我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身
富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲
星期六,1933年3月4日
我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。
但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向
非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。
对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我
来源:https://www.doczj.com/doc/ee15934132.html,/Article/200902/63263_2.shtml
1974年美国总统福特就职演说 （文章一）：1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon. President Ford;s Inaugural Address: [Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger] Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans: The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented pact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a caign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many. I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not caigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear
罗斯福首次就职演说 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。 罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is
美国总统罗斯福小时候的故事 一个小男孩几乎认为自己是世界上最 不幸的孩子，因为患脊髓灰质炎而留下了瘸腿和参差不齐且突出的牙齿。他很少与同学们游戏或玩耍，老师叫他回答问题时，他也总是低着头一言不发。 在一个平常的春天，小男孩的父亲从邻居家讨了一些树苗，他想把它们栽在房前。他叫他的孩子们每人栽一棵。父亲对孩子们说，谁栽的树苗长得最好，就给谁买一件最喜欢的礼物。小男孩也想得到父亲的礼物。但看到兄妹们蹦蹦跳跳提水浇树的身影，不知怎么地，萌生出一种阴冷的想法：希望自己栽的那棵树早点死去。因此浇过一两次水后，再也没去搭理它。 几天后，小男孩再去看他种的那棵树时，惊奇地发现它不仅没有枯萎，而且还长出了几片新叶子，与兄妹们种的树相比，显得更嫩绿、更有生气。父亲兑现了他的诺言，为小男孩买了一件他最喜欢的礼物，并对他
说，从他栽的树来看，他长大后一定能成为一名出色的植物学家。 从那以后，小男孩慢慢变得乐观向上起来。 一天晚上，小男孩躺在床上睡不着，看着窗外那明亮皎洁的月光，忽然想起生物老师曾说过的话：植物一般都在晚上生长，何不去看看自己种的那颗小树。当他轻手轻脚来到院子里时，却看见父亲用勺子在向自己栽种的那棵树下泼洒着什么。顿时，一切他都明白了，原来父亲一直在偷偷地为自己栽种的那颗小树施肥！他返回房间，任凭泪水肆意地奔流...... 几十年过去了，那瘸腿的小男孩虽然没有成为一名植物学家，但他却成为了美国总统，他的名字叫富兰克林?罗斯福。 爱是生命中最好的养料，哪怕只是一勺清水，也能使生命之树茁壮成长。也许那棵树是那样的平凡、不起眼；也许那棵树是如此的瘦小，甚至还有些枯萎，但只要有养料的浇灌，它就能长得枝繁叶茂，甚至长成参天大树。
Inaugural Address of George Bush FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends: There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America. I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began. We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads: Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There are times when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文,中文版） 美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版） President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation
名人故事：美国总统 在美国历曾诞生了很多有影响力的总统，他们的机智幽默在他们的政治生涯中体现得淋漓尽致，被全世界人们广为传诵。 钱和雨 在卡特的飞机降临在饱受旱灾之苦的得克萨斯某镇之前，该镇忽然下起了雨。卡特踏上滑溜溜的机场跑道，向聚集在那里前来欢迎他的农民们发出微笑，“你们很想要钱或者要雨，”他说：“我拿不出钱，所以我只好带来了雨。” 让人左右不是 约翰逊26岁时曾被任命为全国青年总署德克萨斯州分署署长。他在任期间，对手下人十分严格，喜欢指出他们做错的地方。一次，他走过一个同事的座位，看到他的办公桌子上堆满了文件，就故意提升嗓门说：“我希望你的思想不要像这张桌子一样乱七八糟。”这样，同一个办公室的人都听得一清二楚。这位同事费了好大的劲，才在约翰逊第二次巡视办公室前把文件整理好了，并清理了桌面。约翰逊又来到办公室时，一看原来乱糟糟的桌面变得空空荡荡，于是说：“我希望你的头脑不要像这张桌子一样空荡荡。” 惟一能干的事情 肯尼迪是在1961年当选为美国第35任总统的。他曾在1956年被提名为副总统的竞选中败北于对手凯弗维尔。失败后，他乘飞机去欧洲休养，一天，他在里韦拉他父亲租来的房子前晒太阳，他妹妹的前夫坎菲尔德刚巧从他面前经过。坎菲尔德问他为什么想当总统。“我想这是我惟一能干的事情。”肯尼迪漫不经心地说。 需要大量资金 约翰逊总统向一群商业界头面人物讲了一则轶事，以说明需要大量资金来实行导弹竞赛。故事如下：1861年，一位得克萨斯州人离家
前去参加南军士兵阵营。他告诉他的邻居他很快就会回来，这场战争 不会打的太久，“因为我们能用扫帚柄揍这些北方佬。”两年后，他 才重返故里，少了一条腿。他的邻居向这位神情悲惨、衣衫褴褛的伤 兵询问到底发生了什么事，“你不是说过战争不费力，你们能用扫帚 柄揍这些北方佬吗?”“我们当然能。”这位南军士兵回答，“但是麻 烦在于北方佬不用扫帚柄打仗。” 滑稽的回信 肯尼迪常常幽默地给一些专栏作家写东西，这些东西使这些作家 们既受宠若惊，又感到滑稽有趣。一天肯尼迪收到专栏作家伦纳 德·莱昂斯的一封信，信中说当前总统署名的照片每张价格如下：乔治·华盛顿-175美元；富兰克林·罗斯福75美元；格兰特55美元； 约翰·肯尼迪65美元。肯尼迪回信道：亲爱的伦纳德：承蒙来信告知 肯尼迪亲自署名照片的市场价格。持续上涨的价格现在已如此之高， 这实在令人难以置信。为了防止市场进一步萧条，请恕我不在这封信 上署名。 机智的回敬 在总统候选人的提名过程中，肯尼迪的年轻和孩子般的外表成了 一个不折不扣的不利条件。众议院发言人萨姆·雷伯恩就是攻击肯尼 迪乳臭未干的几个民主党领导人之一。肯尼迪哈哈一笑，把问题抛到 一边，“萨姆·雷伯恩可能认为我年轻。不过对一位已是78岁的人来说，他眼中的绝大部分人都年轻。”不过这个问题始终纠缠着肯尼迪。杜鲁门在一次全国性演讲中向肯尼迪挑战，“我们需要的是一个极其 成熟的人。”这位前总统说。肯尼迪用逻辑和机智回敬了他的挑战。 他说：“如果年龄一直被认为是一个标准的话，那么美国将放弃对44 岁以下所有人的信任。这种排斥可能阻止杰斐逊起草独立宣言，华盛 顿指挥独立战争中的美国军队，麦迪逊成为起草宪法的先驱，哥伦布 去发现新大陆。” 我也一直站着
