富兰克林·罗斯福经典演讲
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富兰克林-;罗斯福经典演讲
总统先生，议长先生，第七十七届国会的成员：
我你的地址，这个新的国会议员，在联盟的历史上前所未有的时刻。我用“空前的”，因为以前没有已被视为美国的安全受到严重威胁从没有像今天。
由于永久性形成了我国政府在宪法中的1789，大部分在我国历史上危机时期国内事务有关的。而且，幸运的是，其中只有一个----国家之间的战争4年----威胁过我们的民族团结。今天，感谢上帝，130000000的美国人在48个国家已经忘记了指南针在国家的统一。
这是真的，之前的1914美国经常被其他大洲事件干扰。我们甚至已经与欧洲国家进行过两场战争，在西印度群岛中一些未宣战的战争，在地中海和太平洋，为维护美国的权利以及和平贸易的原则。但是没有一个严重的威胁，提出了对我们国家的安全和持续的独立性。
我想要说的是，美国作为一个国家已在所有时间保持反对党----清楚历史真相，明确反对----任何企图把我们锁在一个古老的中国墙的后面，而游行的文明到过去。今天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的孩子，我们反对强制隔离，为自己或为美洲的其他任何部分。
我们的决心，在过去的这些年，被证明，例如，在早期的战争的四分之一世纪在法国革命之后。虽然拿破仑的斗争，并威胁到了美国的利益，因为在西印度群岛的法国的立足点，在路易斯安那，当我们从事1812战争来维护我们的和平贸易的权利，它仍然是明确的，无论是法国或英国或其他国家都不可能主宰整个世界。
和喜欢时尚，从1815到1914----九十九年----没有一个单一的战争在欧洲或亚洲的一个真正的威胁，对我们未来的或与美国其他民族的未来构成。
除了在墨西哥的马西米兰的插曲，没有外国势力试图建立自己在这个半球。在大西洋的英国舰队实力一直友好的力量;它仍然是一个友好的力量。
即使世界大战爆发于1914，它似乎只包含小的危险，我们美国的未来。但随着时间的推移，我们记得，美国人民开始想象什么民主国家的垮台意味着我们自己的民主。
我们不必过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们不需要强调民主的失败来解决世界重建问题。我们应该记住，1919的和平比绥靖开始甚至在慕尼黑这种不公平的，而且这是正在进行的新的专制秩序，寻求遍布各大洲今天下。美国人民坚定不移地反对那种专制。
我想，每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式在这一刻被直接地在世界的每一个部分----攻击或是武器或是秘密的那些试图破坏团结，促进不和在仍处于和平的各国有毒的宣传。在16个月的时间内，这种攻击已涂抹在独立的国家数目惊人的民主生活的整体格局，
FDR & a New Deal for America
“It is hard, today, to imagine the level of expectation that greeted Franklin Delano Roosevelt when he ascended to take the reins from the much-maligned Hoover‖ (Jennings 155).―People are looking to you almost as they look to God‖ (qtd. in Jennings 157). By the end of his twelve years as president, ―people would find it hard to remember a day when he was not their leader, when they could not expect, at a time of need, to hear his soothing voice‖ (Jennings 157).
Roosevelt Takes Office March 4, 1933
1933: A Nation in Crisis ?1933: The Great Depression was almost 4 years old. ?Hoover was seen as ineffective ?Roosevelt was a symbol of hope ?The economy including the stock market, banks and general unemployment was reeling.
