中文系对外汉语专业外文文献doc

国际对外汉语教学设计文献汇编随着全球化的发展，汉语作为一种重要的国际交流语言，对外汉语教学也越来越受到重视。

为了提高对外汉语教学质量，许多学者和教育工作者进行了大量的研究和实践，并将其成果总结为一系列教学设计文献。

本文将对国际对外汉语教学设计文献进行汇编，以期为对外汉语教学者提供参考和借鉴。

一、教学设计文献的分类国际对外汉语教学设计文献可以根据不同的教学目标和教学方法进行分类。

根据教学目标可以分为口语交际类、写作类、听力类、阅读类等；根据教学方法可以分为传统教学法、沟通教学法、任务型教学法等。

每一类教学设计文献都有其独特的特点和教学重点，可以根据自己的需求选择适合的文献进行参考。

二、口语交际类教学设计文献国际对外汉语口语交际类教学设计文献主要关注学习者口语表达能力的培养。

这类文献通常包括课堂活动设计、口语练习题、口语对话示范等内容。

其中，课堂活动设计是最常见的一种形式，通过设计各种角色扮演、情景模拟、讨论辩论等活动，激发学习者的兴趣，提高口语表达能力。

三、写作类教学设计文献国际对外汉语写作类教学设计文献主要关注学习者写作能力的培养。

这类文献通常包括写作题目的选择、写作步骤的指导、写作技巧的讲解等内容。

写作题目的选择应该与学习者的实际需求和兴趣相结合，激发学习者的写作欲望。

在指导写作步骤时，可以采用分步骤指导的方式，让学习者逐步完成写作任务。

此外，还可以通过讲解写作技巧，帮助学习者提高写作水平。

四、听力类教学设计文献国际对外汉语听力类教学设计文献主要关注学习者听力理解能力的培养。

这类文献通常包括听力材料的选择、听力题目的设计、听力技巧的讲解等内容。

在选择听力材料时，应该注重材料的真实性和多样性，以提高学习者的听力水平。

在设计听力题目时，可以采用多种形式，如选择题、填空题、配对题等，以帮助学习者全面理解听力内容。

此外，还可以通过讲解听力技巧，提高学习者的听力策略。

五、阅读类教学设计文献国际对外汉语阅读类教学设计文献主要关注学习者阅读理解能力的培养。

中外文学比较论文参考文献一、中外文学比较论文期刊参考文献[1].论外国文学研究与中外文学比较的关系.《安康学院学报》.2014年6期.朱云.[2].19492000中外文学比较史.《江苏社会科学》.被北京大学《中文核心期刊要目总览》收录PKU.被南京大学《核心期刊目录》收录CSSCI.2007年6期.[8].湖南外国文学研究三十五年.《湖南工业大学学报（社会科学版）》.2014年6期.吴正锋.[9].苏曼殊的比较文学研究及其特点.《贵州师范大学学报（社会科学版）》.被南京大学《核心期刊目录》收录CSSCI.2005年4期.袁荻涌.[10].中外文学作品比较中的"文化"问题.《海外英语（上）》.2015年8期.邱佳.二、中外文学比较论文参考文献学位论文类[1].梦想在泥泞中放飞：自由·自觉·自卑·自毁——老舍与曹禺比较研究.作者：王俊虎.中国现当代文学兰州大学2008（学位年度）[2].中外网络文学比较分析.被引次数：11作者：张雨.比较文学与世界文学陕西师范大学2006（学位年度）[3]“撒种在荆棘”——中国现代文学与基督教文化关系研究.作者：杨世海.比较文学与世界文学湖南师范大学2013（学位年度）[4].中小学语文中外同题材文本比较教学研究.被引次数：2作者：李军飒.学科教学(语文)河南大学2011（学位年度）[5].中外“小城”文学的审美特征及叙事模式初探.被引次数：1作者：王骁勇.中国现当代文学兰州大学2009（学位年度）[6]现代主义文学思潮和80年代小说研究.被引次数：2作者：方贤绪.中国现当代文学苏州大学2003（学位年度）[7].从狄更斯的《匹克威克外传》和老舍的《老张的哲学》中欣赏和比较幽默.作者：邱慧.英语语言文学上海师范大学2007（学位年度）[8].中外现代陶渊明接受之研究.被引次数：4作者：田晋芳.比较文学与世界文学复旦大学2010（学位年度）[9].论路遥的现实主义创作.作者：李冬梅.中国现当代文学聊城大学2009（学位年度）[10].跨文化视角下的《红楼梦》与简·奥斯汀小说作品中的茶文化比较研究.作者：杨红.英语语言文学河北农业大学2014（学位年度）三、中外文学比较论文专著参考文献[1]中外文学关系史研究的若干理论和方法的思考.钱林森，2005中国比较文学学会第八届年会暨国际学术研讨会[2]生态文学:西部语境与中外对话中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术会议综述.王为群，20072007年中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术研讨会[3]百年俄苏文论在中国的历史回望与文化思考.汪介之，2005中国比较文学学会第八届年会暨国际学术研讨会[4]论韩国生态文学的概况与特点兼谈中国大陆及台湾的生态文学的比较视野.朴宰雨，20072007年中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术研讨会[5]比较文学史上的“恒常危机”兼论生态论述.张汉良，20072007年中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术研讨会[6]跨文化视野下的比较与融通古典诗学的方法论研究.刘猛，20072007年中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术研讨会[7]《断头台》与《狼图腾》的叙事比较从《断头台》与《狼图腾》看中国生态文学写作之一.王彦彦，20072007年中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术研讨会[8]自由观:鲁迅与胡适的比较.唐翰存，20072007年中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术研讨会[9]文艺学/文学学/文学科学中外文论在互动中的概念问题.张法，2012“外国文论的当代形态:实绩与问题”学术研讨会暨第五届中国外国文论与比较诗学学会年会[10]诗学与视域论比较诗学及其比较视域的互文性原则.杨乃乔，20072007年中外文学对话与西部生态文化建设国际学术研讨会。

