儿童性教育外文翻译文献

性教育Sexual EducationThe topic of sex is very awkward for Asian parents, because in traditional culture, people never talked it in the public occasions and they treated it as shame thing. While situation is different in western countries. Children receive sexual education at a very early age. Every teenager should receive right sexual education.对于亚洲父母来说性是非常尴尬的话题，因为在传统文化中，人们从来不会在公共场合谈论这个话题，他们认为性是羞耻的事情。

而在西方国家情况却不一样，孩子们在很小的时候就接受性教育。

每个青少年都应该接受正确的性教育。

In China, it is the very classic situation that when the child asks his parents how he comes to the world, then the parents will tell him that he is picked up from the garbage. Parents doing this to avoid sex topic, and they think they are doing the right thing to the child. Actually, they are misleading the young generation to know about the world.在中国，这是很典型的情况，当孩子问他的父母他是怎么来到这个世界的，父母就会告诉他，他是从垃圾堆里捡回来的。

I have a daughter,Mulan.And when she was eight,last year.She was doing a report for school,or she had some homework about frogs.And we were at this restaurant.And she said, “So,basically,frogs lay eggsand the eggs turn into tadpoles,and tadpoles turn into frogs.”And I said, “Yeah,you know,I’m not really up on my frog reproduction. It’s the females,I think,that lay the eggs.And then the males fertilize them.And then they become tadpoles and frogs.”And she says, “What? Only the females have eggs?”And I said, “Yeah.”And she goes, “And what’s this fertilizing?”So I kind of said, “Oh,it’s this extra ingredient,you know,that you need to create a new frog from the mom and dad frog.”And she said, “Oh,so is that true for humans too?”And I thought, “Okay,here we go.”I didn’t know it would happen so quick,at eight.I was trying to remember all the guidebooks,and all I could remember was,“Only answer the question they’re asking.Don’t give any more information.”So I said, “Yes.”And she said, “And where do,where do human women,where do women lay their eggs?”And I said, “Well,funny you should ask,We have evolved to have our own pond.We have our very own pond inside our bodies.And we lay our eggs there.We don’t have to worry about other eggs or anything like that.It’s our own pond.And that’s how it happens.”And she goes, “Then how do they get fertilized?”And I said, “Well,Men,through their penis,they fertilize the eggs by the sperm coming out.And you go through the woman’s vagina.”And so we’re just eating,and she goes, “Mom! Like where you go to the bathroom?”And I said, “I know.I know.”That’s how we evolved.It does seem odd.It is a little bit like having a waste treatment platright next to an amusement park.Bad zoning.But...She’s like. “What?”And she goes, “But,Mom,but men and women can’t ever see each other naked,Mom.So how could that ever happen?”And then I put my Margaret Mead hat on.“Human males and females develop a special bond,and when they’re much older,much much older th a nand they have a very special feeling,then they can be naked together.”And she said, “Mom,have you done this before?”And I said, “Yes.”And she said, “But Mom,you can’t have kids.”Because she knows that I adopted her and I can’t have kids.And I said, “Yes.”And she said, “Well, you don’t have to do that again.”And then I said, “......”And then she said, “But how does it happen when a man and woman are together?Like,how do they know that’s time?Mom,does the man just say,Is now the time to take off my pants?”And I said, “Yes.That is exactly right.That’s exactly how it happens.”So then we’re driving home,and she’s looking out the window,and she goes,“Mom,what if two people just saw each other on the street,like a man and a woman and they just started doing it.Would that ever happen?”And I said, “Oh, no.Humans are so private.Oh, no.”And then she goes, “What if there was like a party,And there was just like a whole bunch of girls and a whole bunch of boys,And there was a bunch of men and womenand they just started doing it,Mom?Would that ever happen?”And I said, “Oh,no,no.That’s not how we do it?”Then we got home and we see the cat.And she goes, “Mom,how do cats do it?”And I go, “Oh,it’s the same.It’s basically the same.”And then she got all caught up in the legs.“But how would the legs go,Mom.I don’t understand the legs.”She goes, “Mom, everyone can’t do the splits.”And I go, “I know,but the legs...”I’m like, “The legs get worked out.”And she goes, “But I just can’t understand it.”So I go, “You know,why do we go on the Internet.and maybe we can see..."like on Wikipedia.So we go online,and we put in cats mating.And,unfortunately,on Youtube,there’s many cats mating videos.And we watched them,and I’m so thankfulbecause she’s just like, “Wow!This is so amazing.”She goes, “What about dogs?”So we put in dogs mating,and,you know,we’re watching it,and she’s total absorbed.And then she goes, “Mom, do you think they would have on the Internet,any humans mating?”And then I realized thatI had taken my little eight-year-old’s hand,and taken her right into Internet porn. And I looked into this trusting,loving face and I said, “Oh,no.That would never happen.”Thank you. So happy be here!。