克服自卑的励志演讲稿【五篇】 【篇一】克服自卑的励志演讲稿 老师们、同学们： 大家会好： 自卑，就是自己轻视自己，自己看不起自己。自卑，是缺乏魅力的根源，也是衰老的催化剂。许多心理问题来自于自卑情结。“通往成功的道路上，完全不必为自卑而彷徨，只要把握好自己，成功的路就在脚下。”这是《榜样的力量》所写到的，读了《榜样的力量》后，我受益匪浅。我懂得了如何排除自卑心理，战胜自我、超越自我。文章中举了几个例子：拿破仑、美国总统罗斯福和菲律宾外长的罗慕洛，这些人都是人们耳熟能详的伟人，他们也有着与众不同的人生历程。我想他们也是通过不断排除自卑心理，战胜自我、超越自我，从而走向成功的。 美国总统罗斯福是一个有缺陷的人，小时候是一个脆弱且胆小的学生。他在学校课堂上动不动就显露出一种惊惧的表情。他呼吸就好像喘大气一样。如果被喊起来背诵，他的嘴唇立即会颤动不已，双腿发抖，回答问题含含糊糊，吞吞吐吐，然后会颓然地坐下来。由于牙齿的暴露，难堪的境地使他更没有一个好的姿态。 可见，自卑的心理就是促使一个人在人生道路上常走下坡路，加速自身衰老的催化剂。因此，希望健康的人如果想要防止早衰，就应摒弃自卑心理，客观地分析自我，认识自我，热爱自我，树立起生活的勇气。
虽然罗斯福有这方面的缺陷，但他却有一种积极奋斗的精神。他没有因为同伴对他的嘲笑而气馁。他咬紧自己的牙床，用坚强的意志，使嘴唇不颤动而克服心里的惧怕。他从来不欺骗自己，也从不认为自己是勇敢、强壮的。但是他能用自己的行动来证明自己是可以克服先天的障碍而得到成功的。凡是他能够克服的缺点他便克服，不能克服的他便加以利用。通过演讲，他学会了如何利用一种假声，掩饰他不被人喜欢的姿态，以及他那无人不知的暴牙。虽然他的演讲中并不具有任何惊人之处，但他不因自己的姿态和声音而认为自己是失败的。他没有洪亮的声音或是威严的姿态，他也不像有些人那样具有惊人的辞令，然而在当时，他却是最有震撼力的演说家之一。 可见，自卑的心理就是促使一个人在人生道路上常走下坡路，加速自身衰老的催化剂。因此，希望健康的人如果想要防止早衰，就应象拿破仑那样，摒弃自卑心理，客观地分析自我，认识自我，热爱自我，树立起生活的勇气。 犹太人认为，自卑心理严重的人，并不一定就是他本人具有某种缺陷或短处，而是常把自己放在一个低人一等的位置，不能容纳自己，自惭形秽，不被别人喜欢，进而演绎成被别人看不起的位置，并由此陷人不可自拔的境地。 由于罗斯福没有在自己的缺陷面前消沉和退缩，而是全面、充分地认识自己。在意识到自我缺陷的同时，能做到不气馁，能正确地评价自己，在顽强之中抗争，甚至将它加以利用，将这些缺憾变为资本，变为扶梯而登上名誉巅峰。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文,中文版） 美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版） President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation
罗斯福首次就职演说 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。 罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is
Address to the United Nations General Assembly: On the Adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 埃利诺·罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话：关于《世界人权宣言》 Eleanor Roosevelt Mr. President, fellow delegates, The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation. Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind. There are of course particular provisions in the Declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied. I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years. Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this is a good document -- even a great document -- and we propose to give it our full support. The position of the United States on the various parts of the Declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee. I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here. I should like to comment briefly on the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegation. The language of these amendments has been dressed up somewhat, but the substance is the same as the amendments which were offered by the Soviet delegation in committee and rejected after exhaustive discussion. Substantially the same amendments have been previously considered and rejected in the Human Rights Commission. We in the United States admire those who fight for their convictions, and the Soviet delegation has fought for their convictions. But in the older democracies we have learned that sometimes we bow to the will of the majority. In doing that, we do not give up our convictions. We continue sometimes to persuade, and eventually we may be successful. But we know that we have to work together and we have to progress. So, we believe that when we have made a good fight, and the majority is against us, it is perhaps better tactics to try to cooperate. I feel bound to say that I think perhaps it is somewhat of an imposition on this Assembly to have these amendments offered again here, and I am confident that they will be rejected without debate. The first two paragraphs of the amendment to article 3 deal with the question of minorities, which committee 3 decided required further study, and has recommended, in a separate resolution, their reference to the Economic and Social Council and the Human Rights Commission. As set out in the Soviet amendment, this provision clearly states "group," and not "individual," rights. The Soviet amendment to article 20 is obviously a very restrictive statement of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. It sets up standards which would enable any state practically to deny all freedom of opinion and expression without violating the article. It introduces the terms "democratic view," "democratic systems," "democratic state," and "fascism," which we know all too well from debates in this Assembly over the past two years on warmongering and related subjects are liable to the most flagrant abuse and diverse interpretations. The statement of the Soviet delegate here tonight is a very good case in point on this. The Soviet amendment of article 22 introduces new elements into the article without improving the committed text and again introduces specific reference to "discrimination." As was repeatedly pointed out in committee 3, the question of discrimination is comprehensively covered in article 2
First Inaugural Address Franklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福 1933.3.4. 演讲者简介： 罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。 President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿 【--就职演讲稿】 就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了，下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！ 胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends: 值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. 我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们支付能力下降了；各级政府都遇到严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易贸易过程中遭到了冻结，工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄付之东流。
First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure