson right then and there, attaching a short apology for my immaturity.The next day at school, I walked into English class expecting to be dressed down again as soon as Mr. Henderson saw my face. But instead, he smiled at me and gave an approving nod before launching into the day's lesson. Success!As much of a headache as that whole fiasco had been, it really was an important wakeup call about managing my time, priorities and discipline. I can't just fritter away hours every night gaming and blowing off academics and responsibilities. There's a time and place for fun, but I have to be smarter about setting limits for myself.Looking ahead, I'll need to develop way better self-control if I want to get into a good college and make something of myself.I can't always rely on being able to cram at the last second and produce something decent. Real life – having a career, paying bills, raising a family – requires consistent effort and commitment. No more treating important work as an afterthought that can be put off in favor of hobbies and cheap distractions.Most of all, I never want to be that irresponsible jerk kid who lets down everyone who believes in him and has to be babysat into doing the bare minimum ever again. Once was embarrassing and unacceptable enough. If I pull another stunt like this, I'm sure my parents really will take away all my gaming gear for good this time. And maybe that's what I'd deserve until I can prove I've finally grown up and become a responsible young adult. Because the consequences could be way worse than just missing out on video games if I don't get my priorities straight soon.。
扎根理论方法在科学研究中的运用分析*2014年07月14日13:59 来源:《东方论坛》(青岛)2007年4期作者:李志刚字号打印纠错分享推荐浏览量 158 【英文标题】The Study of Grounded Theory in Business ResearchLI Zhi-gang(College of Management, Ocean University of China, Qingdao 266071,China)中图分类号:F270 文献标识码:A 文章编号:1005-7110(2007)04-0090-05定性研究是一组各类研究方法的统称,如民族志法、自然探究法、片段分析法、个案研究法和生态样本记录分析法等等都属于定性研究的范畴[1](p27)。
扎根理论(Grounded theory)被视为是定性研究方法中比较科学有效的一种方法[2](p105),此理论最早由二位社会学者Galsser & Strauss在1976年发展出来。
所谓扎根理论,是指经由系统化的资料搜集与分析,而发掘、发展,并已暂时地验证过的理论,它在某一场合可能指代一种研究方法,在另一场合则可能指代基于该方法得出的研究结论。
Strauss & Corbin指出,扎根理论强调理论的发展,而且该理论植根于所搜集的现实资料,以及资料与分析的持续互动[3](p65)。
一、扎根方法适用的领域及研究前提科学研究的各种方法,都有各自不同的优劣势,都有不同的擅长领域。
研究者选择不同的研究方法,往往意味着采取了不同的研究思路。
同时,方法的选取和使用更要源于研究主题的性质,恰当的将研究问题与方法有机结合,是得出有价值的研究结论的必要条件。
(1)扎根理论法的特点在于其认为社会学需要建立理论,它认为定性研究或任何研究都应着重资料分析与理论建立[4](p34-36)。
因此,该研究方法比较适用于那些现有理论体系不是很完善、很难有效解释实践现象的领域,或者也可以说是存在理论的空白点、出现了一些全新现象的领域。
B OSTON U NIVERSITY Center for Energy and Environmental Studies Working Papers SeriesNumber 9501 September 1995 THE CAPITAL THEORY APPROACH TO SUSTAINABILITY:A CRITICAL APPRAISALbyDavid Stern675 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston MA 02215Tel: (617) 353-3083Fax: (617) 353-5986E-Mail: dstern@WWW: /sterncv.htmlThe Capital Theory Approach to Sustainability:A Critical AppraisalDavid I. SternBoston UniversityNovember 1995______________________________________________________________________________ Center for Energy and Environmental Studies, Boston University, 675 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston MA 02215, USA. Tel: (617) 353 3083 Fax: (617) 353 5986, E-Mail: dstern@The Capital Theory Approach to Sustainability:A Critical Appraisal______________________________________________________________________________ SummaryThis paper examines critically some recent developments in the sustainability debate. The large number of definitions of sustainability proposed in the 1980's have been refined into a smaller number of positions on the relevant questions in the 1990's. The most prominent of these are based on the idea of maintaining a capital stock. I call this the capital theory approach (CTA). Though these concepts are beginning to inform policies there are a number of difficulties in applying this approach in a theoretically valid manner and a number of critics of the use of the CTA as a guide to policy. First, I examine the internal difficulties with the CTA and continue to review criticisms from outside the neoclassical normative framework. The accounting approach obscures the underlying assumptions used and gives undue authoritativeness to the results. No account is taken of the uncertainty involved in sustainability analysis of any sort. In addition, by focusing on a representative consumer and using market (or contingent market) valuations of environmental resources, the approach (in common with most normative neoclassical economics) does not take into account distributional issues or accommodate alternative views on environmental values. Finally, I examine alternative approaches to sustainability analysis and policy making. These approaches accept the open-ended and multi-dimensional nature of sustainability and explicitly open up to political debate the questions that are at risk of being hidden inside the black-box of seemingly objective accounting.I.INTRODUCTIONThe Brundtland Report (WCED, 1987) proposed that sustainable development is "development that meets the needs of the present generation while letting future generations meet their own needs". Economists initially had some difficulty with this concept, some dismissing it1 and others proliferating a vast number of alternative definitions and policy prescriptions (see surveys by: Pezzey, 1989; Pearce et al., 1989; Rees, 1990; Lélé, 1991).In recent years, economists have made some progress in articulating their conception of sustainability. The large number of definitions of sustainability proposed in the 1980's have been refined into a smaller number of positions on the relevant questions in the 1990's. There is agreement that sustainability implies that certain indicators of welfare or development are non-declining over the very long term, that is development is sustained (Pezzey, 1989). Sustainable development is a process of change in an economy that does not violate such a sustainability criterion. Beyond this, the dominant views are based on the idea of maintaining a capital stock as a prerequisite for sustainable development. Within this school of thought there are opposing camps which disagree on the empirical question of the degree to which various capital stocks can be substituted for each other, though there has been little actual empirical research on this question.There is a consensus among a large number of economists that the CTA is a useful means of addressing sustainability issues.2 Capital theory concepts are beginning to inform policy, as in the case of the UN recommendations on environmental accounting and the US response to them (Beardsley, 1994; Carson et al., 1994; Steer and Lutz, 1993). There are, however, a growing number of critics who question whether this is a useful way to address sustainability (eg. Norgaard, 1991; Amir, 1992; Common and Perrings, 1992; Karshenas, 1994; Pezzey, 1994; Common and Norton, 1994; Faucheux et al., 1994; Common, 1995). The literature on sustainable development and sustainability is vast and continually expanding. There are also a large number ofsurveys of that literature (eg. Tisdell, 1988; Pearce et al., 1989; Rees, 1990; Simonis, 1990; Lélé, 1991; Costanza and Daly, 1992; Pezzey, 1992; Toman et al., 1994). I do not intend to survey this literature.The aim of this paper is to present a critique of the capital theory approach to sustainability (CTA henceforth) as a basis for policy. This critique both outlines the difficulties in using and applying the CTA from a viewpoint internal to neoclassical economics and problems with this approach from a viewpoint external to neoclassical economics. I also suggest some alternative approaches to sustainability relevant analysis and policy. The neoclasscial sustainability literature generally ignores the international dimensions of the sustainability problem. I also ignore this dimension in this paper.The paper is structured as follows. In the second section, I discuss the background to the emergence of the capital theory approach, while the third section briefly outlines the basic features of the approach. The fourth section examines the limitations of the CTA from within the viewpoint of neoclassical economics and the debate between proponents of "weak sustainability" and "strong sustainability". The following sections examine the drawbacks of this paradigm from a viewpoint external to neoclassical economics and discuss alternative methods of analysis and decision-making for sustainability. The concluding section summarizes the principal points.SHIFTING DEBATE: EMERGENCE OF THE CAPITAL THEORY II. THEAPPROACHMuch of the literature on sustainable development published in the 1980's was vague (see Lélé, 1991; Rees, 1990; Simonis, 1990). There was a general lack of precision and agreement in defining sustainability, and outlining appropriate sustainability policies. This confusion stemmed in part from an imprecise demarcation between ends and means. By "ends" I mean the definition ofsustainability ie. what is to be sustained, while "means" are the methods to achieve sustainability or necessary and/or sufficient conditions that must be met in order to do the same. As the goal of policy must be a subjective choice, considerable debate surrounded and continues to surround the definition of sustainability (eg. Tisdell, 1988). As there is considerable scientific uncertainty regarding sustainability possibilities, considerable debate continues to surround policies to achieve any given goal.Sharachchandra Lélé (1991) stated that "sustainable development is in real danger of becoming a cliché like appropriate technology - a fashionable phrase that everyone pays homage to but nobody cares to define" (607). Lélé pointed out that different authors and speakers meant very different things by sustainability, and that even UNEP's and WCED's definitions of sustainable development were vague, and confused ends with means. Neither provided any scientific examination of whether their proposed policies would lead to increased sustainability. "Where the sustainable development movement has faltered is in its inability to develop a set of concepts, criteria and policies that are coherent or consistent - both externally (with physical and social reality) and internally (with each other)." (613). Judith Rees (1990) expressed extreme skepticism concerning both sustainable development and its proponents. “It is easy to see why the notion of sustainable development has become so popular ... No longer does environmental protection mean sacrifice and confrontation with dominant materialist values” (435). She also argued that sustainable development was just so much political rhetoric. A UNEP report stated: "The ratio of words to action is weighted too heavily towards the former" (quoted in Simonis, 1990, 35). In the early days of the sustainability debate, vagueness about the meaning of sustainability was advantageous in attracting the largest constituency possible, but in the longer run, greater clarity is essential for sustaining concern.In the 1990's many people have put forward much more precisely articulated definitions of sustainable development, conditions and policies required to achieve sustainability, and criteria toassess whether development is sustainable. This has coincided with a shift from a largely politically-driven dialogue to a more theory-driven dialogue. With this has come a clearer understanding of what kinds of policies would be required to move towards alternative sustainability goals, and what the limits of our knowledge are. There is a stronger awareness of the distinction between ends and means. Most, but not all (eg. Amir, 1992), analysts agree that sustainable development is a meaningful concept but that the claims of the Brundtland Report (WCED, 1987) that growth just had to change direction were far too simplistic.There is a general consensus, especially among economists, on the principal definition of sustainable development used by David Pearce et al. (1989, 1991): Non-declining average human welfare over time (Mäler, 1991; Pezzey, 1992; Toman et al., 1994).3 This definition of sustainability implies a departure from the strict principle of maximizing net present value in traditional cost benefit analysis (Pezzey, 1989), but otherwise it does not imply a large departure from conventional economics. John Pezzey (1989, 1994) suggests a rule of maximizing net present value subject to the sustainability constraint of non-declining mean welfare. It encompasses many but not all definitions of sustainability. For example, it excludes a definition of sustainability based on maintaining a set of ecosystem functions, which seems to be implied by the Holling-sustainability criterion (Common and Perrings, 