儿童教育外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)原文：The Role of Parents and Community in the Educationof the Japanese ChildHeidi KnipprathAbstractIn Japan, there has been an increased concern about family and community participation in the child’s educat ion. Traditionally, the role of parents and community in Japan has been one of support and less one of active involvement in school learning. Since the government commenced education reforms in the last quarter of the 20th century, a more active role for parents and the community in education has been encouraged. These reforms have been inspired by the need to tackle various problems that had arisen, such as the perceived harmful elements of society’spreoccupation with academic achievement and the problematic behavior of young people. In this paper, the following issues are examined: (1) education policy and reform measures with regard to parent and community involvement in the child’s education; (2) the state of parent and community involvement at the eve of the 20th century.Key Words: active involvement, community, education reform, Japan, parents, partnership, schooling, supportIntroduction: The Discourse on the Achievement GapWhen western observers are tempted to explain why Japanese students attain high achievement scores in international comparative assessment studies, they are likely to address the role of parents and in particular of the mother in the education of the child. Education mom is a phrase often brought forth in the discourse on Japanese education to depict the Japanese mother as being a pushy, and demanding home-bound tutor, intensely involved in the child’s education due to severe academic competition. Although this image of the Japanese mother is a stereotype spread by the popular mass media in Japan and abroad, and the extent by which Japanese mothers are absorbed in their children is exaggerated (Benjamin, 1997, p. 16; Cummings, 1989, p. 297; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992, p. 82), Stevenson and Stigler (1992) argue that Japanese parents do play an indispensable role in the academic performance of their children. During their longitudinal and cross-national research project, they and their collaborators observed that Japanese first and fifth graders persistently achieved higher on math tests than American children. Besides reciting teacher’s teaching style, cultural beliefs, and organization of schooling, Stevenson and Stigler (1992) mention parent’s role in supporting the learning conditions of the child to explain differences in achievement between elementary school students of the United States and students of Japan. In Japan, children receive more help at home with schoolwork (Chen & Stevenson, 1989; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992), and tend to perform less household chores than children in the USA (Stevenson et al., 1990; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992). More Japanese parents than American parents provide space and a personal desk and purchase workbooks for their children to supplement their regular text-books at school (Stevenson et al., 1990; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992). Additionally, Stevenson and Stigler (1992) observed that American mothers are much more readily satisfied with their child’s performance than Asian parents are, have less realistic assessments of their child’s academic perform ance, intelligence, and other personality characteristics, and subsequently have lower standards. Based on their observation of Japanese, Chinese and American parents, children and teachers, Stevenson and Stigler (1992) conclude that American families can increase the academic achievement of their children by strengthening the link between school and home, creating a physical and psychological environment that is conducive to study, and by making realistic assessments and raising standards. Also Benjamin (1997), who performed ‘day-to-day ethnography’ to find out how differences in practice between American and Japanese schools affect differences in outcomes, discusses the relationship between home and school and how the Japanese mother is involved in the academic performance standards reached by Japanese children. She argues that Japanese parents are willing to pay noticeable amounts of money for tutoring in commercial establishments to improve the child’s performance on entrance examinations, to assist in ho mework assignments, to facilitate and support their children’s participation in school requirements and activities, and to check notebooks of teachers on the child’s progress and other school-related messages from the teacher. These booklets are read and written daily by teachers and parents. Teachers regularly provide advice and reminders to parents, and write about homework assignments of the child, special activities and the child’s behavior (Benjamin, 1997, p. 119, p. 1993–1995). Newsletters, parents’ v isits to school, school reports, home visits by the teacher and observation days sustain communication in later years at school. According toBenjamin (1997), schools also inform parents about how to coach their children on proper behavior at home. Shimahara (1986), Hess and Azuma (1991), Lynn (1988) and White (1987) also try to explain national differences in educational achievement. They argue that Japanese mothers succeed in internalizing into their children academic expectations and adaptive dispositions that facilitate an effective teaching strategy, and in socializing the child into a successful person devoted to hard work.Support, Support and SupportEpstein (1995) constructed a framework of six types of involvement of parents and the community in the school: (1) parenting: schools help all families establish home environments to support children as students; (2) communicating: effective forms of school-to-home and home-to-school communications about school programs and children’s progress; (3) volu nteering: schools recruit and organize parents help and support; (4) learning at home: schools provide information and ideas to families about how to help students at home with homework and other curriculum-related activities, decisions and planning; (5) decision making: schools include parents in school decisions, develop parent leaders and representatives; and (6) collaborating with the community: schools integrate resources and services from the community to strengthen school programs, family practices, and student learning and development. All types of involvement mentioned in studies of Japanese education and in the discourse on the roots of the achievement gap belong to one of Epstein’s first four types of involvement: the creation of a conducive learn ing environment (type 4), the expression of high expectations (type 4), assistance in homework (type 4), teachers’ notebooks (type 2), mother’s willingness to facilitate school activities (type3) teachers’ advice about the child’s behavior (type 1), observ ation days by which parents observe their child in the classroom (type 2), and home visits by the teachers (type 1). Thus, when one carefully reads Stevenson and Stigler’s, Benjamin’s and other’s writings about Japanese education and Japanese students’ high achievement level, one notices that parents’ role in the child’s school learning is in particular one of support, expected and solicited by the school. The fifth type (decision making) as well as the sixth type (community involvement) is hardly ever mentioned in the discourse on the achievement gap.In 1997, the OECD’s Center for Educational Research and Innovation conducted a cross-national study to report the actual state of parents as partners in schooling in nine countries, including Japan. In its report, OECD concludes that the involvement of Japanese parents in their schools is strictly limited, and that the basis on which it takes place tends to be controlled by the teacher (OECD, 1997, p. 167). According to OECD (1997), many countries are currently adopting policies to involve families closely in the education of their children because (1) governments are decentralizing their administrations; (2) parents want to be increasingly involved; and (3) because parental involvement is said to be associated with higher achievement in school (p. 9). However, parents in Japan, where students already score highly on international achievement tests, are hardly involved in governance at the national and local level, and communication between school and family tends to be one-way (Benjamin, 1997; Fujita, 1989; OECD, 1997). Also parent–teacher associations (PTA, fubo to kyoshi no kai ) are primarily presumed to be supportive of school learning and not to participate in school governance (cf. OECD, 2001, p. 121). On the directionsof the occupying forces after the second world war, PTA were established in Japanese schools and were considered with the elective education boards to provide parents and the community an opportunity to participate actively in school learning (Hiroki, 1996, p. 88; Nakata, 1996, p. 139). The establishment of PTA and elective education boards are only two examples of numerous reform measures the occupying forces took to decentralize the formal education system and to expand educational opportunities. But after they left the country, the Japanese government was quick to undo liberal education reform measures and reduced the community and parental role in education. The stipulation that PTA should not interfere with personnel and other administrative tasks of schools, and the replacement of elective education boards by appointed ones, let local education boards believe that parents should not get involved with school education at all (Hiroki, 1996, p. 88). Teachers were regarded to be the experts and the parents to be the laymen in education (Hiroki, 1996, p. 89).In sum, studies of Japanese education point into one direction: parental involvement means being supportive, and community involvement is hardly an issue at all. But what is the actual state of parent and community involvement in Japanese schools? Are these descriptions supported by quantitative data?Statistics on Parental and Community InvolvementTo date, statistics of parental and community involvement are rare. How-ever, the school questionnaire of the TIMSS-R study did include some interesting questions that give us a clue about the degree of involvement relatively compared to the degree of involvement in other industrialized countries. The TIMSS-R study measured science and math achievement of eighth graders in 38 countries. Additionally, a survey was held among principals, teachers and students. Principals answered questions relating to school management, school characteristics, and involvement. For convenience, the results of Japan are only compared with the results of those countries with a GNP of 20650 US dollars or higher according to World Bank’s indicators in 1999.Unfortunately, only a very few items on community involvement were measured. According to the data, Japanese principals spend on average almost eight hours per month on representing the school in the community (Table I). Australian and Belgian principals spend slightly more hours and Dutch and Singaporean principals spend slightly less on representing the school and sustaining communication with the community. But when it comes to participation from the community, Japanese schools report a nearly absence of involvement (Table II). Religious groups and the business community have hardly any influence on the curriculum of the school. In contrast, half of the principals report that parents do have an impact in Japan. On one hand, this seems a surprising result when one is reminded of the centralized control of the Ministry of Education. Moreover, this control and the resulting uniform curriculum are often cited as a potential explanation of the high achievement levels in Japan. On the other hand, this extent of parental impact on the curriculum might be an indicator of the pressure parents put on schools to prepare their children appropriately for the entrance exams of senior high schools.In Table III, data on the extent of other types of parental involvement in Japan and other countries are given. In Japan, parental involvement is most common in case of schools volunteering for school projects and programs, and schools expecting parents to make sure that thechild completes his or her homework. The former is together with patrolling the grounds of the school to monitor student behavior most likely materialized through the PTA. The kinds and degree of activities of PTA vary according to the school, but the activities of the most active and well-organized PTA’s of 395 elementary schools investigated by Sumida (2001)range from facilitating sport and recreation for children, teaching greetings, encouraging safe traffic, patrolling the neighborhood, publishing the PTA newspaper to cleaning the school grounds (pp. 289–350). Surprisingly, less Japanese principals expect from the parents to check one’s child’s completion of homework than principals of other countries. In the discourse on the achievement gap, western observers report that parents and families in Japan provide more assistance with their children’s homework than parents and families outside Japan. This apparent contradiction might be the result of the fact that these data are measured at the lower secondary level while investigations of the roots of Japanese students’ high achievement levels focus on childhood education and learning at primary schools. In fact, junior high school students are given less homework in Japan than their peers in other countries and less homework than elementary school students in Japan. Instead, Japanese junior high school students spend more time at cram schools. Finally, Japanese principals also report very low degrees of expectations toward parents with regard to serving as a teacher aid in the classroom, raising funds for the school, assisting teachers on trips, and serving on committees which select school personnel and review school finances. The latter two items measure participation in school governance.In other words, the data support by and large the descriptions of parental of community involvement in Japanese schooling. Parents are requested to be supportive, but not to mount the territory of the teacher nor to be actively involved in governance. Moreover, whilst Japanese principals spend a few hours per month on communication toward the community, involvement from the community with regard to the curriculum is nearly absent, reflecting the nearly absence of accounts of community involvement in studies on Japanese education. However, the reader needs to be reminded that these data are measured at the lower secondary educational level when participation by parents in schooling decreases (Epstein, 1995; OECD, 1997; Osakafu Kyoiku Iinkai, unpublished report). Additionally, the question remains what stakeholders think of the current state of involvement in schooling. Some interesting local data provided by the Osaka Prefecture Education Board shed a light on their opinion.ReferencesBenjamin, G. R. (1997). Japanese lessons. New York: New York University Press.Cave, P. (2003). Educational reform in Japan in the 1990s: ‘Individuality’ and other uncertainties. Comparative Education Review, 37(2), 173–191.Chen, C., & Stevenson, H. W. (1989). Homework: A cross-cultural examination. Child Development, 60(3), 551–561.Chuo Kyoiku Shingikai (1996). 21 seiki o tenbo shita wagakuni no kyoiku no arikata ni tsu-ite [First Report on the Model for Japanese Education in the Perspective of theCummings, W. K. (1989). The American perception of Japanese parative Education, 25(3), 293–302.Epstein, J. L. (1995). School/family/community partnerships. Phi Delta Kappan , 701–712.Fujita, M. (1989). It’s all mother’s fault: childcare and the socialization of working mothers in Japan. The Journal of Japanese Studies , 15(1), 67–91.Harnish, D. L. (1994). Supplemental education in Japan: juku schooling and its implication. Journal of Curriculum Studies , 26(3), 323–334.Hess, R. D., & Azuma, H. (1991). Cultural support for schooling, contrasts between Japanand the United States. Educational Researcher , 20(9), 2–8, 12.Hiroki, K. (1996). Kyoiku ni okeru kodomo, oya, kyoshi, kocho no kenri, gimukankei[Rights and duties of principals, teachers, parents and children in education. InT. Horio & T. Urano (Eds.), Soshiki toshite no gakko [School as an organization](pp. 79–100). Tokyo: Kashiwa Shobo. Ikeda, H. (2000). Chiiki no kyoiku kaikaku [Local education reform]. Osaka: Kaiho Shup-pansha.Kudomi, Y., Hosogane, T., & Inui, A. (1999). The participation of students, parents and the community in promoting school autonomy: case studies in Japan. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 9(3), 275–291.Lynn, R. (1988).Educational achievement in Japan. London: MacMillan Press.Martin, M. O., Mullis, I. V. S., Gonzalez, E. J., Gregory, K. D., Smith, T. A., Chrostowski,S. J., Garden, R. A., & O’Connor, K. M. (2000). TIMSS 1999 Intern ational science report, findings from IEA’s Repeat of the Third International Mathematics and ScienceStudy at the Eight Grade.Chestnut Hill: The International Study Center.Mullis, I. V. S., Martin, M. O., Gonzalez, E. J., Gregory, K. D., Garden, R. A., O’Connor, K. M.,Chrostowski, S. J., & Smith, T. A.. (2000). TIMSS 1999 International mathemat-ics report, findings from IEA’s Repeat of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study at the Eight Grade.Chestnut Hill: The International Study Center. Ministry of Education, Science, Sports and Culture (2000).Japanese government policies in education, science, sports and culture. 1999, educational reform in progress. Tokyo: PrintingBureau, Ministry of Finance.Monbusho Ed. (1999).Heisei 11 nendo, wagakuni no bunkyoshisaku : Susumu kaikaku [Japanese government policies in education, science, sports and culture 1999: Educational reform in progress]. Tokyo: Monbusho.Educational Research for Policy and Practice (2004) 3: 95–107 © Springer 2005DOI 10.1007/s10671-004-5557-6Heidi KnipprathDepartment of MethodologySchool of Business, Public Administration and TechnologyUniversity of Twente P.O. Box 2177500 AE Enschede, The Netherlands译文：家长和社区在日本儿童教育中的作用摘要在日本，人们越来越关心家庭和社区参与到儿童教育中。