罗斯福 美国第32任总统富兰克林·D·罗斯福（Franklin D. Roosevelt）（1933—1945），一直被视为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，是20世纪美国最孚众望和受爱戴的总统，也是美国历史上惟一连任4届总统的人，从1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世时为止，任职长达12年。曾赢得美国民众长达7 周的高支持率，创下历史记录。 富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福出生于纽约。父亲詹姆斯·罗斯福是一个百万富翁。母亲萨拉·德拉诺比父亲小26岁。罗斯福曾就读于哈佛大学和哥伦比亚大学。1910年任纽约州参议员。1913年任海军部副部长。1921年因患脊髓灰质炎致残。1928年任纽约州长。1932年竞选总统获胜。执政后，以“新政”对付经济危机，颇有成效，故获得1936年、1940年、1944年大选连任。第二次世界大战初，美国采取不介入政策，但对希特勒采取强硬手段，以“租借法”支持同盟国。1941年底，美国参战。罗斯福代表美国两次参加同盟国“三巨头”会议。罗斯福政府提出了轴心国必须无条件投降的原则并得到了实施。罗斯福提出了建立联合国的构想，也得到了实施。63岁时由于脑溢血去世。 罗斯福扯起美国之帆 1945年4月12日，一位现代历史上的巨人与世长辞，他就是富兰克林·罗斯福。雅尔塔会议结束后两个月，身心疲惫的罗斯福在佐治亚温泉休养时，悄然逝去。 架双拐登上总统宝座 1882年1月30日，富兰克林·罗斯福出生在纽约哈得孙河畔一个显贵的家庭里。命运赐给他的是英俊的容貌、善良的性格和聪明的天赋。他14岁进入著名的格罗顿公学学习，四年后来到哈佛大学，并于1901年加入共和党人俱乐部，开始了自己的政治生涯。也正是这一年，他的堂叔西奥多·罗斯福成了美国历史上最年轻的总统。 罗斯福决心仿效堂叔进入政界，并在1910年找到了一鸣惊人的机会。他打算竞选纽约市参议员，但却是以民主党候选人的身份出现。当他把这个决定告诉身为共和党人的总统叔叔时，对方怒而骂道：“你这个卑鄙的兔崽子！你这个叛徒……”但是富兰克林·罗斯福没有改变前进方向。他乘着一辆红色的汽车，每
摘要：就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势，很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象，对排比的大量使用进行分析，旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势，使演说的逻辑更加清晰，同时也增强了演说者的感召力，增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词：就职演说词；演讲；排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题，既不同于日常谈话，也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合，由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情，获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动，因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时，有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长，弃口语松散杂乱之短；既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风，又不失口语生动感人之韵，使人听来感到铿锵悦耳，感情充沛，极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众，并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待，总统治国理想，对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析，施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明，大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见，一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料，以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析，揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力，以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比（parallelism）是一种修辞手法，它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近，结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组（主谓/动宾）或句子并排，达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases （Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986）.这种结构的大量运用，使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整，在语篇上更具气势，在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中，每一位总统的就职演说词，都依据各自不同的政治目的，而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法，以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初，国家建设时期的就职演讲中，排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷，鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们，让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱，如果没有这些，自由，甚至生活本身都会索然寡味，让我们再想一想，我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上，如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容，其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿，那么我们必将无所收获。