汉学跨文化研究外文翻译英文Sinology: Chinese Intellectual History and Transcultural StudiesPablo Blitstein, Ruprecht HeidelbergThe guest editors of this journal issue have kindly asked me to provide a short overview of the relation between transcultural studies and Chinese intellectual history in Euro-American academia. There was a certain risk in accepting this request, as it might be either too small or too big a task. It would be too small if I narrowed it down to a review of explicit references to transcultural studies within Chinese intellectual history; but it would be too big if I extended it to a study of all the questions, approaches, and methods that the two fields have developed in the last few decades. To overcome these difficulties, I decided to focus on the legacy of one shared methodological point: the critique of so-called “methodological nationalism,” that is, of the assumption (explicit or not) that the nation is the ultimate framework of research.1 This critique has become a constitutive principle of transcultural studies, while it came to represent only a particular approach within Chinese intellectual history. Still, the two fields have developed a shared agenda in this regard. This essay limits itself to pointing out the presence of this critique in both fields—which might be as much a sign of open scholarly exchanges as evidence of the parallel adoption of common references— and offers anillustration of the complex relations that exist between institutional labels, methodological agendas, scientific communication, and actual scholarly practice.Chinese intellectual history and transcultural studies have resulted from a specific division of intellectual labor within the Euro-American academic world. Transcultural studies, a relatively new research field, has only taken institutional shape in the last few decades; it represents a critical response to the abuses of the concept of culture as a heuristic tool, and attempts, among other things, to overcome the institutional partitions and conceptual biases that area studies have fostered in the humanities and social sciences (although transcultural studies are, to a large extent, grounded in the findings of area-based research). Chinese intellectual history is an older field. A particular branch of Chinese history, it has inherited many of its basic approaches and methodologies from a long tradition of area studies—Chinese studies—and from its immediate ancestors, “history of Chinese philosophy” and “history of Chinese thought.” The respective scientific habitus of transcultural studies and Chinese intellectual history have been the ground of sympathetic but uneasy relations. Transcultural studies scholars find in Chinese intellectual history the necessary expertise on China-related questions, and have actually taken from it some of its debates and approaches (many transcultural studies scholars actually come from Chinese studies);but they do not feel at ease with the area-based definition of the latter’s research objects. Chinese intellectual history sees in transcultural studies an attentive interlocutor and is in certain cases tempted to merge with it; but some of its practitioners fear that if they fully adopt transcultural methods, they might lose the institutional prerogatives they enjoy within area studies. The two fields therefore view each other with both interest and a certain mistrust.In order to explain these tensions and convergences, and according to the guidelines of this themed section, I will first offer a historical overview of the two fields. After that, I will explain their respective attitudes towards methodological nationalism and give evidence from their recent history of some intersecting points in this regard. This essay was originally supposed to encompass Chinese academia, but when I started, I soon realized that such a task demanded a different and longer text. For that reason, the picture I give below sets aside the interconnections between Euro-American and East Asian scholarship; neither does it explore the fundamental role that Chinese scholarship (and in many instances Japanese scholarship as well) has played in shaping the agenda of Euro-American Chinese studies; nor does it show how many methodological and theoretical approaches coming from Europe and America—transcultural studies included—have contributed to shape the agenda of Chinese historiography. A more complete picture shouldtake this shared history into account. As a necessarily unsatisfactory compensation, I will, in some cases, refer to the way Chinese-speaking debates conditioned the development of a particular approach or advanced the study of a particular object within Euro-American scholarship.Paradoxes of the transcultural approach and the Latin American origins of the fieldAs contributors to this themed section on transcultural studies, we were asked to explain, in the first place, what transcultural studies means for us— not as practitioners (I would not necessarily consider myself to be one), but as observers. This request is a highly relevant one be cause the term “transcultural” has multiple meanings. Its relatively recent consolidation as an institutional label, as well as the multiple uses it has been given in the second half of the twentieth century, make it necessary to clarify the sort of transcultural studies we have in mind. I will thus start with a definition: transcultural studies is a methodological approach. This approach attempts, on the one hand, to overcome the idea, common in the humanities and social sciences, that c ultures (or “civilizations”) are homogeneous, well-bounded, self-engendered entities; on the other, it proposes research methods that shed a light not only on connections between supposedly disconnected human groups, but also on disconnections within supposedlyhomogeneous communities. In other words, transcultural studies sets out to study, as Monica Juneja suggests, “processes of relationality,” that is, the ways in which human relations (mostly asymmetric relations) are constantly changing beneath, beyond, and across presumably fixed group boundaries. A transcultural critique of methodological nationalism is related to this scientific agenda. For transcultural studies, the concepts of “nations” and “cultures”—not as legitimate objects of scientific inquiry, but as naturalized frameworks of research—are among the main obstacles to understanding the actual processes of group formation.In this sense, it might be worth giving a short explanation of the (not necessarily explicit) social ontology that characterizes transcultural studies. This social ontology could be labelled both relational and kinetic. Relational, because it assumes that relations precede isolation; it takes for granted that even the most seemingly isolated culture is constituted by constantly changing relations that either endanger or simply make impossible any pretended insularity. Kinetic, because it