布什就职演讲稿中英文
布什就职演讲稿中英文，第43任布美国总统布什，也称小布什，这里管理资料网整理布什就职演讲稿中英文版
布什就职演讲稿中文
尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们：
这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国领导人从这里起步;在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置;我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的
社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是
一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大与永恒
理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，
这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种
使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的
现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中
停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹
如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由
带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让
各位分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225
年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我
们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败
的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的
雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处
同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种
分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每
一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我
知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。
对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们
充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只
有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接
受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色
今日，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美
国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文
明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公
平和宽宏大量。
有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在
和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，
对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导;如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果
我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。
我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任;在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。
美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。
在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们;如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。
我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。
反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量
遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，
捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的
目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我
们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。
正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。
当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本
不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，
我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵
与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱
数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们
心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。
哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需
要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民;不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们各位都
会因此变得渺小。
对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都
应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，
更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤
痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有
所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理
应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。
我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以
听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要
达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。
正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的
责任。鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，
而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人
利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。
我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个
社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。
我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性;依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正;依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去完成一些惊天动地的
事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我
们都被召唤带着挚爱去完成一些小事情。一个民主制度
最重要的任务是由各位每一个人来完成的。
我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为
公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责
任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价
值观来哺育我们的时代。
(同胞们)，你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。
我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益;要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击;要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心
的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我
们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦
这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。
在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰?佩齐曾给托马斯?杰弗逊写信说：我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难
道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗?
杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光
飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定
能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无
畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大
理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我
们正在通过各位的努力在履行着各自的职责。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今日我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的
布什就职演讲稿英文
Below is the full text of President George W. Bushs inaugural speech on Saturday, Jan. 20, 2001.
President George W. Bushs Inaugural Address January 20, 2001
President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so
many of Americas leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, todefend but not to conquer. It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, Americas faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions
of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles.
Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nations promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.
If we do not turn the hearts of children toward
knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy
to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility
is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way
to shared accomplishment. America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us
or condemn us. We must show courage
in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations. Together, we will reclaim Americas schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power
to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and
enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge. We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show
purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the valuesss that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nations promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse arenot acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems,
but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.
Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentors touch or a pastors prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will
not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valuessd and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.
And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater
justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the valuesss of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;
to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you
to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character. Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs
beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas
Jefferson: ``We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm? Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nations grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity. We are not this storys author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose
is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled
in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life. This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm. God bless you all, and God bless America.
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https://www.doczj.com/doc/b62251235.html,/main.asp?url=/u47955/d4358140.htm President Bush Speaks at Tsinghua University Tsinghua University Beijing, People's Republic of China 10:35 A.M. (Local) PRESIDENT BUSH: Vice President Hu, thank you very much for your kind and generous remarks. Thank you for welcoming me and my wife, Laura, here. (Applause.) I see she's keeping pretty good company, with the Secretary of State, Colin Powell. It's good to see you, Mr. Secretary. (Applause.) And I see my National Security Advisor, Ms. Condoleezza Rice, who at one time was the provost at Stanford University. So she's comfortable on university campuses such as this. Thank you for being here, Condi. (Applause.) I'm so grateful for the hospitality, and honored for the reception at one of China's, and the world's, great universities. This university was founded, interestingly enough, with the support of my country, to further ties between our two nations. I know how important this place is to your Vice President. He not only received his degree here, but more importantly, he met his gracious wife here. (Laughter.) I want to thank the students for giving me the chance to meet with you, the chance to talk a little bit about my country and answer some of your questions. The standards and reputation of this university are known around the world, and I know what an achievement it is to be here. So, congratulations. (Applause.) I don't know if you know this or not, but my wife and I have two daughters who are in college, just like you. One goes to the University of Texas. One goes to Yale. They're twins. And we are proud of our daughters, just like I'm sure your parents are proud of you. My visit to China comes on an important anniversary, as the Vice President mentioned. Thirty years ago this week, an American President arrived in China on a trip designed to end decades of estrangement and confront centuries of suspicion. President Richard Nixon showed the world that two vastly different governments could meet on the grounds of common interest, in the spirit of mutual respect. As they left the airport that day, Premier Zhou Enlai said this to President Nixon: "Your handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world -- 25 years of no communication."
林肯的第二任总统就职演说 这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文 是： at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement， somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it--all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation. both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. and the war came. one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it. these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before， the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations. 最后两段译文： (交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位 上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到 面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答， 任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉
2017小布什就职演讲稿【中英版】 presidentclinton,distinguishedguestsandmyfellowcitize ns: thepeacefultransferofauthorityisrareinhistory,yetcomm oninourcountry.withasimpleoath,weaffirmoldtraditionsa ndmakenewbeginnings. asibegin,ithankpresidentclintonforhisservicetoournati on;andithankvicepresidentgoreforacontestconductedwith spiritandendedwithgrace. iamhonoredandhumbledtostandhere,wheresomanyofamerica ’sleadershavecomebeforeme,andsomanywillfollow. wehaveaplace,allofus,inalongstory.astorywecontinue,bu twhoseendwewillnotsee.itisthestoryofanewworldthatbeca meafriendandliberatoroftheold,astoryofaslave-holdingsocietythatbecameaservantoffreedom,thestoryofa powerthatwentintotheworldtoprotectbutnotpossess,todef endbutnottoconquer.itistheamericanstory.astoryofflawe dandfalliblepeople,unitedacrossthegenerationsbygranda ndenduringideals.thegrandestoftheseidealsisanunfoldin gamericanpromisethateveryonebelongs,thateveryonedeser vesachance,thatnoinsignificantpersonwaseverborn.ameri cansarecalledupontoenactthispromiseinourlivesandinour laws;andthoughournationhassometimeshalted,andsometime sdelayed,wemustfollownoothercourse.