……因此，让我们以勇气和信心，迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则，拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列，从团结到和睦如初，到想一想，最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则，把团结置于首位，加强了感情联络，产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期，林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念，给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中，强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性，突出了国家宪法高于一切，人民的利益是以宪法为保障，一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据，因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代，富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中，排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心；他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿 【--就职演讲稿】 就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了，下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！ 胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends: 值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. 我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们支付能力下降了；各级政府都遇到严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易贸易过程中遭到了冻结，工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄付之东流。
肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析
摘要：肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国 总统就职演说之一，引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域，从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域，进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征，加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果，而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。 关键词：就职演说；语域特征；语域分析 一．引言 历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出，表现在其时间的固定性（一月二十日）、地点的固定性（白宫）、演说者身份的固定性（当选为美国总统的人）、听众的固定性（美国民众和世界各国）、内容的相似性（施政纲领、国内国际形势等）。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果，因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰??菲茨杰拉德?肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上，均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域，鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析，从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点，一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果，另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。 二．文献回顾 语域是语言学中的一个重要概念，它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基（Malinowski）把语境分为三类：话语语境（context of utterance）、文化语境（context of culture）和情景语境（context of situation）。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合，并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域（register）定义为“语言的功能变体”（functional variety of language）,即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分：语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）。 国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表，而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行，对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄，其后，一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义，认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法，强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助，在英语写作中我们不能一概而论，单纯教学生模仿或套用，或者教词汇和语法，改错句，而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征，能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义，
富兰克林．德拉诺．罗斯福 (FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT) 首次就职演说 First Inaugural Address I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself―nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give the support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our fore-fathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our door-steps, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. . . . Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. . . . Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forth-with on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which to-day are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly. Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the