assumes that everything moves and changes; it posits that stasis is only the momentary interruption of motion, and that the actual flows of persons, things, and ideas across the world prevent the definitive consolidation of any boundaries. Against an understanding of cultures that is built on the image of a world of juxtaposed, self-sustained, territorially bounded communities, and that consequently emphasizes the relative immobilityof cultures in space and their self-engendering powers in time, transcultural studies focuses on those phenomena that show that even the strictest boundaries need the active collaboration of those within and those outside these boundaries, and that the creation of a closed space presupposes the (necessarily transitory) enforcement of limitations on human movement. In other words, transcultural studies presupposes that people are naturally inclined to move, even if it is from one room to another of their own house. Its question is how that movement is motivated, situated, oriented, and conditioned. In the relational and kinetic ontology of transcultural studies, what is usually called a “cultural” boundary—based on social relations, linguistic exchange, shared symbols, etc.—is seen not as the ultimate cause, but as the result of human activity, of a constant struggle to preserve and dissolve social configurations, and to shape the movement of persons and objects across the world. This approach has brought together trends that have developed in anthropology, sociology, and history;5 it is on its basis that transcultural studies has developed its critique of methodological nationalism and its means to overcome it.The name o f this field, “transcultural studies,” might contradict its fundamental approach. Indeed, the literal interpretation of the signifier “transcultural,” along with “transculturality” (as a property of a phenomenon) and “transculturation” (as a process), does not necessarilysuggest its kinetic and relational social ontology. This is due to the inevitable coexistence between older uses of the word and the meaning it was given by transcultural studies. In the 1940s, when Cuban cultural anthropologist Fernando O rtiz introduced the term “transculturation” to the humanities and social sciences, the term was actually complicit with a particular form of methodological nationalism.Chinese intellectual history, its ancestors, and the spectre of methodological nationalismThis subchapter offers a brief historical outline of the study of pre-1911 Chinese intellectual history and, more generally, of Chinese studies. It is a necessary step before we can identify the convergences and divergences of this field with transcultural studies.Schematically speaking, Chinese intellectual history has had to deal with three traditions within Chinese studies. Two of these emerged from the nineteenth-century discipline of classical sinology: the first is characterized by a strong textual and philological approach (in the restricted sense that it seeks to establish the meaning of texts, mostly with translation purposes), the second by the incorporation of analytical tools from the social sciences and humanities. Despite recurrent tensions, the two traditions have kept fluid relations, probably because they grew from the same roots. The philological tradition is the older of the two; philology and textual analysis were one of the main features of sinologywhen the discipline was founded in the first half of the nineteenth century. Indeed, although sinology inherited the philosophical, religious, and literary discussions about China among Enlightenment philosophers and Catholic (mostly Jesuit) missionaries, its constitution as a discipline had strong philological roots.16 This almost exclusively philological orientation of sinology, which extended from the French sinologues de chambre and the Altertumswissenschaft-inspired German sinologists to many of the American and British missionaries who marked the English-speaking sinological agenda,17 was questioned in the first half of the twentieth century. Some sinologists, though not necessarily against philology, attempted to bring the discipline closer to other social sciences, and therefore subordinated philological studies to wider methodological discussions and to new research questions. This was the beginning of a second tradition in Euro-American sinology. Edouard Chavannes, for example, renewed the sinological agenda with methods from European history and archeology; Marcel Granet, with methods from Durkheimian sociology; Otto Franke, with methods taken from German historiography (he studied with J. G. Droysen). This second tradition, though sometimes critical of the philological orientation of the first professional sinologists, did not dispute philology’s right to exist; on the contrary, it often resorted to its tools in order to better understand the textual corpus on the basis of which it raised its hypotheses. A remarkablefeature is the unassuming attitude many of its practitioners had toward China as an object of inquiry; although they considered themselves, like classical sinologists, specialists on China, they often defined themselves in disciplinary terms, as sociologists or historians.The strongest break with the philological bias, which paved the way to a third tradition in Chinese studies, came from the United States: it was the creation of “area studies.” After World War II, during the Cold War period, figures like John King Fairbank openly dismissed the philological concerns of traditional sinology and worked to develop an approach based on area expertise. This expertise certainly included language training, but it also required a combination of other social sciences in order to obtain an accurate knowledge of modern China. The new orientation was marked by a strong modernist bias; the Chinese imperial past, though certainly not rejected, was only taken into account as either the germ of modern China or as the tradition to be overcome.20 The difference between this area expertise and the second sinological tradition mentioned above lay in the use it made of scientific methods: while someone like Marcel Granet would see himself as a Durkheimian sociologist whose research object only happened to be in China,21 the area specialist privileged the figure of the “China expert” and pragmatically subordinated the use of scientific methods to the general purpose of understanding the “area.”22 The success of this tradition hasled to the definitive consolidation of “Chinese studies” as the general name for the discipline. And although the labels “sinology” and “Chinese studies” can now be used interchangeably to refer to the study of China, “sinology” is sometimes used as a pejorati ve term for the old philological approach.Chinese studies—its three traditions confounded—offers both strict limitations and some generous privileges to its practitioners. Of its limitations, I will only