儿童教育外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)原文：The Role of Parents and Community in the Educationof the Japanese ChildHeidi KnipprathAbstractIn Japan, there has been an increased concern about family and community participation in the child’s educat ion. Traditionally, the role of parents and community in Japan has been one of support and less one of active involvement in school learning. Since the government commenced education reforms in the last quarter of the 20th century, a more active role for parents and the community in education has been encouraged. These reforms have been inspired by the need to tackle various problems that had arisen, such as the perceived harmful elements of society’spreoccupation with academic achievement and the problematic behavior of young people. In this paper, the following issues are examined: (1) education policy and reform measures with regard to parent and community involvement in the child’s education; (2) the state of parent and community involvement at the eve of the 20th century.Key Words: active involvement, community, education reform, Japan, parents, partnership, schooling, supportIntroduction: The Discourse on the Achievement GapWhen western observers are tempted to explain why Japanese students attain high achievement scores in international comparative assessment studies, they are likely to address the role of parents and in particular of the mother in the education of the child. Education mom is a phrase often brought forth in the discourse on Japanese education to depict the Japanese mother as being a pushy, and demanding home-bound tutor, intensely involved in the child’s education due to severe academic competition. Although this image of the Japanese mother is a stereotype spread by the popular mass media in Japan and abroad, and the extent by which Japanese mothers are absorbed in their children is exaggerated (Benjamin, 1997, p. 16; Cummings, 1989, p. 297; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992, p. 82), Stevenson and Stigler (1992) argue that Japanese parents do play an indispensable role in the academic performance of their children. During their longitudinal and cross-national research project, they and their collaborators observed that Japanese first and fifth graders persistently achieved higher on math tests than American children. Besides reciting teacher’s teaching style, cultural beliefs, and organization of schooling, Stevenson and Stigler (1992) mention parent’s role in supporting the learning conditions of the child to explain differences in achievement between elementary school students of the United States and students of Japan. In Japan, children receive more help at home with schoolwork (Chen & Stevenson, 1989; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992), and tend to perform less household chores than children in the USA (Stevenson et al., 1990; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992). More Japanese parents than American parents provide space and a personal desk and purchase workbooks for their children to supplement their regular text-books at school (Stevenson et al., 1990; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992). Additionally, Stevenson and Stigler (1992) observed that American mothers are much more readily satisfied with their child’s performance than Asian parents are, have less realistic assessments of their child’s academic perform ance, intelligence, and other personality characteristics, and subsequently have lower standards. Based on their observation of Japanese, Chinese and American parents, children and teachers, Stevenson and Stigler (1992) conclude that American families can increase the academic achievement of their children by strengthening the link between school and home, creating a physical and psychological environment that is conducive to study, and by making realistic assessments and raising standards. Also Benjamin (1997), who performed ‘day-to-day ethnography’ to find out how differences in practice between American and Japanese schools affect differences in outcomes, discusses the relationship between home and school and how the Japanese mother is involved in the academic performance standards reached by Japanese children. She argues that Japanese parents are willing to pay noticeable amounts of money for tutoring in commercial establishments to improve the child’s performance on entrance examinations, to assist in ho mework assignments, to facilitate and support their children’s participation in school requirements and activities, and to check notebooks of teachers on the child’s progress and other school-related messages from the teacher. These booklets are read and written daily by teachers and parents. Teachers regularly provide advice and reminders to parents, and write about homework assignments of the child, special activities and the child’s behavior (Benjamin, 1997, p. 119, p. 1993–1995). Newsletters, parents’ v isits to school, school reports, home visits by the teacher and observation days sustain communication in later years at school. According toBenjamin (1997), schools also inform parents about how to coach their children on proper behavior at home. Shimahara (1986), Hess and Azuma (1991), Lynn (1988) and White (1987) also try to explain national differences in educational achievement. They argue that Japanese mothers succeed in internalizing into their children academic expectations and adaptive dispositions that facilitate an effective teaching strategy, and in socializing the child into a successful person devoted to hard work.Support, Support and SupportEpstein (1995) constructed a framework of six types of involvement of parents and the community in the school: (1) parenting: schools help all families establish home environments to support children as students; (2) communicating: effective forms of school-to-home and home-to-school communications about school programs and children’s progress; (3) volu nteering: schools recruit and organize parents help and support; (4) learning at home: schools provide information and ideas to families about how to help students at home with homework and other curriculum-related activities, decisions and planning; (5) decision making: schools include parents in school decisions, develop parent leaders and representatives; and (6) collaborating with the community: schools integrate resources and services from the community to strengthen school programs, family practices, and student learning and development. All types of involvement mentioned in studies of Japanese education and in the discourse on the roots of the achievement gap belong to one of Epstein’s first four types of involvement: the creation of a conducive learn ing environment (type 4), the expression of high expectations (type 4), assistance in homework (type 4), teachers’ notebooks (type 2), mother’s willingness to facilitate school activities (type3) teachers’ advice about the child’s behavior (type 1), observ ation days by which parents observe their child in the classroom (type 2), and home visits by the teachers (type 1). Thus, when one carefully reads Stevenson and Stigler’s, Benjamin’s and other’s writings about Japanese education and Japanese students’ high achievement level, one notices that parents’ role in the child’s school learning is in particular one of support, expected and solicited by the school. The fifth type (decision making) as well as the sixth type (community involvement) is hardly ever mentioned in the discourse on the achievement gap.In 1997, the OECD’s Center for Educational Research and Innovation conducted a cross-national study to report the actual state of parents as partners in schooling in nine countries, including Japan. In its report, OECD concludes that the involvement of Japanese parents in their schools is strictly limited, and that the basis on which it takes place tends to be controlled by the teacher (OECD, 1997, p. 167). According to OECD (1997), many countries are currently adopting policies to involve families closely in the education of their children because (1) governments are decentralizing their administrations; (2) parents want to be increasingly involved; and (3) because parental involvement is said to be associated with higher achievement in school (p. 9). However, parents in Japan, where students already score highly on international achievement tests, are hardly involved in governance at the national and local level, and communication between school and family tends to be one-way (Benjamin, 1997; Fujita, 1989; OECD, 1997). Also parent–teacher associations (PTA, fubo to kyoshi no kai ) are primarily presumed to be supportive of school learning and not to participate in school governance (cf. OECD, 2001, p. 121). On the directionsof the occupying forces after the second world war, PTA were established in Japanese schools and were considered with the elective education boards to provide parents and the community an opportunity to participate actively in school learning (Hiroki, 1996, p. 88; Nakata, 1996, p. 139). The establishment of PTA and elective education boards are only two examples of numerous reform measures