革命传统故事演讲稿 革命传统故事演讲稿篇【1】 大家好!我是xxx，我很荣幸能在这里代表四一中队给大家做一次演讲，演讲的题目是《抗日英雄王二小》 牛儿还在山上吃草，放牛的却不知哪儿去了听着这首优美而熟悉的歌曲，你一定会想起抗日小英雄王二小的动人故事吧，但你知道他是哪里人吗?让我揭开这个谜吧! 王二小，河北省平山县宅北乡南滚龙沟村人，在家排行老二，村里人都叫他王二小。1941年9月16日，二小在一个大山坡上放牛，日军300余人向南滚龙沟袭来，当日军凶狠地用刀逼着二小为他们带路抓八路时，二小非常清楚《晋察冀日报》报社的工作人员和战士就在四面的山上隐藏着。他牵着牛机智地领着鬼子在三道壕慢慢地转，从上午9点多转到了下午3点多。在二道泉山顶，他猛地抱住一个鬼子厮打，想与鬼子跳崖同归于尽，不料被另一个鬼子用刺刀从背后刺穿了胸膛。这时埋伏在山顶的报社武装队发起了攻击，一举歼灭了这股敌人。 记者方冰对此事进行了采访，并结合他平时采访的其他故事，与作曲家劫夫合作了歌曲《歌唱二小放牛郎》，发表在1942年的《晋察冀日报》元旦副刊《老百姓》上。后来，王二小的故事被编进了小学课本，二小成了千千万万儿童心目中的英雄。 1941年农历九月十六，抗日小英雄王二小英勇牺牲在南河滩，八路军和老乡得到了安全。 抗日小英雄王二小英勇牺牲后，他的英雄事迹传遍了解放区的每一个村庄，感动着每一个老乡。 老师，同学们，我的故事演讲完了，谢谢大家! 革命传统故事演讲稿篇【2】 尊敬的各位领导，老师们、同学们：
在一年一度的清明节即将来临之际，我们怎能忘记，为了祖国的解放，有多少革命先烈长眠于地下;为了我们的幸福，有多少仁人志士牺牲在疆场。今天我们全校师生怀着激动的心情在这里以举行革命英雄故事会就是为了缅怀为新中国成立而抛头颅、洒热血的革命先烈们! 60多年前的抗日战争和解放战争时期，为了民族的独立、民主和自由，无数革命先烈、志士仁人进行了不屈不挠、前仆后继的英勇斗争，涌现出了许多可歌可泣、荡气回肠的革命英雄事迹，创造了载入史册的光辉业绩。正是他们的勇敢抗争、流血牺牲才迎来了新中国的诞生，才换来了我们今天的幸福生活。因此，作为当代少年儿童，我们必须牢记历史，铭记过去，从革命先辈们的精神中汲取力量，作为我们刻苦学习的动力和源泉。 同学们，生命是一个人最基本也是最珍贵的权利，今天同学们故事中讲到的像黄继光、邱少云等革命英雄们，为了他人的幸福，不惜献出自己最宝贵的生命，这是何等的高尚!如今，我们有幸生活在鸟语花香、充满阳光的和平年代，远离了硝烟和战火。我们一定要把对先烈的无限缅怀化作刻苦学习、发愤读书的不竭动力，要树立崇高的理想和远大的志向，努力增强社会责任感，增强民族自信心;一定要明确学习目的，端正学习态度，抓紧点滴时间多学知识，增长才干，充实自己，不断提高思想道德素养和科学文化素质，争取早日成为一个全面合格的小公民、一个对社会有用的人。 同学们，我们是时代的幸运儿，我们应该懂得幸福生活来之不易，我们更应该懂得所肩负的历史责任和历史使命。就让我们继承先烈的遗志，为祖国的建设、为祖国的富强而努力学习，用我们的双手描绘出祖国更加光辉灿烂的明天! 革命传统故事演讲稿篇【3】 尊敬的领导、老师们、同学们： 今天我很高兴为大家讲一个大家都比较熟悉的故事，那就是《小兵张嘎》。
布什演讲稿中英文对照版 Thank you! Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush， President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace. I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America’s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
林肯第一次就职演讲稿 林肯第一次就职演讲稿 的安全，我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令，而不 要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法，便可以逃脱罪责，而对它们公然违反。自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来，七十二年已经过去了。在这期间，十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。 他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。然而，尽管有这么多可供参考的先例，我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期 中来担任这同一任务，却.面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前，分裂联邦只是受到了威胁，而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑，我坚信，我们各州组成的 联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点，虽不 一定写明，却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说，没有一个名副其 实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条，规定自己完结的期限。继续 执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文，联邦便将永远存在下去——除 了采取并未见之于宪法的行动，谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。还有，就算 合众国并不是个名副其实的政府，而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的 联合体，那既有契约的约束，若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意，我 们能说取消就把它取消吗?参加订立契约的一方可以违约，或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约，岂能不需要大家一致同意吗?从这些总原则出发，我们发现，从法学观点来看，联邦具有永久性质的提法，是 为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上， 它是由1774年，签订的《联合条款》建立的。到1776年的《独立宣
言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后，通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟，当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后，到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一，便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。但是，如果任何一个州，或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉，加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了，因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。从这些观点我们可以认定，任何一个州，都不可能仅凭自己动议，便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当局的暴力行为，都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。