mention two. The first is that the scholars of the three traditions, though often members of the same departments, have sometimes lived in separate worlds. Since they often (not always) differ in their interests, theoretical frameworks, and methods of inquiry, they have trouble establishing scientific communication with each other. The second limitation, a more relevant one for the purpose of this essay, is related to the delimitation of the area, whether or not it is the individual scholar’s primary concern. The area, in principle, is China. But what is China? What languages, groups, or practices should be included? And how much can the study of China be kept apart from the study of East Asia, South Asia, or, in modern times, Europe and America, which have all contributed to shape the “Chinese world” as we know it today? It is true that few China scholars would claim that the “China” they study is an isolated, self-sustained object. The area studies tradition, grounded to a large extent in modernization theory, pointed out supposedlyuniversal tendencies that downplay Chinese singularity; it also resorted, like the philological tradition, to comparative history, precisely with the intention of identifying not only differences and shared features, but also relations between areas; and, more importantly, it was largely based on the now obsolete “impact-response” theory, which assumes that Chinese history has been shaped by external influences and that, in Paul Cohen’s words, “the confrontation with the West was the most significant influence on events in Chin a.”24 In short, area studies, like the philological tradition, did not entail parochialism; it studied China in a global perspective. But methodological nationalism was precisely rooted in this perspective, whether in practice or in theory. Each area, usually a nation, was considered as the fundamental unit of research; the impact-response theory, which pointed to cross-border interactions, assumed that area boundaries were the fundamental borders where the endogenous ended and external influence started. Area studies, in this sense, have inscribed methodological nationalism in the institutional division of academic labor. This might have been one of the reasons why many practitioners, generally aware of the existence of transregional dynamics, feel a tension between the institutional constraints their departments impose on their work and the inherent non-national dynamics of their research objects—and, perhaps, one of the reasons why a significant number of transculturalists are area studies scholars whodecide to overcome these limitations.ConclusionTo sum up, any intellectual history of “Chinese” literati in medieval or late imperial China must take into account that their discourses and social experiences were shaped by forces from both within and b eyond China. “China” as a national entity was as much a fiction as any other supposedly homogeneous culture. This fiction has certainly produced strong, cohesive institutions in contemporary history, but in the late Qing dynasty the national community was only beginning to be imagined. The transcultural approach can ill afford to hide the powerful effects of the concepts of nation or of a (nationally defined) culture on social life, especially when they are adopted by large groups or given legal status, and cannot ignore the cohesive social devices, institutions, and boundaries that are created in the name of nations and nationally-defined cultures. However, transcultural studies should maintain, as other neighboring fields do, that these devices and institutions depend on political and social relations between groups inhabiting different places of the world, and that the boundaries of those groups, especially of the nation- builders, are not themselves necessarily national or “cultural.”If this transcultural approach is systematically applied to Chinese intellectual history, we can imagine that two sorts of boundaries will begradually erased: on the one hand, the national boundaries as a natural framework for research on phenomena that have taken place in the present Chinese territory; on the other, the disciplinary boundaries between intellectual history and other branches of the humanities and social sciences. This is a natural consequence of the transcultural approach. National boundaries, even when they take the form of political borders, necessarily fade away when we analyze the shifting relations that produce social and political institutions; and intellectual history loses its autonomy when we study the multiple objects, social relations, and spaces that are involved in intellectual activity, because it is difficult to understand intellectual processes without understanding the social, linguistic, iconographic, material, and spatial processes that make them possible. In other words: “Chinese studies”and “intellectual history” will become just “studies”; and if other “area studies” become “studies” as well, “transcultural studies” should in principle come to coincide with them and therefore disappear as an autonomous field. This does not mean that the institutional labels will disappear (though they might, or might at least be reconfigured) or that the particular expertise transmitted in area studies (such as language training) will be abolished. On the contrary, institutional labels might become the names of entry points to old or new sets of problems, and the old area training, now delivered from institutionally imposed boundaries, will multiply its research possibilities.This is hopefully the direction of Chinese intellectual history: a strict adherence to a relational approach in the study of intellectual phenomena, a rigorous pursuit of evidence from one place to another, from one time to another, without presupposing or deducting the boundaries of intellectual transmission. The risk of going backwards, to return to the idea that nations are self-engendered and self-sustained entities, has not disappeared from the landscape of this research field. But if the strictly relational approach this is hopefully the direction of Chinese intellectual history: a strict adherence to a relational approach in the study of intellectual phenomena, a rigorous pursuit of evidence from one place to another, from one time to another, without presupposing or deducting the boundaries of intellectual transmission. The risk of going backwards, to return to the idea that nations are self-engendered and self-sustained entities, has not disappeared from the landscape of this research field. But if the strictly relational approach is successful, and if Chinese intellectual history takes this approach as a constitutive methodological procedure, we can be certain that we will have a deeper understanding of historical processes that still, in some cases, are lazily ascribed to the magical powers of national cultures.中文汉学：中国文化史与跨文化研究编辑邀请我简要地介绍一下欧美学术界的跨文化研究与中国文化史之间的关系。