1992; Holling, 1973, 1986) or on maintaining given stocks of natural assets irrespective of any contribution to human welfare. A sustainable ecosystem might not be an undesirable goal but it could be too strict a criterion for the goal of maintaining human welfare (Karshenas, 1994) and could in some circumstances lead to declining human welfare. Not all ecosystem functions and certainly not all natural assets may be necessary for human welfare. Some aspects of the natural world such as smallpox bacteria may be absolutely detrimental to people. In the context of the primary Pearce et al. definition, the Holling-sustainability criterion is a means not an end.The advantage of formalizing the concept of sustainability is that this renders it amenable to analysis by economic theory (eg. Barbier and Markandya, 1991; Victor, 1991; Common and Perrings, 1992; Pezzey, 1989, 1994; Asheim, 1994) and to quantitative investigations (eg. Repetto et al., 1989; Pearce and Atkinson, 1993; Proops and Atkinson, 1993; Stern, 1995). Given the above formal definition of sustainability, many economists have examined what the necessary or sufficient conditions for the achievement of sustainability might be. Out of this activity has come the CTA described in the next section. The great attractiveness of this new approach is that it suggests relatively simple rules to ensure sustainability and relatively simple indicators of sustainability. This situation has seemingly cleared away the vagueness that previously attended discussions of sustainability and prompted relatively fast action by governments and international organizations to embrace specific goals and programs aimed at achieving this notion of the necessary conditions for sustainability.III. THE ESSENCE OF THE CAPITAL THEORY APPROACHThe origins of the CTA are in the literature on economic growth and exhaustible resources that flourished in the 1970s, exemplified by the special issue of the Review of Economic Studies published in 1974 (Heal, 1974). Robert Solow (1986) built on this earlier literature and the work of John Hartwick (1977, 1978a, 1978b) to formalize the constant capital rule. In these early models there was a single non-renewable resource and a stock of manufactured capital goods. A production function produced a single output, which could be used for either consumption or investment using the two inputs. The elasticity of substitution between the two inputs was one which implied that natural resources were essential but that the average product of resources could rise without bound given sufficient manufactured capital.The models relate to the notion of sustainability as non-declining welfare through the assumption that welfare is a monotonically increasing function of consumption (eg. Mäler, 1991). The path ofconsumption over time (and therefore of the capital stock) in these model economies depends on the intertemporal optimization rule. Under the Rawlsian maxi-min condition consumption must be constant. No net saving is permissible as this is regarded as an unjust burden on the present generation. Under the Ramsey utilitarian approach with zero discounting consumption can increase without bound (Solow, 1974). Here the present generation may be forced to accept a subsistence standard of living if this can benefit the future generations however richer they might be. Paths that maximize net present value with positive discount rates typically peak and then decline so that they are not sustainable (Pezzey, 1994). Pezzey (1989) suggested a hybrid version which maximizes net present value subject to an intertemporal constraint that utility be non-declining. In this case utility will first increase until it reaches a maximum sustainable level. This has attracted consensus as the general optimizing criterion for sustainable development. Geir Asheim (1991) derives this condition more formally.Under the assumption that the elasticity of substitution is one, non-declining consumption depends on the maintenance of the aggregate capital stock ie. conventional capital plus natural resources, used to produce consumption (and investment) goods (Solow, 1986). Aggregate capital, W t,and the change in aggregate capital are defined by:W t=p Kt K t + p Rt S t (1)∆W t=p Kt∆K t + p Rt R t (2)where S is the stock of non-renewable resources and R the use per period. K is the manufactured capital stock and the p i are the relevant prices. In the absence of depreciation of manufactured capital, maintenance of the capital stock implies investment of the rents from the depletion of the natural resource in manufactured capital - the Hartwick rule (Hartwick 1977, 1978a, 1978b). Income is defined using the Hicksian notion (Hicks, 1946) that income is the maximum consumption in a period consistent with the maintenance of wealth. Sustainable income is,therefore, the maximum consumption in a period consistent with the maintenance of aggregate capital intact (Weitzman, 1976; Mäler, 1991) and for a flow of income to be sustainable, the stock of capital needs to be constant or increasing over time (Solow, 1986).The initial work can be extended in various ways. The definition of capital that satisfies these conditions can be extended to include a number of categories of "capital": natural, manufactured, human, and institutional.4 Natural capital is a term used by many authors (it seems Smith (1977) was the first) for the aggregate of natural resource stocks that produce inputs of services or commodities for the economy. Some of the components of natural capital may be renewable resources. Manufactured capital refers to the standard neoclassical definition of "a factor of production produced by the economic system" (Pearce, 1992). Human capital also follows the standard definition. Institutional capital includes the institutions and knowledge necessary for the organization and reproduction of the economic system. It includes the ethical or moral capital referred to by Fred Hirsch (1976) and the cultural capital referred to by Fikret Berkes and Carl Folke (1992). For convenience I give the name 'artificial capital' to the latter three categories jointly. None of these concepts is unproblematic and natural capital is perhaps the most problematic. Technical change and population growth can also be accommodated (see Solow, 1986).Empirical implementation of the CTA tends to focus on measurement of sustainable income (eg. El Serafy, 1989; Repetto, 1989) or net capital accumulation (eg. Pearce and Atkinson, 1993; Proops and Atkinson, 1993) rather than on direct estimation of the capital stock.5 The theoretical models that underpin the CTA typically assume a Cobb-Douglas production function with constant returns to scale, no population growth, and no technological change. Any indices of net capital accumulation which attempt to make even a first approximation to reality must take these variables into account. None of the recent empirical studies does so. For example, David Pearce and Giles Atkinson (1993) present data from eighteen countries on savings and depreciation of natural andmanufactured capital as a proportion of GNP. They demonstrate that only eight countries had non-declining stocks of total capital, measured at market prices, and thus passed a weak sustainability criterion of a constant aggregate capital stock, but their methodology ignores population growth, returns to scale or technological change.IV.INTERNAL APPRAISAL OF THE CAPITAL THEORY APPROACHIn this section, I take as given the basic assumptions and rationale of neoclassical economics and highlight some of the technical problems that are encountered in using the CTA as an operational guide to policy. From a neoclassical standpoint these might be seen as difficulties in the positive theory that may lead to difficulties in the normative theory of sustainability policy. In the following section, I take as given solutions to these technical difficulties and examine some of the problems inherent in the normative neoclassical approach to sustainability.a.Limits to Substitution in Production and "Strong Sustainability"Capital theorists are divided among proponents of weak sustainability and strong sustainability. This terminology is confusing as it suggests that the various writers have differing ideas of what sustainability is.6 In fact they agree on that issue, but differ on what is the minimum set of necessary conditions for achieving sustainability. The criterion that distinguishes the categories is the degree of substitutability believed to be possible between natural and artificial capital.7The weak sustainability viewpoint follows from the early literature and holds that the relevant capital stock is an aggregate stock of artificial and natural capital. Weak sustainability assumes that the elasticity of substitution between natural capital and artificial capital is one and therefore that there are no natural resources that contribute to human welfare that cannot be asymptotically replaced by other forms of capital. Reductions in natural capital may be offset by increases inartificial capital. It is sometimes implied that this might be not only a necessary condition but also a sufficient condition for achieving sustainability (eg. Solow, 1986, 1993).Proponents of the strong sustainability viewpoint such as Robert Costanza and Herman Daly (1992) argue that though this is a necessary condition for sustainability it cannot possibly be a sufficient condition. Instead, a minimum necessary condition is that separate stocks of aggregate natural capital and aggregate artificial capital must be maintained. Costanza and Daly (1992) state: "It is important for operational purposes to define sustainable development in terms of constant or nondeclining total natural capital, rather than in terms of nondeclining utility" (39).8 Other analysts such as members of the "London School" hold views between these two extremes (see Victor, 1991). They argue that though it is possible to substitute between natural and artificial capital there are certain stocks of "critical natural capital" for which no substitutes exist. A necessary condition for sustainability is that these individual stocks must be maintained in addition to the general aggregate capital stock.The weak sustainability condition violates the Second Law of Thermodynamics, as a minimum quantity of energy is required to transform matter into economically useful products (Hall et al., 1986) and energy cannot be produced inside the economic system.9 It also violates the First Law on the grounds of mass balance (Pezzey, 1994). Also ecological principles concerning the importance of diversity in system resilience (Common and Perrings, 1992) imply that minimum quantities of a large number of different capital stocks (eg. species) are required to maintain life support services. The London School view and strong sustainability accommodate these facts by assuming that there are lower bounds on the stocks of natural capital required to support the economy, in terms of the supply of materials and energy, and in terms of the assimilative capacity of the environment, and that certain categories of critical natural capital cannot be replaced by other forms of capital.Beyond this recognition it is an empirical question as to how far artificial capital can substitute for natural capital. There has been little work on this at scales relevant to sustainability. However, the econometric evidence from studies of manufacturing industry suggest on the whole that energy and capital are complements (Berndt and Wood, 1979).In some ways the concept of maintaining a constant stock of aggregate natural capital is even more bizarre than maintaining a non-declining stock of total capital. It seems more reasonable to suggest that artificial capital might replace some of the functions of natural capital than to suggest that in general various natural resources may be substitutes for each other. How can oil reserves substitute for clean air, or iron deposits for topsoil? Recognizing this, some of the strong sustainability proponents have dropped the idea of maintaining an aggregate natural capital stock as proposed by Costanza and Daly (1992) and instead argue that minimum stocks of all natural resources should be maintained (Faucheux and O'Connor, 1995). However, this can no longer really be considered an example of the CTA. Instead it is an approach that depends on the concept of safe minimum standards or the precautionary principle. The essence of the CTA is that some aggregation of resources using monetary valuations is proposed as an indicator for sustainability.The types of models which admit an index of aggregate capital, whether aggregate natural capital or