the occupying forces took to decentralize the formal education system and to expand educational opportunities. But after they left the country, the Japanese government was quick to undo liberal education reform measures and reduced the community and parental role in education. The stipulation that PTA should not interfere with personnel and other administrative tasks of schools, and the replacement of elective education boards by appointed ones, let local education boards believe that parents should not get involved with school education at all (Hiroki, 1996, p. 88). Teachers were regarded to be the experts and the parents to be the laymen in education (Hiroki, 1996, p. 89).In sum, studies of Japanese education point into one direction: parental involvement means being supportive, and community involvement is hardly an issue at all. But what is the actual state of parent and community involvement in Japanese schools? Are these descriptions supported by quantitative data?Statistics on Parental and Community InvolvementTo date, statistics of parental and community involvement are rare. How-ever, the school questionnaire of the TIMSS-R study did include some interesting questions that give us a clue about the degree of involvement relatively compared to the degree of involvement in other industrialized countries. The TIMSS-R study measured science and math achievement of eighth graders in 38 countries. Additionally, a survey was held among principals, teachers and students. Principals answered questions relating to school management, school characteristics, and involvement. For convenience, the results of Japan are only compared with the results of those countries with a GNP of 20650 US dollars or higher according to World Bank’s indicators in 1999.Unfortunately, only a very few items on community involvement were measured. According to the data, Japanese principals spend on average almost eight hours per month on representing the school in the community (Table I). Australian and Belgian principals spend slightly more hours and Dutch and Singaporean principals spend slightly less on representing the school and sustaining communication with the community. But when it comes to participation from the community, Japanese schools report a nearly absence of involvement (Table II). Religious groups and the business community have hardly any influence on the curriculum of the school. In contrast, half of the principals report that parents do have an impact in Japan. On one hand, this seems a surprising result when one is reminded of the centralized control of the Ministry of Education. Moreover, this control and the resulting uniform curriculum are often cited as a potential explanation of the high achievement levels in Japan. On the other hand, this extent of parental impact on the curriculum might be an indicator of the pressure parents put on schools to prepare their children appropriately for the entrance exams of senior high schools.In Table III, data on the extent of other types of parental involvement in Japan and other countries are given. In Japan, parental involvement is most common in case of schools volunteering for school projects and programs, and schools expecting parents to make sure that thechild completes his or her homework. The former is together with patrolling the grounds of the school to monitor student behavior most likely materialized through the PTA. The kinds and degree of activities of PTA vary according to the school, but the activities of the most active and well-organized PTA’s of 395 elementary schools investigated by Sumida (2001)range from facilitating sport and recreation for children, teaching greetings, encouraging safe traffic, patrolling the neighborhood, publishing the PTA newspaper to cleaning the school grounds (pp. 289–350). Surprisingly, less Japanese principals expect from the parents to check one’s child’s completion of homework than principals of other countries. In the discourse on the achievement gap, western observers report that parents and families in Japan provide more assistance with their children’s homework than parents and families outside Japan. This apparent contradiction might be the result of the fact that these data are measured at the lower secondary level while investigations of the roots of Japanese students’ high achievement levels focus on childhood education and learning at primary schools. In fact, junior high school students are given less homework in Japan than their peers in other countries and less homework than elementary school students in Japan. Instead, Japanese junior high school students spend more time at cram schools. Finally, Japanese principals also report very low degrees of expectations toward parents with regard to serving as a teacher aid in the classroom, raising funds for the school, assisting teachers on trips, and serving on committees which select school personnel and review school finances. The latter two items measure participation in school governance.In other words, the data support by and large the descriptions of parental of community involvement in Japanese schooling. Parents are requested to be supportive, but not to mount the territory of the teacher nor to be actively involved in governance. Moreover, whilst Japanese principals spend a few hours per month on communication toward the community, involvement from the community with regard to the curriculum is nearly absent, reflecting the nearly absence of accounts of community involvement in studies on Japanese education. However, the reader needs to be reminded that these data are measured at the lower secondary educational level when participation by parents in schooling decreases (Epstein, 1995; OECD, 1997; Osakafu Kyoiku Iinkai, unpublished report). Additionally, the question remains what stakeholders think of the current state of involvement in schooling. Some interesting local data provided by the Osaka Prefecture Education Board shed a light on their opinion.ReferencesBenjamin, G. R. (1997). Japanese lessons. New York: New York University Press.Cave, P. (2003). Educational reform in Japan in the 1990s: ‘Individuality’ and other uncertainties. Comparative Education Review, 37(2), 173–191.Chen, C., & Stevenson, H. W. (1989). Homework: A cross-cultural examination. Child Development, 60(3), 551–561.Chuo Kyoiku Shingikai (1996). 21 seiki o tenbo shita wagakuni no kyoiku no arikata ni tsu-ite [First Report on the Model for Japanese Education in the Perspective of theCummings, W. K. (1989). The American perception of Japanese parative Education, 25(3), 293–302.Epstein, J. L. (1995). School/family/community partnerships. Phi Delta Kappan , 701–712.Fujita, M. (1989). It’s all mother’s fault: childcare and the socialization of working mothers in Japan. The Journal of Japanese Studies , 15(1), 67–91.Harnish, D. L. (1994). Supplemental education in Japan: juku schooling and its implication. Journal of Curriculum Studies , 26(3), 323–334.Hess, R. D., & Azuma, H. (1991). Cultural support for schooling, contrasts between Japanand the United States. Educational Researcher , 20(9), 2–8, 12.Hiroki, K. (1996). Kyoiku ni okeru kodomo, oya, kyoshi, kocho no kenri, gimukankei[Rights and duties of principals, teachers, parents and children in education. InT. Horio & T. Urano (Eds.), Soshiki toshite no gakko [School as an organization](pp. 79–100). Tokyo: Kashiwa Shobo. Ikeda, H. (2000). Chiiki no kyoiku kaikaku [Local education reform]. Osaka: Kaiho Shup-pansha.Kudomi, Y., Hosogane, T., & Inui, A. (1999). The participation of students, parents and the community in promoting school autonomy: case studies in Japan. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 9(3), 275–291.Lynn, R. (1988).Educational achievement in Japan. London: MacMillan Press.Martin, M. O., Mullis, I. V. S., Gonzalez, E. J., Gregory, K. D., Smith, T. A., Chrostowski,S. J., Garden, R. A., & O’Connor, K. M. (2000). TIMSS 1999 Intern ational science report, findings from IEA’s Repeat of the Third International Mathematics and ScienceStudy at the Eight Grade.Chestnut Hill: The International Study Center.Mullis, I. V. S., Martin, M. O., Gonzalez, E. J., Gregory, K. D., Garden, R. A., O’Connor, K. M.,Chrostowski, S. J., & Smith, T. A.. (2000). TIMSS 1999 International mathemat-ics report, findings from IEA’s Repeat of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study at the Eight Grade.Chestnut Hill: The International Study Center. Ministry of Education, Science, Sports and Culture (2000).Japanese government policies in education, science, sports and culture. 1999, educational reform in progress. Tokyo: PrintingBureau, Ministry of Finance.Monbusho Ed. (1999).Heisei 11 nendo, wagakuni no bunkyoshisaku : Susumu kaikaku [Japanese government policies in education, science, sports and culture 1999: Educational reform in progress]. Tokyo: Monbusho.Educational Research for Policy and Practice (2004) 3: 95–107 © Springer 2005DOI 10.1007/s10671-004-5557-6Heidi KnipprathDepartment of MethodologySchool of Business, Public Administration and TechnologyUniversity of Twente P.O. Box 2177500 AE Enschede, The Netherlands译文：家长和社区在日本儿童教育中的作用摘要在日本，人们越来越关心家庭和社区参与到儿童教育中。