外文文献及翻译1. 文献："The Effects of Exercise on Mental Health"翻译：运动对心理健康的影响Abstract: This article explores the effects of exercise on mental health. The author discusses various studies that have been conducted on this topic, and presents evidence to support the claim that exercise can have positive impacts on mental well-being. The article also examines the mechanisms through which exercise affects mental health, such as the release of endorphins and the reduction of stress hormones. Overall, the author concludes that exercise is an effective strategy for improving mental health and recommends incorporating physical activity into daily routines.摘要：本文探讨了运动对心理健康的影响。

作者讨论了在这个主题上进行的各种研究，并提出证据支持运动对心理健康有积极影响的观点。

该文章还探讨了运动如何影响心理健康的机制，如内啡肽的释放和压力激素的减少。

总的来说，作者得出结论，运动是改善心理健康的有效策略，并建议将体育活动纳入日常生活。

2. 文献： "The Benefits of Bilingualism"翻译：双语能力的好处Abstract: This paper examines the benefits of bilingualism. The author presents research findings that demonstrate the cognitiveadvantages of being bilingual, such as enhanced problem-solving skills and improved attention control. The article also explores the social and cultural benefits of bilingualism, such as increased cultural awareness and the ability to communicate with people from different backgrounds. Additionally, the author discusses the positive effects of bilingualism on mental health, highlighting its role in delaying the onset of cognitive decline and in providing a buffer against age-related memory loss. Overall, the author concludes that bilingualism offers a range of advantages and recommends promoting bilingual education and language learning. 摘要：本文研究了双语能力的好处。

摘要本文以《红楼梦》的影响最大的两部译本中文化词语的翻译为例讨论了在翻译过程中保留文化信息的重要性。

相比之下杨译本多采用异化的译法，霍译本更倾向于归化的译法。

虽然译者在翻译中遵循了不同的指导原则，但他们传递原文中所承载着的文化的使命却是相同的。

译者只有深刻理解并有效表达深层文化信息，才能完成文化传递的任务。

这也是衡量文学名著译文质量的重要标准。

AbstractIn this paper, we discuss the importance of cultural information in the translation of the two part of the "dream of the Red Chamber" .In contrast to Yang's translation, the translation of Huo’s are more inclined to domestication. Although the translators follow different guiding principles in translation, they convey the same mission of the original culture. Only by deeply understanding and effectively expressing the deep cultural information, can the task of cultural transmission be accomplished. This is also an important standard to measure the quality of literary works.关键词:《红楼梦》直译音译Keywords: A story of the stone Literal translation Transliterating一、前言《红楼梦》是中国文学的典范之作，凝聚了中国文化，描述了中国的社会、经济和习俗，成为外国人了解中国文化与社会的重要窗口，因此，《红楼梦》的翻译至关重要。

列举查到的全中文文献10篇外文5篇
摘要：
1.引言
2.中文文献综述
3.外文文献综述
4.结论
正文：
【引言】
随着科技的发展，各类文献资料日益增多，为我们的研究提供了丰富的参考资料。

本文旨在对近期发表的全中文文献和外文文献进行综述，以期为我国相关领域的研究提供有益的参考。

【中文文献综述】
我们查阅了大量中文文献，从中挑选了10 篇具有代表性的论文进行综述。

这些论文涵盖了各个领域，包括自然科学、社会科学和人文科学等。

具体论文题目和作者如下：
1.《论文题目1》，作者：张三等
2.《论文题目2》，作者：李四等
3.《论文题目3》，作者：王五等
...
这些论文的研究成果和观点为我国相关领域的发展提供了重要的理论支撑和实践参考。

【外文文献综述】
我们还查阅了5 篇具有代表性的外文文献，这些论文同样涵盖了各个领域。

具体论文题目和作者如下：
1.《论文题目1》，作者：John Doe 等
2.《论文题目2》，作者：Jane Smith 等
3.《论文题目3》，作者：Michael Brown 等
...
这些论文的研究成果和观点为我国相关领域的发展提供了有益的借鉴和启示。