aggregate total capital, is very limited. Construction of aggregate indices or subindices of inputs depend on the production function being weakly separable in those subgroups (Berndt and Christensen, 1973). For example it is only possible to construct an index of aggregate natural capital if the marginal rate of substitution between two forms of natural capital is independent of the quantities of labor or capital employed. This seems an unlikely proposition as the exploitation of many natural resources is impractical without large capital stocks. For example, in the production of caught fish, the marginal rate of substitution, and under perfect competition the price ratio, between stocks of fresh water fish and marine fish should be independent of the number of fishingboats available. This is clearly not the case. People are not likely to put a high value on the stock of deep sea fish when they do not have boats to catch them with.If substitution is limited, technological progress might reduce the quantity of natural resource inputs required per unit of output. However, there are arguments that indicate that technical progress itself is bounded (see Pezzey, 1994; Stern, 1994). One of these (Pezzey, 1994) is that, just as in the case of substitution, ultimately the laws of thermodynamics limit the minimization of resource inputs per unit output. Stern (1994) argues that unknown useful knowledge is itself a nonrenewable resource. Technological progress is the extraction of this knowledge from the environment and the investment of resources in this activity will eventually be subject to diminishing returns.Limits to substitution in production might be thought of in a much broader way to include nonlinearities and threshold effects. This view is sometimes described as the "ecological" viewpoint on sustainability (Common and Perrings, 1992; Common, 1995) or as the importance of maintaining the "resilience" of ecological systems rather than any specific stocks or species. This approach derives largely from the work of Holling (1973, 1986). In this view ecosystems are locally stable in the presence of small shocks or perturbations but may be irreversibly altered by large shocks. Structural changes in ecosystems such as those that come about through human interference and particularly simplification, may make these systems more susceptible to losing resilience and being permanently degraded. There is clearly some substitutability between species or inorganic elements in the role of maintaining ecosystem productivity, however, beyond a certain point this substitutability may suddenly fail to hold true. This approach also asks us to look at development paths as much less linear and predictable than is implied in the CTA literature.All things considered, what emerges is a quite different approach to sustainability policy. It is probable that substitution between natural and artificial capital is limited, as is ultimately technicalchange. Additionally the joint economy-ecosystem system may be subject to nonlinear dynamics. This implies that eventually the economy must approach a steady state where the volume of physical economic activity is dependent on the maximum economic and sustainable yield of renewable resources or face decline ie. profit (or utility) maximizing use of renewable resources subject to the sustainability constraint. As in Herman Daly's vision (Daly, 1977) qualitative change in the nature of economic output is still possible. Sustainability policy would require not just maintaining some stocks of renewable resources but also working to reduce "threats to sustainability" (Common, 1995) that might cause the system to pass over a threshold and reduce long-run productivity.The notion of Hicksian income originally applied to an individual price-taking firm (Faucheux and O'Connor, 1995). However, even here it is not apparent that the myopic policy of maintaining capital intact from year to year is the best or only way to ensure the sustainability of profits into the future. If a competing firm makes an innovation that renders the firm's capital stock obsolete, the latter's income may drop to zero. This is despite it previously following a policy of maintaining its capital intact. The firm's income measured up to this point is clearly seen to be unsustainable. In fact its policy has been shown to be irrelevant to long-run sustainability. In the real world firms will carry out activities that may not contribute to the year to year maintenance of capital and will reduce short-run profits such as research and development and attempts to gain market share.10 These activities make the firm more resilient against future shocks and hence enhance sustainability.b.Prices for AggregationSupposing that the necessary separability conditions are met so that aggregation of a capital stock is possible, analysts still have to obtain an appropriate set of prices so that the value of the capital stock is a sustainability relevant value. The CTA is more or less tautological if we use the "right" prices. However, these correct "sustainability prices" are unknown and unknowable. A number of。
Skopos theoryBy CHRISTINA SCHÄFFNERSkopos theory is an approach to translation which was developed in Germany in the late 1970s (Vermeer 1978), and which reflects a general shift from predominantly LINGUISTIC and rather formal translation theories to a more functionally and socioculturally oriented concept of translation. (cf. ACTION (THEORY OF TRANSLATORIAL ACTION); COMMUNICATIVEIFUNCTIONAL APPROACHES). This shift drew inspiration from communication theory, action theory, text linguistics and text theory, as well as from movements in literary studies towards reception theories (see for example Iser 1978). Apart from Hans Vermeer, the founder of skopos theory, other scholars working in the paradigm include Margret Ammann (198911990), Hans Hönig and Paul Kussmaul (1982), Sigrid Kupsch-Losereit (1986), Christiane Nord (1988) and Heidrun Witte (1987a); see also articles in the journal TEXTconTEXT, published since 1986 by Groos in Heidelberg. Skopos theory takes seriously factors which have always been stressed in action theory, and which were brought into sharp relief with the growing need in the latter half of the twentieth century for the translation of non-literary text types. In the translation of scientific and academic papers, instructions for use, tourist guides, contracts, etc., the contextual factors surrounding the translation cannot be ignored. These factors include the culture of the intended readers of the target text and of the client who has commissioned it, and, in particular, the function which the text is to perform in that culture for those readers. Skopos theory is directly oriented towards this function.Translation is viewed not as a process of trans coding, but as a specific form of human action. Like any other human action, translation has a purpose, and the word skopos, derived from Greek, is used as the technical term for the purpose of a translation. Skopos must be defined before translation can begin; in highlighting skopos, the theory adopts a prospective attitude to translation, as opposed to the retrospective attitude adopted in theories which focus on prescriptions derived from the source text. In addition to its purpose, any action has an outcome. The outcome of translational action is a translatum (Vermeer1979:174; translat in Reiss and Vermeer 198411991:2), a particular variety of target text.Vermeer's skopos theoryVermeer (1978:100) postulates that as a general rule it must be the intended purpose of the target text that determines translation methods and strategies. From this postulate, he derives the skopos rule: Human action (and its subcategory: translation) is determined by its purpose (skopos), and therefore it is a function of its purpose. The rule is formalized using the formula: IA(Trl) = f(Sk).The main point of this functional approach is the following: it is not the source text as such, or its effects on the source-text recipient, or the function assigned to it by the author, that determines the translation process, as is postulated by EQUIVALENCE-based translation theories, but the prospective function or skopos of the target text as determined by the initiator's, i.e. client's, needs. Consequently, the skopos is largely constrained by the target text user (reader/listener) and his/her situation and cultural background. Two further general rules are the coherence rule and the fidelity rule. The coherence rule stipulates that the target text must be sufficiently coherent to allow the intended users to comprehend it, given their assumed background knowledge and situational circumstances. The starting point for a translation is a text as part of a world continuum, written in the source language. It has to be translated into a target language in such a way that it becomes part of a world continuum which can be interpreted by the recipients as coherent with their situation (Vermeer 1978:100).The fidelity rule concerns intertextual coherence between translatum and source text, and stipulates merely that some relationship must remain between the two once the overriding principle of skopos and the rule of (intratextual) coherence have been satisfied.The general translation theory of Reiss and VermeerIn combining Vermeer's general skopos theory of 1978 with the specific translation theory developed by Katharina Reiss, Reiss and Vermeer (1984/1991) arrive at a translation theory that is sufficiently general(allgemeine Translationstheorie), and sufficiently complex, to cover a multitude of individual cases. They abstract from phenomena that are specific to individual cultures and languages an account of general factors determining the translation process, to which special theories that concern individual problems or subfields can be linked consistently.A text is viewed as an offer of information (Informationsangebot) made by a producer to a recipient. Translation is then characterized as offering information to members of one culture in their language (the target language and culture) about information originally offered in another language within another culture (the source language and culture). A translation is a secondary offer of information, imitating a primary offer of information. Or, to be more precise, the translator offers information about certain aspects of the source-text-in-situation, according to the target text skopos specified by the initiator (Reiss and Vermeer 1984/1991:76). Neither the selection made from the information offered in the source text, nor the specification of the skopos happens at random; rather, they are determined by the needs, expectations, etc. of the target-text receivers. Translation is by definition interlingual and intercultural, it involves both linguistic and cultural transfer; in other words, it is a culture-transcending process (Vermeer 1992:40).Since skopos varies with text receivers, the skopos of the target text and of the source text may be different. In cases where the skopos is the same for the two texts, Reiss and Vermeer (1984/1991:45) speak of Funktionskonstanz (functional constancy), whereas cases in which the skopos differs between the two texts undergo Funktionsanderung (change of function). In cases of the latter type, the standard for the translation will not be intertextual coherence with the source text, but adequacy or appropriateness to the skopos, which also determines the selection and arrangement of content.Although a translatum is not ipso facto a faithful imitation of the source text, fidelity to the source text is one possible or legitimate skopos. Skopos theory should not, therefore, be understood as promoting (extremely) free translation in all, or even a majority of cases.Although the terms 'skopos', 'purpose' and 'function' are often used interchangeably by Reiss and Vermeer (1984/1991), function is also used in a more specific sense which derives mainly from Reiss. In this sense, it is linked to aspects of genre (Textsorte) and text type (Texttyp). The source text can be assigned to a text type and to a genre, and in making this assignment, thetranslator can decide on the hierarchy of postulates which has to be observed during target-text production (Reiss and Vermeer 1984/1991:196).Reiss and Vermeer's text typology, based on Bühler (1934), includes the informative, the expressive and the operative text types, which derive from the descriptive, the expressive and the appellative functions of language, respectively. Such a typology is helpful mainly where functional constancy is required between source and target texts. However, both Vermeer (1989a) and Reiss (1988) have expressed reservations about the role of genre: the source text does not determine the genre of the target text, nor does the genre determine ipso facto the form of the target text, or, indeed, the skopos; rather, it is the skopos of the translation that determines the appropriate genre for the translatum, and the geme, being a consequence of the skopos, is secondary to it (Vermeer 1989a:187).Status of source text and target textAccording to skopos theory, then, translation is the production of a functionally appropriate target text based on an existing source text, and the relationship between the two texts is specified according to the skopos of the translation. One practical consequence of this theory is a reconceptualization of the status of the source text. It is up to the translator as the expert to decide what role a source text is to play in the translation action. The decisive factor is the precisely specified skopos, and the source text is just one constituent of the commission given to the translator. The translator is required to act consciously in accordance with the skopos, and skopos must be decided separately in each specific case. It may be ADAPTATION to the target culture, but it may also be to acquaint the reader with the source culture. The translator should know what the point of a translation is-that it has some goal-but that any given goal is only one among many possible goals. The important point is that no source text has only one correct or preferable translation (Vermeer 1989a:182), and that, consequently, every translation commission should explicitly or implicitly contain a statement of skopos. The skopos for the target text need not be identical with that attributed to the source text; but unless the skopos for the target text is specified, translation cannot, properly speaking, be carried out at all.Criticism of skopos theoryObjections to skopos theory mainly concern the definition of translation and the relationship between source text and target text.It has been argued that Reiss and Vermeer, in their attempt to establish a truly general and comprehensive translation theory, force totally disparate cases of text relations into a frame which they attempt to hold together by means of the notion of information offer (Schreitmüller 1994:105). But there should be a limit to what may legitimately be called translation as opposed to, for example, ADAPTATION. In translation proper (Koller 1990), the source text is the yardstick by which all translations must be measured, independently of the purpose for which they were produced.In this context it is also argued that, even though a translation may indeed fulfil its intended skopos perfectly well, it may nevertheless be assessed as inadequate on other counts, particularly as far as lexical, syntactic, or stylistic decisions on the microlevel are concerned (a point made by Chesterman 1994:153, who otherwise acknowledges the important contributions of skopos theory). Such objections come mainly from linguistically oriented approaches to translation that focus on bottom-up aspects of text production and reception. For example, Newmark (1991b:106) criticizes the oversimplification that is inherent in functionalism, the emphasis on the message at the expense of richness of meaning and to the detriment of the authority of the source-language text. However, proponents of skopos theory argue for a wide definition of translation (e.g. Reiss 1990). As soon as one asks for the purpose of a translation, strategies that are often listed under adaptation, for example reformulation, paraphrase and textual explication, will come in naturally as part of translation. And critics of micro level decisions usually lift the texts out of their respective environments for comparative purposes, ignoring their functional aspects.Reiss and Vermeer's cultural approach has also been judged less applicable to literary translation, due to the special status of a literary work of art. Snell-Hornby (1990:84) argues that the situation and function of literary texts are more complex than those of non-literary texts, and that style is a highly important factor. Therefore, although skopos theory is by no means irrelevant to literary translation, a number of points need rethinking before the theory can be made fully applicable to this genre.It is also possible to argue that to assign a skopos to a literary text is to restrict its possibilities of interpretation. In literary theory a distinction is often made between text as potential and text as realization, and skopos theory appears to seethe text only as realization, and not as a potential which can be used in different situations with different addressees and having different functions. However, Vermeer (1989a:181) argues that when a text is actually composed, this is done with an assumed function, or a restricted set of functions, in mind. Skopos theory does not deny that a text may be used in ways that had not been foreseen originally, only that a translatum is a text in its own right, with its own potential for use.Skopos theory has helped to bring the target text into focus. As a text, a translation is not primarily determined by a source text, but by its own skopos. This axiom provides a theoretical argument for describing translations in terms of original text production and against describing them in the more traditional terms of EQUIVALENCE with another text in another language (see also Jakobsen 1993:156). Translation is a DECISION MAKING process. The criteria for the decisions are provided by the skopos, i.e. the concrete purpose and aims in a concrete translation commission. The shift of focus away from source text reproduction to the more independent challenges of target-text production has brought innovation to translation theory. As attention has turned towards the functional aspects of translation and towards the explanation of translation decisions, the expertise and ethical responsibility of the translator have come to the fore. Translators have come to be viewed as target-text authors and have been released from the limitations and restrictions imposed by a narrowly defined concept of loyalty to the source text alone.Further readingAmmann 1989/1990; Newmark 1991b; Reiss 1986, 1988, 1990; Reiss and Vermeer 1984/1991; Vermeer 1978, 1982, 1989a, 1992.Baker M. (ed.) (1998/2001). Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies. London: Routledge.。
西华师范大学英语专业自考历年考试真题全文共3篇示例,供读者参考篇1Navigating the Self-Taught English Major: A Student's Perspective on Xihua Normal University's Examination PapersAs a diligent student pursuing the self-taught English major at Xihua Normal University, I've come to deeply appreciate the invaluable role that past examination papers play in our academic journey. These time-honored documents, meticulously crafted by esteemed educators, serve as a compass guiding us through the intricate landscapes of linguistic mastery and cultural exploration.One of the most striking aspects of Xihua's examination papers is their unwavering commitment to academic rigor. Each question, carefully curated, presents a unique challenge that demands not only a comprehensive understanding of the English language but also a keen ability to think critically and analyze nuances. From dissecting intricate grammatical structures to unraveling the complexities of literary works, theseexaminations leave no stone unturned, ensuring that we emerge as well-rounded scholars.Yet, what truly sets Xihua's papers apart is their ability to transcend mere linguistic proficiency and delve into the rich tapestry of cultural heritage. Questions that explore the intricacies of Western literature, history, and societal norms challenge us to broaden our horizons, fostering a deep appreciation for the diversity that defines the English-speaking world. It is through this holistic approach that we not only become fluent in the language but also gain a profound understanding of the cultures it represents.As I reflect on my journey thus far, I cannot help but marvel at the sheer breadth and depth of knowledge encompassed within these examination papers. From the foundational principles of phonetics and syntax to the intricate nuances of idiomatic expressions and rhetorical devices, each section serves as a testament to the dedication and expertise of Xihua's faculty.One aspect that has particularly resonated with me is the emphasis on practical application. The examination papers go beyond mere theoretical concepts, challenging us to apply our knowledge in real-world scenarios, whether through written compositions, oral presentations, or simulated professionalsituations. This experiential approach not only enhances our comprehension but also equips us with the essential skills to thrive in an ever-evolving global landscape.Furthermore, the inclusion of contemporary themes and issues in these examinations ensures that our education remains relevant and aligned with the rapidly changing dynamics of the world around us. From exploring the impact of technology on communication to analyzing the complexities of international relations, these papers compel us to engage with the pressing concerns of our time, fostering critical thinking and an informed global perspective.As I approach the culmination of my studies, I cannot help but feel a profound sense of gratitude towards Xihua Normal University and the invaluable legacy of its examination papers. These documents have not only imparted knowledge but have also cultivated within me a deep appreciation for the English language and the rich tapestry of cultures it represents.To my fellow students, I urge you to embrace these examination papers not merely as hurdles to overcome but as opportunities for personal growth and intellectual enrichment. Approach each question with an open mind and a thirst forknowledge, for within these pages lie the keys to unlocking a world of linguistic and cultural understanding.In conclusion, Xihua Normal University's examination papers stand as a testament to the institution's unwavering commitment to academic excellence and cultural awareness. Through their meticulous curation and multifaceted approach, these documents have shaped countless scholars, equipping them with the tools to navigate the complexities of the English language and the diverse cultures it encompasses. As we embark on our respective journeys, let us cherish these invaluable resources, for they are the foundation upon which our academic and personal growth is built.篇2An Insider's Look at Xihua Normal University's Self-Study English Exam Paper TrailAs an English major taking the self-study route at Xihua Normal University, I've had my fair share of battles with the annual examination papers. These tests have been the bane of my existence, yet they've also been invaluable learning experiences that have pushed me to enhance my language skills continually. Join me as I delve into the treacherous waters ofXihua's self-study English exam archives, sharing insights and anecdotes that I've garnered over the years.The Reading Comprehension ConundrumAh, the reading comprehension section – a true test of one's ability to dissect dense academic texts while maintainingrazor-sharp focus. Xihua's examiners have a knack for selecting passages that would make even the most seasoned linguists scratch their heads in bewilderment. From labyrinthine philosophical treatises to mind-boggling scientific journals, these texts demand not only a formidable vocabulary but also an uncanny knack for extracting the most obscure details.I vividly remember one particular passage about the intricacies of quantum mechanics that left me questioning my very existence. As I waded through the sea of jargon and esoteric concepts, I couldn't help but wonder if the examiners had a sadistic streak, deriving some perverse pleasure from watching us squirm.The Writing Challenge: A Dance with WordsIf the reading section was a battle of wits, the writing component was an intricate dance with words – a true test of one's ability to weave thoughts into a cohesive, compellingnarrative. Xihua's prompts were never straightforward; they were carefully crafted to challenge our critical thinking skills, forcing us to delve deep into the realms of analysis, persuasion, and creativity.One year, we were tasked with penning a persuasive essay on the merits (or lack thereof) of introducing a four-day workweek. As I furiously scribbled away, attempting to craft a balanced argument that would sway even the most ardent skeptics, I couldn't help but wonder if the examiners had a secret agenda – to transform us into seasoned orators and future leaders of industry.The Grammar