因此我认为,从宪法和法律的角度来看，联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力，按照宪法明确赋于我的责任，坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做，我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的，我就一定要履行它，除非我的合法的主人美国人民，收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具，或行使他们的权威，命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓，而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的，它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力，除非有人把它强。加于国家当局，否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外，决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民，或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地，即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍，以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候，政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定，政府
angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm. God bless you all, and
God bless America. 谢谢大家！ 尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们， 这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。 站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。 这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。 在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。 有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的
At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. Their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass
布什在911事件后的演讲 Good evening. 晚上好， Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts. The victims were in airplanes or in their offices. Secretaries, business men and women, military and federal workers. Moms and dads. Friends and neighbors. Thousands of lives were suddenly ended by evil, despicable acts of terror. 今天，我们的同胞、我们的生活及我们珍视的自由受到了恐怖主义分子的蓄意攻击。许多被劫持的乘客、正在办公的工作人员都不幸遇难，他们可能是：秘书文员、商人、妇女、军方或联邦政府工作人员、为人父母、你们的亲朋好友或邻居。数千人在恐怖分子的卑劣和罪恶行径下突然间失掉了宝贵的生命。 The pictures of airplanes flying into buildings, fires burning, huge structures collapsing, have filled us with disbelief, terrible sadness and a quiet, unyielding anger. These acts of mass murder were intended to frighten our nation into chaos and retreat. But they have failed. Our country is strong. 面对飞机撞毁、熊熊大火、楼房倒塌等图片，我们无法相信眼前的惨状，感到无比的悲哀和愤怒。恐怖分子的大屠戮的行为旨在将我们的国家引向混乱和倒退。但他们的阴谋不会得逞，我们的国家依然强大。 A great people has been moved to defend a great nation. Terrorist attacks can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they cannot touch the foundation of America. These acts shatter steel, but they cannot dent the steel of American resolve. 伟大的美国人民已被动员起来保卫自己的国家。恐怖主义分子的袭击可以震撼我们的建筑，但他们无法动摇我们牢固的国家基础。这些行径可以粉碎钢铁，但它们无法挫伤美国人民捍卫国家的决心。 America was targeted for attack because we're the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world. And no one will keep that light from shining.
小学生革命传统教育主题演讲稿 亲爱的老师、同学们: 大家好! 今天我演讲的题目是革命传统牢记在心。 在我们漫长的岁月里，我们的祖国养育了成千上万有抱负的中国人。我们倍感自豪和骄傲! 从民族英雄岳飞到抗日将领杨靖宇,从东汉科学家张衡到飞天第一人杨利伟。 几千年来，无数杰出的中国孩子一直渴望实现民族的独立和解放，实现祖国的繁荣富强。在我们的土地上，他们的崇高精神和辉煌业绩永远值得学习。 千百年来，中华民族之所以能够历经磨难而不衰，饱尝艰辛而不屈，靠的就是这种威力无比的民族精神，依靠各族人民的团结奋斗。 我们是炎黄子孙，黄河在我们的血液中流淌，长城使我们永远刚强。神舟使我们的天地无限宽广，传承了五千年的民族精神，正等待着我们去大力发扬。 战争时代赋予了烈士们勇气和力量。和平美丽的环境为我们提供了学知识、长才能、成栋梁的机会。无数先烈离世，留给我们的是新时代的责任和义务。 我们肩上承载着中华民族伟大民族精神的传承和发展，承载着实现祖国伟大复兴的希望。
我们欣然接受了这一神圣的意愿，沿着烈士们的足迹，踏上了伟大的征程。今天的我们，定然是一样的智慧与坚强，勇敢与无畏。 同学们，当我们对老师和长辈问好的时候;当我们向有困难的同学伸出援助之手的时候;当我们学会向父母表达我们的孝心的时候。 当我们学会珍惜每一粒粮食的时候，这些不都是在继承和弘扬传统美德吗? 同学们，我们是祖国的未来和希望。让我们以英雄为榜样，努力学习科学知识，积极进取，热爱和平，勤奋勇敢，自强不息。 我们要把祖国建设得更加富强。我们坚信，炎黄子孙一定会用雄辩的事实再次向世界证明，中华民族是不可战胜的，中国将永远巍然屹立与世界东方。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文 总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们： 我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。 我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。 说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。 集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。 在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.