【结论】
通过查阅全中文文献和外文文献，我们可以发现，当前相关领域的研究已经取得了显著的进展。

然而，仍然存在一些亟待解决的问题和挑战。

最新对外汉语毕业论文提纲最新对外汉语毕业论文提纲范文汉语成语是汉语中一种极具特色的语言现象，它具有丰富鲜明的文化色彩，并被广泛运用在现代汉语书面语和口语中，然而留学生学习成语时会遇到很多困难。

下面是最新对外汉语毕业论文提纲范文，欢迎参考！对外汉语毕业论文提纲范文一中文摘要 2-3Abstract 3中文文摘 4-6目录 6-7绪论 7-11一、研究缘由 7二、阅读研究现状分析 7-9三、研究的背景以及目的 9四、研究的方法 9-11第一章课外阅读的相关理论 11-15第一节阅读的相关理论 11-12第二节课堂阅读与课外阅读 12-13第三节蒙古学生汉语阅读特点 13-15第二章问卷调查研究 15-27第一节调查研究设计与实施 15第二节调查问卷结果分析 15-24第三节造成蒙古学生汉语课外阅读问题的原因分析 24-27第三章教学建议 27-33第一节学生方面 27-28第二节教师方面 28-30第三节学校方面 30-33第四章总结 33-35附录1 35-39附录2 39-47参考文献 47-49致谢 49-51个人简历 51-54对外汉语毕业论文提纲范文二中文摘要 2-3Abstract 3中文文摘 4-6目录 6-8绪论 8-11一、选题理由与研究意义 8(一) 选题理由 8(二) 研究意义 8二、理论基础与研究方法 8-9(一) 理论基础 8-9(二) 研究方法 9三、研究范围与语料来源 9-11(一) 研究范围 9-10(二) 语料来源 10-11第一章汉越选择复句研究综述 11-18一、汉语选择复句本体研究 11-15(一) 汉语选择复句在汉语复句系统中的地位及分类 11-14(二) 汉语选择复句的句式、语义及语用研究 14-15(三) 汉语选择复句本体研究已达到共识和存在的分歧 15二、汉语选择复句应用研究 15-16三、越南语选择复句本体研究 16-17四、小结 17-18第二章汉越选择复句对比分析 18-34一、汉越选择复句的界定及分类 18-29(一) 汉语选择复句的'界定及分类 18-24(二) 越南语选择复句的界定及分类 24-29二、汉越选择复句对比 29-32(一) 汉越未定选择复句对比 29-32(二) 汉越已定选择复句对比 32三、小结 32-34第三章越南学生学习汉语选择复句偏误分析 34-41一、语料统计情况 34-35二、偏误类型分析 35-40(一) 关联词多余 35-36(二) 关联词混搭 36(三) 关联词混淆 36-40三、偏误成因探究 40-41第四章越南学生汉语选择复句教学建议 41-44一、教学重点与难点 41-42(一) 重点 41(二) 难点 41-42二、教学方法建议 42-44(一) 句法、语义、语用相结合教学法 42(二) 精讲多练教学法 42-43(三) 对比分析教学法 43-44结论 44-45一、主要内容和成果 44二、不足之处 44-45参考文献 45-47致谢 47-48个人简历 48-50对外汉语毕业论文提纲范文三中文摘要 2-3Abstract 3中文文摘 4-6目录 6-7绪论 7-13第一节研究对象 7-10第二节研究现状 10-12第三节研究意义 12-13第一章汉印指人词缀比较 13-25第一节汉印指人词缀类型范围与来源的比较 13-14第二节汉印指人词缀用法的比较 14-25第二章中高级印尼学生习得汉语指人词缀情况调查 25-35 第一节调查对象与问卷设计 25-26第二节调查结果 26-32第三节结果分析 32-35第三章中高级印尼学生习得汉语指人词缀的偏误分析 35-39 第一节偏误类型 35-37第二节偏误原因 37-39第四章教学建议 39-43第一节教材方面 39-40第二节教学方面 40-43第五章结论 43-45附录 45-49参考文献 49-53攻读学位期间承担的科研任务与主要成果 53-55致谢 55-57索引 57-59个人简历 59-61。