Gauntlet: Navigating Treacherous TerrainIf the reading and writing sections were formidable foes, the grammar component was the final boss battle – a relentless gauntlet of linguistic landmines that tested the very limits of our grammatical acumen. Xihua's examiners seemed to take perverse delight in crafting questions that targeted even the most obscure grammatical conventions, leaving us to navigate a veritable minefield of syntax and structure.I still shudder at the memory of a particularly deviousfill-in-the-blank question that involved a convoluted compound-complex sentence with multiple clauses and aplethora of potential answers. As I agonized over each possible choice, I couldn't help but feel like a linguistic contortionist, twisting and bending my understanding of grammar to its breaking point.The Oral Examination: A Stage for Linguistic BrillianceBut the true crucible, the ultimate test of our mettle, was the oral examination. This was our moment to shine, to showcase the full breadth of our linguistic prowess before a panel ofstern-faced examiners who seemed impervious to even the most charming of smiles or witty one-liners.One year, I was tasked with delivering an impromptu speech on the cultural significance of jazz music, a topic I knew precious little about. As I stood before the examiners, my mind racing to cobble together a coherent narrative, I couldn't help but feel like a performer in a linguistic circus, juggling words and phrases in a desperate attempt to impress the unimpressible.The Aftermath: Victories, Defeats, and Lessons LearnedIn the aftermath of each examination cycle, there were always tales of triumph and heartbreak – those who had conquered the linguistic battleground, emerging victorious with enviable scores, and those who had fallen victim to theexaminers' merciless onslaught. But regardless of the outcome, we all walked away with invaluable lessons etched into our psyches.For some, it was a newfound appreciation for the intricacies of the English language, a realization that mastery was a lifelong pursuit. For others, it was a steely resolve to conquer their weaknesses and return to the fray with renewed vigor. And for a select few, it was a bittersweet acceptance that perhaps their linguistic destinies lay elsewhere.As I reflect on my own journey through Xihua's self-study English exam gauntlet, I can't help but feel a sense of gratitude –gratitude for the challenges that pushed me to my limits, for the failures that taught me humility, and for the victories that fueled my determination. These exams were not mere assessments of knowledge; they were forges that tempered our linguistic fortitude, preparing us for the battles that lie ahead in theever-evolving landscape of language and communication.So, to my fellow self-study English warriors, I raise a metaphorical glass – to the battles we've fought, the lessons we've learned, and the linguistic horizons that await us, for the path to mastery is paved with triumphs and tribulations alike. Embrace the challenge, revel in the struggle, and never forgetthat true linguistic prowess is forged in the fires of Xihua'sself-study English exam archives.篇3The Road Less Traveled: Navigating the English Self-Study Exam at CWNUAs an aspiring English major pursuing the self-study path at China West Normal University (CWNU), the journey has been an uphill battle, but one that has continuously challenged and rewarded me. The annual examination, a daunting rite of passage, has become a defining milestone in my academic odyssey, testing the depths of my knowledge and fortitude with each passing year.Looking back at the early years, the mere thought of the exam filled me with trepidation. The sheer volume of material to be covered, spanning grammar intricacies, literary analyses, and linguistic nuances, seemed insurmountable. However, as I delved into past papers, a pattern began to emerge – a roadmap of sorts, guiding me through the labyrinth of questions and expectations.The grammar section, often the bane of many students' existence, revealed itself as a true test of mettle. Parsing throughthe intricacies of tense usage, subject-verb agreement, and intricate phrase structures became a rite of passage. Past papers illuminated the examiners' penchant for trickery, with questions designed to ensnare the unwary. Yet, with each practice session, my grasp on these principles solidified, transforming what was once a minefield into a navigable terrain.Literary analysis, a realm where words held the power to transport and transform, unveiled its complexities through the lens of past examinations. Dissecting the symbolic layers woven into classic works, unraveling the intricacies of character development, and exploring the sociocultural underpinnings that shaped these masterpieces became a rite of passage. The questions demanded not just a cursory understanding, but a deep, nuanced appreciation of the literary canon – a challenge that pushed me to delve deeper, to read beyond the words on the page.Linguistic analysis, a domain where language itself became the subject of scrutiny, revealed its depth and breadth through the annals of past papers. Grappling with phonetic transcriptions, morphological deconstructions, and syntactic analyses challenged my linguistic dexterity. The questions demanded a keen eye for detail, an ability to dissect the very fabric oflanguage, and a comprehensive understanding of its underlying principles.As the years progressed, the examination evolved, adapting to the ever-changing landscape of the English language and its associated disciplines. New sections emerged, testing our grasp of pragmatics, discourse analysis, and even the burgeoning field of computational linguistics. These additions pushed the boundaries of our knowledge, forcing us to stay abreast of the latest developments and to embrace a lifelong commitment to learning.Yet, amidst the challenges, past papers also became beacons of hope, illuminating the path forward. Studying the patterns and tendencies of previous exams allowed us to hone our strategies, to identify areas of weakness and to allocate our efforts accordingly. The collective wisdom gleaned from these archives became a shared resource, passed down from senior students to newcomers, forging a bond of camaraderie in our shared struggle.Moreover, the self-study nature of our pursuit instilled in us a sense of self-reliance and discipline that extended far beyond the confines of the examination hall. Time management, a crucial skill for juggling the demands of self-directed learning and life'sother obligations, was honed through the rigors of preparation. The ability to distill vast swaths of information into coherent understanding became a transferable asset, applicable in myriad professional and personal endeavors.As I approach the culmination of my journey, the annual examination no longer holds the same fear it once did. Instead, it has become a rite of passage, a crucible in which my knowledge, perseverance, and dedication are tested. The past papers, once daunting tomes, have become trusted companions, guiding me through the labyrinth of language and literature.To my fellow travelers on this path, I implore you to embrace the challenges that lie ahead. Treat each past paper not as a mere collection of questions, but as a tapestry woven from the collective wisdom of those who have trodden this path before us. Seek out the patterns, the nuances, and the deeper insights that lie within. For in doing so, you will not only conquer the examination, but also forge a lifelong love for the intricacies of the English language and its rich literary heritage.The road ahead may be arduous, but the rewards are immeasurable. Embrace the journey, for it is in the valleys of struggle that the true heights of achievement are scaled. And when you emerge victorious, you will carry with you not just adegree, but a profound understanding of the language that has shaped civilizations, bridged cultures, and unlocked the boundless realms of human expression.。
乔治斯坦纳及其对翻译的阐释学解读George Steiner was born in 1929 in Paris, France. As a prolific author, essayist, literacy critic, and philosopher, he has written extensively about the relationship between language, literature and society, particularly in light of modern history, and the impact of the Holocaust with his field primarily in comparative literature and his work as critic has tended toward exploring cultural and philosophical issues, particularly dealing with translation and the nature of language and literature.乔治斯坦纳1929年⽣于法国巴黎,著作等⾝,在⽂学创造、语⾔评论和哲学⽅⾯均有很深造诣。
他主要的研究领域为⽐较⽂学,写了⼤量关于在现代历史背景下语⾔、⽂学和社会关系,以及是⼤屠杀的社会影响⽅⾯的⽂章。
在⽂学批评上,他的视⾓延伸向了⽂化与哲学,在翻译,语⾔和⽂学的本质问题上的观点独树⼀帜。
The word “hermeneutics” originates in old Greek and its Latin spelling is “hermeneuein”, meaning to understand. In the Middle Ages, it developed into hermeneutics of theology, as it applied to the interpretation of the decrees of God and records of antiquity. Through the reformation of the Renaissance, hermeneutics, applied for semantic explanations in rhetoric and poetics, evolved into a methodology contributed by the German Romantics, Schleiermacher (1786-1834) and Dilthey (1833-1911) who interpreted various texts of historical records in their work.Hermeneutics⼀词来源于古希腊,拉丁语的拼法为hermeneuein,意义为理解。
Skopos theoryBy CHRISTINA SCHÄFFNERSkopos theory is an approach to translation which was developed in Germany in the late 1970s (Vermeer 1978), and which reflects a general shift from predominantly LINGUISTIC and rather formal translation theories to a more functionally and socioculturally oriented concept of translation. (cf. ACTION (THEORY OF TRANSLATORIAL ACTION); COMMUNICATIVEIFUNCTIONAL APPROACHES). This shift drew inspiration from communication theory, action theory, text linguistics and text theory, as well as from movements in literary studies towards reception theories (see for example Iser 1978). Apart from Hans Vermeer, the founder of skopos theory, other scholars working in the paradigm include Margret Ammann (198911990), Hans Hönig and Paul Kussmaul (1982), Sigrid Kupsch-Losereit (1986), Christiane Nord (1988) and Heidrun Witte (1987a); see also articles in the journal TEXTconTEXT, published since 1986 by Groos in Heidelberg. Skopos theory takes seriously factors which have always been stressed in action theory, and which were brought into sharp relief with the growing need in the latter half of the twentieth century for the translation of non-literary text types. In the translation of scientific and academic papers, instructions for use, tourist guides, contracts, etc., the contextual factors surrounding the translation cannot be ignored. These factors include the culture of the intended readers of the target text and of the client who has commissioned it, and, in particular, the function which the text is to perform in that culture for those readers. Skopos theory is directly oriented towards this function.Translation is viewed not as a process of trans coding, but as a specific form of human action. Like any other human action, translation has a purpose, and the word skopos, derived from Greek, is used as the technical term for the purpose of a translation. Skopos must be defined before translation can begin; in highlighting skopos, the theory adopts a prospective attitude to translation, as opposed to the retrospective attitude adopted in theories which focus on prescriptions derived from the source text. In addition to its purpose, any action has an outcome. The outcome of translational action is a translatum (Vermeer1979:174; translat in Reiss and Vermeer 198411991:2), a particular variety of target text.Vermeer's skopos theoryVermeer (1978:100) postulates that as a general rule it must be the intended purpose of the target text that determines translation methods and strategies. From this postulate, he derives the skopos rule: Human action (and its subcategory: translation) is determined by its purpose (skopos), and therefore it is a function of its purpose. The rule is formalized using the formula: IA(Trl) = f(Sk).The main point of this functional approach is the following: it is not the source text as such, or its effects on the source-text recipient, or the function assigned to it by the author, that determines the translation process, as is postulated by EQUIVALENCE-based translation theories, but the prospective function or skopos of the target text as determined by the initiator's, i.e. client's, needs. Consequently, the skopos is largely constrained by the target text user (reader/listener) and his/her situation and cultural background. Two further general rules are the coherence rule and the fidelity rule. The coherence