儿童性教育外文翻译文献文献信息：文献标题：The Existing Approaches to Sexuality Education Targeting Children: A Review Article（针对儿童的性教育的现有方法：综述文章）国外作者：Ganji J, Emamian M H, Maasoumi R, et al文献出处：《Iranian Journal of Public Health》,2017 , 46 (7) :890-898 字数统计：英文2177单词，12737字符；中文3949汉字外文文献：The Existing Approaches to Sexuality Education TargetingChildren: A Review ArticleAbstractBackground:We aimed to assess what is already known about sexuality education (SE)-related policy or practical issues using review methods to search and critically appraise the existing SE approaches targeting children under age 12 yr.Methods: We completed the data collection by an extensive search of the English and Persian published and unpublished literature, evidence from experts in the topic, and by searching citations. The MeSH-terms were sexuality and training, sexuality education and programs or approaches, sexuality and children, sexuality education and parents, sex or sexuality education, sex education and parents or caregivers. A systematic search of medical and health-related databases, the Cochrane Library and Web of Science was undertaken for the years 1970–2015 together with citation searching, reference list checking and recommendations from stakeholders to identify evidence for SE.Results: According to the inclusion criteria, 20 documentswere identified. They were synthesized into three main categories as sexuality-related knowledge, attitudes, and parents' skills to manage children's sexual behavior and related education. Employed approaches to children's sexuality were reported to be effective indeveloping healthy sexual behavior in children. Education was identified as the primary focus of the included packages and guidelines. Parents were recognized as first line educators in SE. However, interventions aiming to improve parents' skills in SE for children were limited. In other words, developing skills in parents, and their competency in children's sexual behavior management were not specified in the existing programs.Conclusion: Parents' skill-building must be the focus of SE programs in order to address children' sexual development goals.Keywords: Sexuality education, Children, Parents, ReviewIntroductionSexuality has physical, social, cultural and psychological dimensions and sexual development is part of human being's life. This dimension, as the other aspects of human development, begins at birth reflected in one's sexual behaviors. Sexual behavior is the result of a deeper and more complex process called ―sexual socialization. In other words, sexual behaviors are not only influenced by biological factors, but they also become complicated through sexual socialization.Children's sexual behaviors are strongly influenced by children's age and by how they have been socialized. Children's sexual socialization is affected by the family and society's belief and their function with respect to sexual matters.Sexual socialization is a process through which children acquire the essential beliefs, attitudes, values, cultural symbols,concepts and meanings on sexuality. In fact, identity formation, role of sex, sexual skills and knowledge acquisition, and development of sexual attitudes are achieved in this process. Family, as the first social group those children belong to from the early years of their lives; is considered the first and the most important factor effective in children's sexual socialization. Children acquire their knowledge, skills, and behavior from home, school and society, and the skills they gain can change their future. Therefore, SE by parents, as one of the main components of sexual socialization, is one of the best strategies for children's sexual health promotion.Sexual behaviors are common in children and more than 50% of children get involved in different types of sexual behaviors before the age of 13. Like other age groups, children need good care, supervision, and education during their sexual development, and their main caregivers are their first line educators.Parents are children's first and foremost teachers in the field of sexuality. Most parents have not received such education and when it comes to SE, they tend to assign to schools what they themselves are not willing to do.In Iran, the majority of parents are not well educated with regard to sexuality-related issues. In addition, there is no school-based sexual health education. As a result, it's hard and fearful for parents to engage their children in conversations about sexuality.Despite the importance of parents' role in SE, they are not adequately prepared to communicate about sexual issues. They are mainly unable to manage properly their children's sexual behaviors. Parents lack the adequate skills in empowering their young children to protect themselves against sexuality-relatedrisks, enjoy sex in adulthood, and get prepared for a healthy and intimate interpersonal interaction.Using comprehensive programs and appropriate strategies for educating children on sexuality seems to be essential. Cultural influences may alter the efficiency of any educational programs. This review aimed to assess what is already known about SE-related policy or practice issue, by using systematic review methods to search and critically appraise the existing SE approaches targeting children under age 12.MethodsIn order to complete this review within a very short time-frame, rapid review methods were used to ensure the efficient identification and synthesis of the most relevant evidence. The following keywords were used for search: sexuality training, sexuality education, sex education, sexual health, skill building, guidelines, packages, and children. Medical Subject Headings (MeSH) were also used. The terms included sexuality education and program or approach, sexuality and children, sexuality education and parents, sex or sexuality education, sex education and parents orcaregivers. A systematic search of medical and healthrelated databases MEDLINE, EMBASE, PubMed, Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL), The Cochrane Library and Web of Science, Scopus, Google scholar, SID, Magiran, and Iranmedex was undertaken for the years 1970–2015 together with citation searching, reference list checking and recommendations from stakeholders to identify evidence for SE. The rationale for limiting the review to 1970–2015 was that sex education for children was originated from the Western societies. Many American kindergartens started to implement sexualityeducation curriculum since 1960s, and Sweden implemented sex education for all children and adolescents since 1970.We also searched key organizations and associations including WHO, UNICEF UNAIDS and Ministry of Health in countries such as Canada, Australia, the U.S., and Iran as well as active associations in the field of sexual health for children. In cases where the reported results were incomplete, the authors were contacted and asked for further details. The articles and gray documents were assessed based on the inclusion and exclusion criteria.Inclusion criteria were studied design (articles, gray documents, packages and guidelines introduced in the field of SE); outcomes; and population (children aged 0-12); and interventions (designed to improve child sexual development through the provision of relevant knowledge, attitude, and skills of parents). Studies published in English and Persian was included in the study. We excluded programs targeted at the adolescent and the elderly. Duplicate publications of the same study and articles available only in abstract form were