专业外语文献本篇文献为英文原文，主要研究内容为对比分析中国和美国国际化教育的现状与发展趋势。

其中，作者认为中国国际化教育已经取得了一定的进展，但在一些方面和美国还存在较大的差距，需要进一步发展和改进。

The Development of International Education in China and the United States: A Comparative AnalysisIntroductionInternational education has become an important field of study in both China and the United States, reflecting their increasing recognition of the importance of global engagement and cultural exchange. While both countries have made significant progress in internationalizing their education systems, there are also significant differences in their approaches and outcomes. This paper compares the developmentof international education in China and the United States, focusing on the current status and future trends.Status of International Education in ChinaOver the past few decades, there has been a rapid expansion in the internationalization of education in China. This is reflected in the increasing number of international students studying in China, as well as the growing number of Chinese students studying abroad. In 2018, there were over 492,000 international students studying in China, a 12.9% increase from the previous year. China is the fourth most popular destination for international students, after the United States, United Kingdom and Australia (Ministry of Education, 2019).At the same time, there has been a significant increase in the number of Chinese students studying abroad. According to the Ministry of Education, in 2018, over 662,000 Chinese students were studying abroad, an increase of 8.83% from theprevious year. The most popular destinations for Chinese students are the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom and Canada, accounting for over 60% of all Chinese students studying abroad (Ministry of Education, 2019).In addition to the increase in international student mobility, there has been a growing trend towards the internationalization of higher education institutions in China. Many universities have established partnerships and collaborations with foreign institutions, and someinstitutions have set up joint programs with international partners. There has also been a push to increase the number of Chinese-taught programs that attract international students.Despite these developments, there are still significant challenges facing the internationalization of education in China. One major challenge is the language barrier, as many international students find it difficult to integrate intoChinese society and academic culture due to language differences. There are also concerns about the quality of education in some institutions, as well as issues with academic freedom and censorship.Status of International Education in the United StatesThe United States has long been a leader in international education, with a long history of welcoming international students and scholars. According to the Institute of International Education (IIE), in the 2018-2019 academic year, there were over 1 million international students studying in the United States, making it the most popular destination for international students. The most popular fields of study for international students are business and engineering, followed by math and computer science (IIE, 2019).In addition, there has been a significant increase in the number of American students studying abroad, with the number reaching a record high of over 341,000 in 2017-2018. The mostpopular destinations for American students are the United Kingdom, Italy and Spain, followed by France and Germany (IIE, 2019).The United States has also been at the forefront ofefforts to internationalize higher education institutions,with many universities establishing partnerships and collaborations with foreign institutions, and increasing the number of international faculty and students. There has also been a growing trend towards offering joint degree programs and double-degree programs with international partners.However, like China, the United States also faces challenges in the internationalization of education. Onemajor challenge is the political climate, which has become increasingly anti-immigrant and anti-globalization in recent years. This has led to concerns about the safety and well-being of international students and scholars, as well as theimpact on the overall internationalization of American education.Future Trends in International EducationLooking ahead, there are several trends that are likelyto shape the future of international education in both China and the United States. One major trend is the growing importance of digital technologies in facilitatinginternational education. With the rise of online education platforms and virtual classrooms, it is becoming easier and more affordable for students to access education across borders.Another trend is the increasing importance of soft skills, including cross-cultural competence and intercultural communication skills. As global connectivity and cultural exchange continue to expand, the ability to work effectively with people from diverse backgrounds is becoming increasingly important in many fields.Finally, there is a growing recognition of the importance of social responsibility and sustainability in international education. As global challenges such as climate change and social inequality become more urgent, there is a need tofoster a global mindset and promote sustainable developmentin education.ConclusionIn conclusion, both China and the United States have made significant progress in the internationalization of education, but there are also significant challenges and gaps that needto be addressed. Looking ahead, it is essential to continueto promote international exchange and cooperation, and to foster a global mindset among students and scholars. By doing so, we can build a more connected, inclusive and sustainable world for future generations.。

对外汉语专业阅读书目一、语言学本体研究（一）通论类现代汉语通论，邵敬敏主编，上海教育出版社，2001年。

《现代汉语通论》教学指导，上海教育出版社，2002年。

《现代汉语通论》参考文献精选，上海教育出版社，2002年。

现代汉语，胡裕树主编，上海教育出版社，1998年。

现代汉语，北京大学中文系，商务印书馆，2000年。

现代汉语，邢福义主编，高等教育出版社，1986年。

现代汉语教程，邢公畹主编，南开大学出版社，1994年。

现代汉语，钱乃荣主编。

（二）绪论类语言论，布龙菲尔德，商务印书馆， 1999年。

语言论--言语研究导论，萨丕尔，商务印书馆， 1999年。

普通语言学教程，索绪尔，商务印书馆， 1999年。

《中国大百科全书·语言文字卷·汉语》，朱德熙。

汉语概说，罗杰瑞，语文出版社，1995年。

汉语如是观，史有为，北京语言大学出版社，1997年。

中国语言和中国社会，广东教育出版社，2000年。

中国语言地图集，香港朗文出版公司，1989年。

汉语方言学概要（第二版），袁家骅，文字改革出版社，1983年。

现代汉语方言概论，侯精一主编，上海教育出版社，2002年。

当前我国语言文字规范化问题，吕冀平，戴昭铭，上海教育出版社，1999年。

中国语文现代化百年纪事（1892—1995），语文出版社，1997年。

语言的变化、进步还是退化，徐家祯，语文出版社，1997年。

（三）语音类普通语音学纲要，罗常培、王均，商务印书馆，1981年。

语音学教程，林焘等，北京大学出版社，1999年。

现代语音基础知识，曹剑芬，人民教育出版社，1990年。

生成音系学理论及其应用，包智明等，中国社会科学出版社，1997年。

汉语非线性音系学，王洪君，北京大学出版社，1999年。

语音常识，董少文，上海教育出版社，1988年。

普通话语音常识，徐世荣，语文出版社，1999年。

普通话语音训练教程，宋欣桥，吉林人民出版社，1993年。

普通话音位，吴天惠，湖北教育出版社，1985年。

对外汉语学术论文范文对外汉语是以其他语言为母语的国家或民族的人为对象的对外汉语教学，小编整理了对外汉语学术论文范文，欢迎阅读!对外汉语学术论文范文篇一谈对外汉语专业的现代汉语教材建设一、“现代汉语”在学科中的定位“对外汉语专业”是专门为培养对外汉语教学者、科研人才而设置的一个全新的专业。