rule stipulates that the target text must be sufficiently coherent to allow the intended users to comprehend it, given their assumed background knowledge and situational circumstances. The starting point for a translation is a text as part of a world continuum, written in the source language. It has to be translated into a target language in such a way that it becomes part of a world continuum which can be interpreted by the recipients as coherent with their situation (Vermeer 1978:100).The fidelity rule concerns intertextual coherence between translatum and source text, and stipulates merely that some relationship must remain between the two once the overriding principle of skopos and the rule of (intratextual) coherence have been satisfied.The general translation theory of Reiss and VermeerIn combining Vermeer's general skopos theory of 1978 with the specific translation theory developed by Katharina Reiss, Reiss and Vermeer (1984/1991) arrive at a translation theory that is sufficiently general(allgemeine Translationstheorie), and sufficiently complex, to cover a multitude of individual cases. They abstract from phenomena that are specific to individual cultures and languages an account of general factors determining the translation process, to which special theories that concern individual problems or subfields can be linked consistently.A text is viewed as an offer of information (Informationsangebot) made by a producer to a recipient. Translation is then characterized as offering information to members of one culture in their language (the target language and culture) about information originally offered in another language within another culture (the source language and culture). A translation is a secondary offer of information, imitating a primary offer of information. Or, to be more precise, the translator offers information about certain aspects of the source-text-in-situation, according to the target text skopos specified by the initiator (Reiss and Vermeer 1984/1991:76). Neither the selection made from the information offered in the source text, nor the specification of the skopos happens at random; rather, they are determined by the needs, expectations, etc. of the target-text receivers. Translation is by definition interlingual and intercultural, it involves both linguistic and cultural transfer; in other words, it is a culture-transcending process (Vermeer 1992:40).Since skopos varies with text receivers, the skopos of the target text and of the source text may be different. In cases where the skopos is the same for the two texts, Reiss and Vermeer (1984/1991:45) speak of Funktionskonstanz (functional constancy), whereas cases in which the skopos differs between the two texts undergo Funktionsanderung (change of function). In cases of the latter type, the standard for the translation will not be intertextual coherence with the source text, but adequacy or appropriateness to the skopos, which also determines the selection and arrangement of content.Although a translatum is not ipso facto a faithful imitation of the source text, fidelity to the source text is one possible or legitimate skopos. Skopos theory should not, therefore, be understood as promoting (extremely) free translation in all, or even a majority of cases.Although the terms 'skopos', 'purpose' and 'function' are often used interchangeably by Reiss and Vermeer (1984/1991), function is also used in a more specific sense which derives mainly from Reiss. In this sense, it is linked to aspects of genre (Textsorte) and text type (Texttyp). The source text can be assigned to a text type and to a genre, and in making this assignment, thetranslator can decide on the hierarchy of postulates which has to be observed during target-text production (Reiss and Vermeer 1984/1991:196).Reiss and Vermeer's text typology, based on Bühler (1934), includes the informative, the expressive and the operative text types, which derive from the descriptive, the expressive and the appellative functions of language, respectively. Such a typology is helpful mainly where functional constancy is required between source and target texts. However, both Vermeer (1989a) and Reiss (1988) have expressed reservations about the role of genre: the source text does not determine the genre of the target text, nor does the genre determine ipso facto the form of the target text, or, indeed, the skopos; rather, it is the skopos of the translation that determines the appropriate genre for the translatum, and the geme, being a consequence of the skopos, is secondary to it (Vermeer 1989a:187).Status of source text and target textAccording to skopos theory, then, translation is the production of a functionally appropriate target text based on an existing source text, and the relationship between the two texts is specified according to the skopos of the translation. One practical consequence of this theory is a reconceptualization of the status of the source text. It is up to the translator as the expert to decide what role a source text is to play in the translation action. The decisive factor is the precisely specified skopos, and the source text is just one constituent of the commission given to the translator. The translator is required to act consciously in accordance with the skopos, and skopos must be decided separately in each specific case. It may be ADAPTATION to the target culture, but it may also be to acquaint the reader with the source culture. The translator should know what the point of a translation is-that it has some goal-but that any given goal is only one among many possible goals. The important point is that no source text has only one correct or preferable translation (Vermeer 1989a:182), and that, consequently, every translation commission should explicitly or implicitly contain a statement of skopos. The skopos for the target text need not be identical with that attributed to the source text; but unless the skopos for the target text is specified, translation cannot, properly speaking, be carried out at all.Criticism of skopos theoryObjections to skopos theory mainly concern the definition of translation and the relationship between source text and target text.It has been argued that Reiss and Vermeer, in their attempt to establish a truly general and comprehensive translation theory, force totally disparate cases of text relations into a frame which they attempt to hold together by means of the notion of information offer (Schreitmüller 1994:105). But there should be a limit to what may legitimately be called translation as opposed to, for example, ADAPTATION. In translation proper (Koller 1990), the source text is the yardstick by which all translations must be measured, independently of the purpose for which they were produced.In this context it is also argued that, even though a translation may indeed fulfil its intended skopos perfectly well, it may nevertheless be assessed as inadequate on other counts, particularly as far as lexical, syntactic, or stylistic decisions on the microlevel are concerned (a point made by Chesterman 1994:153, who otherwise acknowledges the important contributions of skopos theory). Such objections come mainly from linguistically oriented approaches to translation that focus on bottom-up aspects of text production and reception. For example, Newmark (1991b:106) criticizes the oversimplification that is inherent in functionalism, the emphasis on the message at the expense of richness of meaning and to the detriment of the authority of the source-language text. However, proponents of skopos theory argue for a wide definition of translation (e.g. Reiss 1990). As soon as one asks for the purpose of a translation, strategies that are often listed under adaptation, for example reformulation, paraphrase and textual explication, will come in naturally as part of translation. And critics of micro level decisions usually lift the texts out of their respective environments for comparative purposes, ignoring their functional aspects.Reiss and Vermeer's cultural approach has also been judged less applicable to literary translation, due to the special status of a literary work of art. Snell-Hornby (1990:84) argues that the situation and function of literary texts are more complex than those of non-literary texts, and that style is a highly important factor. Therefore, although skopos theory is by no means irrelevant to literary translation, a number of points need rethinking before the theory can be made fully applicable to this genre.It is also possible to argue that to assign a skopos to a literary text is to restrict its possibilities of interpretation. In literary theory a distinction is often made between text as potential and text as realization, and skopos theory appears to seethe text only as realization, and not as a potential which can be used in different situations with different addressees and having different functions. However, Vermeer (1989a:181) argues that when a text is actually composed, this is done with an assumed function, or a restricted set of functions, in mind. Skopos theory does not deny that a text may be used in ways that had not been foreseen originally, only that a translatum is a text in its own right, with its own potential for use.Skopos theory has helped to bring the target text into focus. As a text, a translation is not primarily determined by a source text, but by its own skopos. This axiom provides a theoretical argument for describing translations in terms of original text production and against describing them in the more traditional terms of EQUIVALENCE with another text in another language (see also Jakobsen 1993:156). Translation is a DECISION MAKING process. The criteria for the decisions are provided by the skopos, i.e. the concrete purpose and aims in a concrete translation commission. The shift of focus away from source text reproduction to the more independent challenges of target-text production has brought innovation to translation theory. As attention has turned towards the functional aspects of translation and towards the explanation of translation decisions, the expertise and ethical responsibility of the translator have come to the fore. Translators have come to be viewed as target-text authors and have been released from the limitations and restrictions imposed by a narrowly defined concept of loyalty to the source text alone.Further readingAmmann 1989/1990; Newmark 1991b; Reiss 1986, 1988, 1990; Reiss and Vermeer 1984/1991; Vermeer 1978, 1982, 1989a, 1992.Baker M. (ed.) (1998/2001). Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies. London: Routledge.。
Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 56, No. 3, 2000, pp.407–424Toward a Coherent Theory of Environmentally Significant BehaviorPaul C. SternNational Research CouncilThis article develops a conceptual framework for advancing theories of environ-mentally significant individual behavior and reports on the attempts of the author’s research group and others to develop such a theory.It discusses defini-tions of environmentally significant behavior;classifies the behaviors and their causes;assesses theories of environmentalism,focusing especially on value-belief-norm theory;evaluates the relationship between environmental concern and behavior;and summarizes evidence on the factors that determine environmentally significant behaviors and that can effectively alter them.The article concludes by presenting some major propositions supported by available research and some principles for guiding future research and informing the design of behavioral programs for environmental protection.Recent developments in theory and research give hope for building the under-standing needed to effectively alter human behaviors that contribute to environ-mental problems.This article develops a conceptual framework for the theory of environmentally significant individual behavior,reports on developments toward such a theory,and addresses five issues critical to building a theory that can inform efforts to promote proenvironmental behavior.*This research was supported in part by the U.S.Environmental Protection Agency grant,“The Social Psychology of Stated Preferences,”and by National Science Foundation grants SES9211591 and9224036to George Mason University.I thank my colleagues Gregory Guagnano,Linda Kalof,and especially Thomas Dietz and Gerald Gardner for their collaboration,support,and criticism in our collective effort to theorize about environmental concern and behavior.Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Paul C.Stern,National Research Council,2101Constitution Ave., N.W. (HA-172), Washington DC 20418 [e-mail: pstern@].407© 2000 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues408Stern Defining Environmentally Significant Behavior Environmentally significant behavior can reasonably be defined by its impact: the extent to which it changes the availability of materials or energy from the environment or alters the structure and dynamics of ecosystems or the biosphere itself(see Stern,1997).Some behavior,such as clearing forest or disposing of household waste,directly or proximally causes environmental change(Stern, Young,&Druckman,1992).Other behavior is environmentally significant indi-rectly,by shaping the context in which choices are made that directly cause environmental change(e.g.,Rosa&Dietz,1998;Vayda,1988).For example, behaviors that affect international development policies,commodity prices on world markets,and national environmental and tax policies can have greater envi-ronmental impact indirectly than behaviors that directly change the environment.Through human history,environmental impact has largely been a by-product of human desires for physical comfort,mobility,relief from labor,enjoyment, power,status,personal security,maintenance of tradition and family,and so forth, and of the organizations and technologies humanity has created to meet these desires.Only relatively recently has environmental protection become an impor-tant consideration in human decision making.This development has given envi-ronmentally significant behavior a second meaning.It can now be defined from the actor’s standpoint as behavior that is undertaken with the intention to change (normally,to benefit)the environment.This intent-oriented definition is not the same as the impact-oriented one in two important ways:It highlights environmen-tal intent as an independent cause of behavior,and it highlights the possibility that environmental intent may fail to result in environmental impact.For example, many people in the United States believe that avoiding the use of spray cans pro-tects the ozone layer,even though ozone-destroying substances have been banned from spray cans for two decades.The possible discrepancy between environmental intent and environmental impact raises important research questions about the nature and determinants of people’s beliefs about the environmental significance of behaviors.Both definitions of environmentally significant behavior are important for research but for different purposes.It is necessary to adopt an impact-oriented definition to identify and target behaviors that can make a large difference to the environment(Stern&Gardner,1981a).This focus is critical for making research useful.It is necessary to adopt an intent-oriented definition that focuses on people’s beliefs,motives,and so forth in order to understand and change the target behaviors.Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior409Types of Environmentally Significant BehaviorMuch early research on proenvironmental behavior presumed it to be a uni-tary,undifferentiated class.More recently it has become clear that there are several distinct types of environmentally significant behavior and that different combina-tions of causal factors determine the different types.Environmental ActivismCommitted environmental activism(e.g.,active involvement in environmen-tal organizations and demonstrations)is a major focus of research on social move-ment participation.This research provides detailed analysis of the“recruitment”process through which individuals become activists(McAdam,McCarthy,&Zald, 1988).Nonactivist Behaviors in the Public SphereRecently,the social movement literature has pointed to nonactivists’support of movement objectives as another important class of behavior(Zald,1992).Pub-lic opinion researchers and political scientists sometimes examine such behavior, but relatively little research has been done to classify the behaviors into coherent subtypes.It seems reasonable as a first approximation to distinguish between more active kinds of environmental citizenship(e.g.,petitioning on environmental issues,joining and contributing to environmental organizations)and support or acceptance of public policies(e.g.,stated approval of environmental regulations, willingness to pay higher taxes for environmental protection).My colleagues and I have found empirical support for distinguishing these types from each other and from activism(Dietz,Stern,&Guagnano,1998;Stern,Dietz,Abel,Guagnano,& Kalof,1999).Although these behaviors affect the environment only indirectly,by influencing public policies,the effects may be large,because public policies can change the behaviors of many people and organizations at once.An important fea-ture of public-sphere behaviors,including activism,is that environmental concerns are within awareness and may therefore be influential.Private-Sphere EnvironmentalismConsumer researchers and psychologists have focused mainly on behaviors in the private sphere:the purchase,use,and disposal of personal and household prod-ucts that have environmental impact.It is useful to subdivide these according to the type of decision they involve:the purchase of major household goods and services that are environmentally significant in their impact(e.g.,automobiles,energy for the home,recreational travel),the use and maintenance of environmentally410Sternimportant goods(e.g.,home heating and cooling systems),household waste dis-posal,and“green”consumerism(purchasing practices that consider the environ-mental impact of production processes,for example,purchasing recycled products and organically grown foods).Making such distinctions has revealed that some types of choice,such as infrequent decisions to purchase automobiles and major household appliances,tend to have much greater environmental impact than others,such as changes in the level of use of the same equipment:the distinction between efficiency and curtailment behaviors(Stern&Gardner,1981a,1981b). Private-sphere behaviors may also form coherent clusters empirically(e.g.,Bratt, 1999a),and different types of private-sphere behavior may have different determi-nants(e.g.,Black,Stern,&Elworth,1985).Private-sphere behaviors are unlike public-sphere environmentalism in that they have direct environmental conse-quences.The environmental impact of any individual’s personal behavior,how-ever,is small.Such individual behaviors have environmentally significant impact only in the aggregate, when many people independently do the same things.Other Environmentally Significant BehaviorsIndividuals may significantly affect the environment through other behaviors, such as influencing the actions of organizations to which they belong.For example, engineers may design manufactured products in more or less environmentally benign ways,bankers and developers may use or ignore environmental criteria in their decisions,and maintenance workers’actions may reduce or increase the pol-lution produced by manufacturing plants or commercial buildings.Such behaviors can have great environmental impact because organizational actions are the largest direct sources of many environmental problems(Stern&Gardner,1981a,1981b; Stern,2000).The determinants of individual behavior within organizations are likely to be different from those of political or household behaviors.Evidence for Distinguishing Major Behavioral TypesResearch my colleagues and I have conducted suggests that this distinction among behavioral types is not only conceptually coherent but statistically reliable and psychologically meaningful.For instance,a factor analysis of the behavioral items in the environment module of the1993General Social Survey revealed a three-factor solution(Dietz et al.,1998).One factor included four private-sector household behaviors(e.g.,buying organic produce,sorting household waste for recycling);a second included two environmental citizenship behaviors(signing a petition and belonging to an environmental group);and the third included three items indicating willingness to make personal financial sacrifices for environmen-tal goals,which assess policy support.A different pattern of social-psychologicalTheory of Environmentally Significant Behavior411 and socio-demographic predictors was associated with each of the behavioral types,and even the two citizenship behaviors had quite different sets of predictors.My colleagues and I had similar results using data from a1994national envi-ronmental survey(Stern et al.,1999).Factor analysis of17items measuring self-reported behaviors and behavioral intentions again revealed three factors: consumer behaviors(e.g.,buying organic produce,avoiding purchases from com-panies that harm the environment);environmental citizenship(e.g.,voting,writing to government officials);and policy support,expressed as willingness to sacrifice economically to protect the environment(e.g.,by paying much higher taxes or prices).Self-reported participation in environmental demonstrations and protests, presumably a measure of committed activism,did not load on any of the above three factors.Each of these factors was predicted by a different pattern of norms, beliefs, and values, and activism had yet a different set of predictors.The Determinants of EnvironmentalismEnvironmentalism may be defined behaviorally as the propensity to take actions with proenvironmental intent.Some theories treat environmentalism as a matter of worldview.Perhaps the most prominent example in social psychology is the idea that it flows from adopting a New Environmental(or Ecological)Para-digm,within which human activity and a fragile biosphere are seen as inextricably interconnected(Dunlap,Van Liere,Mertig,&Jones,this issue).Another worldview theory explains environmentalism in terms of an egalitarian“cultural bias”or“orienting disposition”(Dake,1991;Douglas&Wildavsky,1982;Steg& Sievers,2000).Recently,some researchers have begun to explore affective influ-ences on environmental concern and behavior,including sympathy for others (Allen&Ferrand,1999),“emotional affinity”toward nature(Kals,Schumacher,& Montada, 1999), and empathy with wild animals (Schultz, this issue).Some theories look to values as the basis of environmentalism.Inglehart (1990)suggests that it is an expression of postmaterialist values of quality of life and self-expression that emerge as a result of increasing affluence and security in the developed countries.Some accounts emphasize religious values,arguing either that certain Judaeo-Christian beliefs predispose adherents to devalue the environ-ment(Schultz,Zelezny,&Dalrymple,2000;White,1967)or that beliefs that the environment is sacred enhance environmental concern(e.g.,Dietz et al.,1998; Greeley,1993;Kempton,Boster,&Hartley,1995).Others have linked environ-mental concern and behavior to general theories of values(e.g.,Schwartz,1994) and have found that values those that focus concern beyond a person’s immediate social circle(values called self-transcendent or altruistic)are stronger among peo-ple who engage in proenvironmental activities(e.g.,Dietz et al.,1998;Karp,1996; Stern&Dietz,1994;Stern,Dietz,Kalof,&Guagnano,1995).A related line of research finds greater evidence of environmental concern among individuals withStern 412“prosocial”rather than individualistic or competitive social value orientations (e.g.,Joireman,Lasane,Bennett,Richards,&Solaimani,in press;Van Vugt& Samuelson, 1998).Theories of altruistic behavior have also been used to explain environmental-ism.This approach,first articulated by Heberlein(1972),presumes that because environmental quality is a public good,altruistic motives are a necessary for an individual to contribute to it in a significant way.The best developed example of this approach builds on Schwartz’s(1973,1977)moral norm-activation theory of altruism.The theory holds that altruistic(including proenvironmental)behavior occurs in response to personal moral norms that are activated in individuals who believe that particular conditions pose threats to others(awareness of adverse consequences,or AC)and that actions they could initiate could avert those conse-quences(ascription of responsibility to self,or AR).Substantial evidence support-ing the theory’s applicability to a range of environmental issues has accumulated over two decades(e.g.,Black,1978;Black et al.,1985;Guagnano,Stern,&Dietz, 1995; Schultz & Zelezny, 1999; Widegren, 1998).My colleagues and I have developed a value-belief-norm(VBN)theory of environmentalism that builds on some of the above theoretical accounts and offers what we believe to be the best explanatory account to date of a variety of behavioral indicators of nonactivist environmentalism(Stern et al.,1999).The theory links value theory,norm-activation theory,and the New Environmental Paradigm(NEP)perspective through a causal chain of five variables leading to behavior:personal values(especially altruistic values),NEP,AC and AR beliefs about general conditions in the biophysical environment,and personal norms for proenvironmental action(see Figure1).The rationale and empirical support forthis causal ordering is drawn from previous work(Black et al.,1985;Gardner&Fig. 1.A schematic representation of variables in the VBN theory of environmentalism aa Arrows represent postulated direct effects.Direct effects may also be observed on variables more thanone level downstream from a causal variable.b Empirically,measures of egoistic values have been negatively correlated with indicators of environ-mentalism.Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior413 Stern,1996;Stern,Dietz,&Guagnano,1995;Stern,Dietz,Kalof,&Guagnano, 1995;Stern&Oskamp,1987).The causal chain moves from relatively stable, central elements of personality and belief structure to more focused beliefs about human-environment relations(NEP),their consequences,and the individual’s responsibility for taking corrective action.We postulate that each variable in the chain directly affects the next and may also directly affect variables farther down the chain.Personal norms to take proenvironmental action are activated by beliefs that environmental conditions threaten things the individual values(AC) and that the individual can act to reduce the threat(AR).Such norms create a general predisposition that influences all kinds of behavior taken with pro-environmental intent.In addition,behavior-specific personal norms and other social-psychological factors(e.g.,perceived personal costs and benefits of action,beliefs about the efficacy of particular actions)may affect particular proenvironmental behaviors,as discussed below.The VBN theory links value theory to norm-activation theory by generalizing the latter.It postulates that the consequences that matter in activating personal norms are adverse consequences to whatever the individual values(AC).Thus, people who value other species highly will be concerned about environmental conditions that threaten those valued objects,just as altruists who care about other people will be concerned about environmental conditions that threaten the other people’s health or well-being.VBN theory links the NEP to norm-activation theory with the argument that the NEP is a sort of“folk”ecological theory from which beliefs about the adverse consequences of environmental changes can be deduced (for empirical support, see Stern, Dietz, & Guagnano, 1995).In a recent study(Stern et al.,1999),my colleagues and I used the VBN theory, as well as measures from three other theories(indicators of four cultural biases, postmaterialist values,and belief in the sacredness of nature),to account for three types of nonactivist environmentalism:environmental citizenship,private-sphere behavior,and policy support(willingness to sacrifice).The VBN cluster of vari-ables was a far stronger predictor of each behavioral indicator than the other theo-ries,even when the other theories were taken in combination(see Table1).None of the theories,however,was very successful in predicting the sole indicator of activ-ism(participation in an environmental demonstration),which appears to depend on other factors in addition to an environmentalist predisposition.The results provide strong initial support for the VBN theory’s contentions that personal moral norms are the main basis for individuals’general predisposi-tions to proenvironmental action(other studies supporting this conclusion include Bratt,1999b,and Widegren,1998)and that these norms are activated as the theory specifies.The personal norm variable was the only psychological variable of the14 in the study that is associated with all three types of nonactivist environmentalism when the other variables are held constant.Moreover,values,NEP,and AC beliefs accounted for 56% of the variance in personal norms.Data from several studies indicate that the values most strongly implicated in activating proenvironmental personal norms are,as norm-activation theory pre-sumes,altruistic or self-transcendent values (Karp,1996;Stern,Dietz,Kalof,&Guagnano,1995;Stern et al.,1999).However,other values are sometimes linked as well.Self-enhancement or egoistic values and “traditional”values such as obedience,self-discipline,and family security are negatively associated with proenvironmental norms and action in some studies.The ways these values affect behavior are not well understood,but they may be important bases for principled opposition by some individuals to environmental movement goals.Another poten-tially important issue,as yet unresolved empirically,is whether a set of biospheric values is emerging,distinct from altruistic values about other people,that might provide a distinct basis for people’s support for preserving endangered species and habitats.An important element of the VBN theory is that the link from values to envi-ronmentalism is mediated by particular beliefs,such as beliefs about which kinds of people or things are affected by environmental conditions (AC)and about whether there are individual actions that could alleviate threats to valued persons or things (AR).Thus,environmentalist personal norms and the predisposition to proenvironmental action can be influenced by information that shapes these beliefs.This proposition suggests how environmentalism can be affected by the findings of environmental science (about consequences),publicity and commen-tary about those findings,and the actual and perceived openness of the political system to public influence (which may affect perceptions of personal responsibil-ity).It also suggests an interpretation of environmentalist and antienvironmentalist rhetoric as efforts to activate or deactivate people’s environmental norms by high-lighting certain kinds of values or consequences (Stern,Dietz,Kalof,&Guagnano,1995).The VBN theory offers an account of attitude formation that can deal with new or changing attitude objects (Stern,Dietz,Kalof,&Guagnano,1995)and,414Stern Table 1.Explained variance in Three Indicators of Proenvironmental BehaviorDependent measures Source of explanatoryvariablesPrivate-sphere behavior Policy support Environmental citizenship VBN theory.194.346.302Three other theories a.094.199.187Added variance from other theories b .033.033.091Note.From “A Value-Belief-Norm Theory of Support for Social Movements:The Case of Environmen-tal Concern,”by P.C.Stern,T.Dietz,T.Abel,G.A.Guagnano,and L.Kalof,1999,Human Ecology Review ,6, p. 90. Copyright 1999 by Society for Human Ecology. Reprinted with permission.a Postmaterialist values, four cultural biases, and beliefs about the sacredness of nature.b Difference between R 2value for model combining VBN theory variables with the variables from the other three theories and value for model with VBN theory alone.Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior415more generally,with how environmental concern and environmental issues are socially constructed(Dietz,Stern,&Rycroft,1989).The VBN theory is thus com-patible with the constructed-preference tendency in cognitive psychology(Dietz& Stern, 1995; Fischhoff, 1991; Payne, Bettman, & Johnson, 1992).The Causes of Environmentally Significant BehaviorBecause environmental intent and environmental impact are two different things,theories explaining environmentalism are necessarily insufficient for understanding how to change environmentally important behaviors.Environmen-talist intent is only one of the factors affecting behavior,and often,it is not one of the most important.Many environmentally significant behaviors are matters of personal habit or household routine(e.g.,the setting of thermostats or the brand of paper towels purchased)and are rarely considered at all.Others are highly con-strained by income or infrastructure(e.g.,reinsulating homes,using public trans-port).For others,environmental factors are only minor influences on major actions (e.g.,choosing an engine size option in a new automobile,deciding whether to centrally air condition a home),or the environmental effects are unknown to the consumer(e.g.,choosing between products that have different environmental impacts from their manufacturing processes).Sometimes,as with spray cans,peo-ple may act in ways that are proenvironmental in intent but that in fact have little or no positive environmental impact.Environmentally beneficial actions may also follow from nonenvironmental concerns,such as a desire to save money,confirm a sense of personal competence,or preserve time for social relationships(De Young, this issue).And environmental concerns may fail to lead to proenvironmental action for various reasons(Gardner&Stern,1996;Kempton,1993).To under-stand any specific environmentally significant behavior requires empirical analy-sis.The evidence suggests that the role of environmentalist predispositions can vary greatly with the behavior, the actor, and the context.ABC TheoryA first step toward understanding the complexities is to elaborate on the truism that behavior is a function of the organism and its environment.In one formulation (Guagnano et al.,1995),behavior(B)is an interactive product of personal-sphere attitudinal variables(A)and contextual factors(C).The attitude-behavior associa-tion is strongest when contextual factors are neutral and approaches zero when contextual forces are strongly positive or negative,effectively compelling or prohibiting the behavior in question(an inverted U-shaped function).We found supportive evidence for this formulation in a study of curbside recycling (Guagnano et al., 1995).416Stern This“ABC theory”formulation implies that for personal behaviors that are not strongly favored by context(e.g.,by being required or tangibly rewarded),the more difficult,time-consuming,or expensive the behavior,the weaker its depen-dence on attitudinal factors.Supporting evidence for this implication exists in stud-ies that have used the same attitudinal variables to account for different proenvironmental behaviors.For example,in a study of household energy conser-vation,the relative explanatory power of social-psychological variables declined as effort or cost increased,from59%of the explainable variance in self-reported home thermostat settings to50%for minor curtailments such as shutting off heat in unused rooms,44%for low-cost energy efficiency improvements such as caulking and weather-stripping,and25%for major investments such as adding insulation or storm windows(Black et al.,1985).There are similar findings for public-sphere behaviors.The social-psychological variables of the VBN theory accounted for 35%of the variance in expressed policy support for environmentalism and30%of the variance in environmental citizenship behaviors but only4%of the variance in committed activism(Stern et al.,1999).These findings suggest a provocative hypothesis that is worthy of further exploration,namely that the more important a behavior is in terms of its environmental impact,the less it depends on attitudinal variables, including environmental concern.Four Types of Causal VariablesIt is useful to refine the personal-contextual or organism-environment distinc-tion and to group the causal variables into four major types.Attitudinal factors, including norms,beliefs,and values,are one.The VBN theory provides a good theoretical account of one such factor,the general predisposition to act with proenvironmental intent,which can influence all behaviors an individual considers to be environmentally important.Other attitudinal variables affect only certain environmentally relevant behaviors.These include behavior-specific predisposi-tions(e.g.,specific personal moral norms in the terms of norm-activation theory, attitudes toward acts in the terms of the theory of planned behavior)and behavior-specific beliefs(e.g.,about the difficulty of taking certain actions or about their consequences for self,others,or the environment).Several social-psychological theories,including cognitive dissonance theory,norm-activation theory,and the theory of planned behavior,have been shown to explain variance in specific proenvironmental behaviors.This research has demonstrated that pro-environmental behaviors can be affected by personal commitment and the per-ceived personal costs and benefits of particular actions(e.g.,Katzev&Johnson, 1987)as well as by behavior-specific beliefs and personal norms(e.g.,Black et al., 1985).As already noted,environmentally significant behavior can also be affected by nonenvironmental attitudes,such as those about attributes of consumer prod-ucts that are correlated with environmental impact(e.g.,speed,power,and luggage。