also excluded. Studies that met the inclusion criteria were critically appraised to assess their quality. Guideline Evaluation T ool was used to assess study quality. This tool assesses concepts and topics covered (human development, relationships, personal skills, sexual behavior, sexual health, society and culture), accuracy and relevance (information is scientifically accurate; information is up-to-date; information is presented in a way that appeals to young people; information, graphics, and materials represent target populations).Two reviewers separately screened the search results for inclusion using apredefined inclusion criteria form. The guidelines and packages contents were evaluated based on their applications in improving parents' knowledge, attitudes and skills in SE and sexual behavior management for children under 12 yr of age.Ethics Committee of Shahroud University of Medical Sciences approved this review with the ethical code of IR.SHMU.REC.2015.48.ResultsOf 1243 studies initially identified, after some exclusion, 20 studies from different regions of the world were included in our as study shown in (Fig. 1). The packages and guidelines were classified into three main categories based on sexuality-related knowledge, attitude, and skill (Table 1). Employed approaches to children's sexuality were reported to be effective in developing healthy sexual behavior in children. Education was identified as the primary focus of the included packages and guidelines. Parents were recognized as first line educators in SEs. However, approaches regarding improving parents' skills in SE for children were limited in number. In other words, skill-building approaches targeting parents, and parents' competency in children's sexual behavior management were not specified in the existing programs.-Knowledge: provides accurate information about human sexuality, including growth and development, reproductive system, normal sexual behavior, childbirth.-Attitude: offers opportunities for identification of values, beliefs and culture (personal, family, friends, and community).-Skill: promotes the acquisition of skills in relation to competency in children's sexual behavior management, impact on children's moral growth and development, the ability to makehealthy decisions, self-confidence, and sense of comfort with oneself and one's body, understanding of children's normal sexual behaviors, appropriate response to children's sexual questions, identification and reporting of child sexual abuse.DiscussionAlthough valuable and effective packages and guidelines in relation to SE for children were found in this review, feasibility, and possibility of their usage in accordance with the Iranian culture was in question.Although cultural influences may alter the efficiency of any given educational program, the majority of the included packages and guidelines agree on 1) parents' role in SE; 2) education as the primary focus of SE; 3) parents as the primary sexuality educators; 4) attention to the values and culture of every society in SE for children; 5) effectiveness of the educational programs in children's sexuality.However, approaches to improving parents' practical skills in SE for children were limited. In other words, parents' competency in their children's sexual behavior management in day-to-day practice was not the focus of attention in these programs.Some packages and guidelines were designed for parents. There is widespread agreement that parents are children's first and foremost educators and that they play a central role in the development, growth, and management of children's sexual behaviors .This agreement can be found in several studies and guidelines such as Bersamin et al.; Vidourek; Goldman; Sexual Development and Behavior in Children Information for Parents and Caregivers, International Technical Guidance of Sexuality V olume II, Guidelines for Comprehensive Sexuality Education 3RDeditor kindergarten through 12th Grade.In addition to parents' prominent role, some packages and guidelines were found targeting at teachers. For instance, teachers' role in children's sexual health promotion is undeniable, and teachers can play an important role in promoting sexual health and formal school based education can help parents acquire' the related skills and knowledge.Some packages and guidelines have been designed for parents and professionals . Professionals work in the area of promotion of sexual health and education; in particular, curriculum and program planners, and educators in and out of a school setting, policy-makers, and health care practitioners. For parents who support the implementation of a comprehensive SE program, the quality of SE for their childrenwill improve. Parents are given information and knowledge in this field by professionals in order to acquire the essential knowledge since parents does not have access to the appropriate resources. Many resources pay attention to parents' role as sexual educators, emphasize education of parents by professionals as the first sexual health promotion strategy for children, and focus on provision of educational materials for enhancing knowledge, so that adults can easily talk to their children and destroy barriers of negative attitude towards SE for children.In educational packages and guidelines, attention to the values and culture of every society in SE for children has been emphasized, and this has been the strength of these programs. The influence of parents' attitudes has extended well into all stages of life. Sexuality is strongly influenced by family and community norms. As the sexual socialization of children, takes place first at home and then in the society, the role of culture andfamily values is very substantial and overshadows children's sexuality.Many of these programs were related to developed countries where SE for children is widely recognized, yet it remains unacceptable in some countries, and Iran is not an exception. There is a lack of agreement on SE for children in Iran like other conservative societies. In developed countries, children receive formal and informal education by parents, school, and professionals; yet despite Iran's progress in sexual and reproduction health and its movement toward healthy communities as defined by WHO (2004), a formal comprehensive SE for children does not exist.This study has some limitations as most of the packages and guidelines found in this review were stated theoretically. In other words, they were not based on experimental studies.ConclusionThe findings in this review emphasized the importance of SE for children. All programs focus on children's sexual growth and development. Synthesis of the findings reveals that skill building targeting parents are not practically specified throughout the studies, packages or guidelines. A possible explanation is that SE needs to be contextualized through a given society. Building skills for parents in management of their children's' sexuality must be the focus of SE programs. Children' sexual development goals will be achieved if their first line educations become skillful.General principles of these packages and guidelines have generalizability and usability for other countries such as Iran but some details of these packages and guidelines need to be repaired and modified according to the culture of each country. The implications of these findings for intervention design anddevelopment and further research are discussed.中文译文：针对儿童的性教育的现有方法：综述文章摘要背景：我们的目的是评估性教育（SE）的相关政策或实际问题，利用综述的方法来搜索和批判性地评价现有的针对12岁以下儿童的性教育方法。

幼儿性启蒙教育英文Early Childhood Sexual Enlightenment Education。

Sexual enlightenment education for young children is an important and sensitive topic that requires careful consideration and attention. It is crucial to provide children with age-appropriate and accurate information about their bodies, boundaries, and relationships in order to help them develop a healthy understanding of sexuality. In this document, we will explore the significance of early childhood sexual enlightenment education and discuss effective ways to approach this important aspect of a child's development.First and foremost, it is essential to recognize that sexual enlightenment educationfor young children is not about teaching them about sexual intercourse or adult relationships. Instead, it is about providing them with a basic understanding of their bodies, boundaries, and personal safety. This includes teaching children the proper names for their body parts, explaining the concept of personal boundaries, and empowering them to understand and assert their rights to bodily autonomy.One of the key goals of sexual enlightenment education for young children is to help them develop a positive and healthy attitude towards their bodies. This can be achieved by teaching children about the importance of personal hygiene, the function of different body parts, and the concept of consent. By instilling a sense of respect and appreciation for their bodies from an early age, children are more likely to grow up with a healthy body image and a strong sense of self-worth.In addition to understanding their own bodies, children also need to learn about boundaries and personal safety. This includes teaching them about the concept of consent, the difference between appropriate and inappropriate touch, and how to assert their boundaries in different situations. By providing children with the knowledge and skills to recognize and respond to potential risks, they are better equipped to protect themselves from harm.Furthermore, sexual enlightenment education for young children should also address the importance of healthy relationships and communication. Children need to learn about the different types of relationships, the importance of respect and kindness, and how to communicate effectively with others. By fostering a positive and respectful attitude towards relationships, children are more likely to develop healthy and fulfilling connections with others as they grow older.It is important to note that sexual enlightenment education for young children should be delivered in a sensitive and age-appropriate manner. This means using language and concepts that are suitable for their developmental stage, and taking into account their individual differences and backgrounds. It is also crucial to involve parents and caregivers in the process, as they play a key role in reinforcing and supporting the messages children receive about their bodies and relationships.In conclusion, sexual enlightenment education for young children is a critical aspect of their overall development. By providing children with accurate and age-appropriate information about their bodies, boundaries, and relationships, we can help them develop a healthy understanding of sexuality and empower them to make informed and safe choices as they grow older. It is important to approach this topic with sensitivity, respect, and openness, and to work collaboratively with parents and caregivers to ensure that children receive the support they need to navigate this aspect of their development.。

青春期指南性教育英文原版Growing up can be a confusing and overwhelming experience for many young people. As they navigate the physical and emotional changes of adolescence, one of the most important aspects of their development is sex education. Providing comprehensive and age-appropriate information about sexuality, relationships, and reproductive health is crucial for empowering teenagers to make informed and responsible choices.Firstly it is important to acknowledge that sex education is a sensitive and often controversial topic. There are many different cultural and religious perspectives on the appropriate way to approach this subject with young people. However it is widely recognized by health organizations and education experts that comprehensive sex education is essential for promoting the wellbeing of adolescents.At its core sex education should cover the biological aspects of human sexuality including anatomy physiology and the physical changes of puberty. This factual information provides a foundation for teenagers to understand their own bodies and the processes ofsexual and reproductive health. Learning about topics like menstruation contraception and sexually transmitted infections helps young people protect their health and make informed decisions.Beyond the biological aspects sex education should also address the emotional and social dimensions of sexuality and relationships. This includes discussions about gender identity sexual orientation healthy relationships communication and consent. Equipping teenagers with the skills to navigate these complex issues helps them develop a positive sense of self and build fulfilling interpersonal connections.One of the key goals of sex education should be to empower young people to make autonomous choices about their sexuality. Rather than prescribing rigid rules or moralistic viewpoints sex education should encourage critical thinking and the development of personal values. Teenagers should be given the space to explore their own feelings and perspectives while also learning about the responsibilities and potential consequences of sexual activity.Importantly sex education should be tailored to the specific developmental needs of different age groups. The information and topics covered should evolve as teenagers mature physically and emotionally. For younger adolescents the focus may be more on the biological changes of puberty and building healthy relationships. As they get older the curriculum can delve deeper into issues ofsexuality contraception and sexual health.Ideally sex education should be delivered through a combination of school-based programs family discussions and community resources. Schools can provide comprehensive and standardized curricula while families offer more personalized guidance grounded in their own values and beliefs. Community organizations and healthcare providers can also play a crucial role in supporting young people's sexual health and wellbeing.Beyond the design and delivery of sex education programs it is also important to consider the broader social context. Addressing stigma stereotypes and misinformation about sexuality is essential for creating an environment where young people feel comfortable accessing information and resources. Combating harmful attitudes and promoting inclusivity and diversity are vital for fostering a culture of sexual health and empowerment.Ultimately the goal of comprehensive sex education should be to empower young people to make informed and responsible choices about their sexuality. By providing accurate information and fostering open dialogue sex education can help teenagers navigate the physical and emotional changes of adolescence with confidence and resilience. In doing so it can play a vital role in supporting the overall health and wellbeing of the next generation.。

儿童性教育的看法性作为一个不可回避的话题，在我们的社会中已经模糊了很长一段时间。

Sex as an unavoidable topic has been obscure in our society for a long time.因此，尽管性教育引起的问题已经存在了很长一段时间，但它还是落后了。

Therefore, sex education has lagged behind even though the problem caused by it has existed for a long time.在这种情况下，学校的性教育引发了激烈的讨论。

Under such situations, sex education in schools has stirred up a heated discussion.许多人支持在小学开展性教育。

Many people support sex education in elementary school.他们认为性教育在我们的社会已经处于尴尬的困境很长一段时间，是时候把它摆在桌面上来讨论。

They think that sex education in our society has been in an awkward predicament for a long time and it’s time to put it on the table.但另一些人则更为保守，他们认为小学的性教育增加了许多孩子无法接受的细节。

But others are more conservative, proposing that sex education in elementary school has added many bare details that may be unacceptable to children.在我看来，学校的性教育是绝对必要的。

In my opinion, sex education in schools is definitely necessary.性知识的缺乏引发了许多问题。

TED英语演讲：我们给孩子的性教育中缺了什么作为家长，教孩子性知识是我们的责任。

但是除去那些带着生物学以及生殖方面的“谈话1.0”，我们还可以说在很多情景下的个人经验以及人体感受。

优秀的女性制片人、作家、记者同时也是两个女孩的母亲的苏·约翰逊(Sue Jaye Johnson)分享了自己对于性教育的看法。

下面是小编为大家收集关于TED英语演讲：我们给孩子的性教育中缺了什么，欢迎借鉴参考。

中英对照I remember my aunt brushing my hair when I was a child. I felt this tingling in my stomach, this swelling in my belly. All her attention on me, just me. My beautiful Aunt Bea, stroking my hair with a fine-bristled brush. Do you have a memory like that that you can feel in your body right now?我还记得小时候，阿姨给我梳头发的情景。

我感到肚子有些麻痛，胃有点涨。

她所有的注意力都在我身上，只在我身上。

我那漂亮的Bea阿姨，正在用一把上好的梳子帮我梳头。

你们有过这样的回忆吗?现在还能够感觉到的。

Before language, we're all sensation. As children, that's how we learn to differentiate ourselves in the world --through touch. Everything goes in the mouth, the hands, on the skin. Sensation-- it is the way that we first experience love. It's the basis of human connection.在学习语言之前，我们都是靠感觉的。