第一个专业点于1981年在北京语言学院设立，在设立之初属于国家控制专业。

到2000年，由于对外汉语教学师资需求的急剧增加，国家放宽了对此专业的限制。

据统计，至2004年全国已有63所院校设置了这一专业，而且，数量还在逐年增加——不论是在大陆，还是在港澳台地区。

在对外汉语专业设置之初，“现代汉语”就被明确地定位为该专业的必修、基础、应用课，但长期以来却没有专门的教师、教材，一直依赖于汉语言文学专业。

事实上，就现代汉语的课程任务和目标而言，汉语言文学专业和对外汉语专业对它的要求却有实质性的差别。

请看教学大纲对此所作的规定：(下划线为笔者所加)汉语言文学专业：“……系统讲授现代汉语的基础理论和基础知识，加强基本技能的训练，培养和提高学生理解、分析和运用现代汉语的能力，为他们将来从事语文教学工作和现代汉语的研究工作打好基础。

”对外汉语专业：“掌握汉语言文学基本理论和知识……具有从事语言或文化研究的基本能力……培养具有较扎实的汉语基础……从事对外汉语教学及中外文化交流相关工作的实践型语言学高级人才。

”由上面的比较可以看出，汉语言文学专业对现代汉语的要求是让学生打好基础，同时加强三种能力(理解、分析和运用)的培养;而对外汉语专业的现代汉语却更加突出了实践性，同时提出了对学生语言研究能力的培养。

由教学大纲的对比可看出，对外汉语专业对现代汉语课程提出了更高、更新的要求。

二、“现代汉语”教材建设的紧迫性(一)从教材使用情况谈起在全国的上千所高校中，除少数的单科院校外，绝大多数高校的汉语言文学专业都开设现代汉语课程，而且这一科目在全国也有很多较为典范的教材可供使用。

对外汉语学术论文范文(2)对外汉语学术论文范文篇二对外汉语教学中的汉语课教学词汇教学包括展示词汇,词汇解释及词汇练习几部分。

展示词汇就是把所要教的词通过板书、领读、听写等方法介绍给学生,并让他们跟读、认读、从而使他们对所学词的形、音、义有初步了解,其目的是让他们掌握词语的用法。

听写是常用的、基本的展示词汇的手段。

它的实质是学生回忆预习过的生词的过程,同时也是教师检查学生预习情况的手段之一。

词汇教学的第二阶段就是解词。

解词就是将所要讲授的词的意义及用法解释给学生。

语言教学中解释词义的技巧很多。

1.实物和图片展示。

这种技巧简单明了,可以加快建立语音和概念的直接联系。

因此,凡是能够用实物或图片解释的,应尽量用实物或图片。

2.同义词和反义词的解释及近义词的比较。

用一个已学会的反义词解释词义,这对学生理解词义,记忆生词都有好处,如表扬与批评、厚与薄、失败与成功。

近义词的比较也是词汇教学中常用的方法,同时它也是学生的难点,如“还是”和“或者”,前者可用于疑问句,后者则不能。

“资助”和“救助”,前者指用钱有困难的人,后者除了用钱以外,也指用行动帮助帮助有困难的人,如救助病人。

3.语素的解释。

这种技巧可以帮助学生更好地理解和记忆,但只适用于组成词以后语素义未改变的情况。

如学了“读”、“作”、“者”之后就会懂得“读者”和“作者”的意思。

学过了“聋”和“哑”之后就会懂得“聋哑人”的意思。

4.以旧释新。

如“爷爷”是爸爸的爸爸,“外公”是妈妈的爸爸,这种技巧不但可以帮助学生摆脱外文翻译的局限,调动学生的积极性,提高汉语表达能力,而且对复习、巩固所学过的词语是非常有效的。

5.类比。

如学了“汽车”、“汽车站”和“火车”,就可以用“汽车站”类比“火车站”;而“数学家”和“化学”则可类比“化学家”。

6.例句释义。

教师直接给学生几个例句,让学生体会句意。

如“辜负”:“我一定要努力学习,不辜负老师的期望。

”“何况”:“平时这里就很热闹,更何况是星期天。

对外汉语教学论文(5篇)对外汉语教学论文(5篇)对外汉语教学论文范文第1篇长期以来，离合词都以“离”作为教学重点，但是在教学中，可先以“合”的形式完成词汇教学内容，包括其词汇意义和语法意义，在认清“合”的用法的基础上学习“离”的用法。

1．词性方面离合词无论“合”还是“离”的用法都跟其词类属性有某种关联，《新大纲》有11个离合形容词，它们是:出名、焦急、大方、难过、厌烦、倒霉、过分、过瘾、合身、随便、调皮。

形容词常充当定语、状语、补语成分，一般能受程度副词修饰，有些可带“着、了、过”，不能带宾。

《新大纲》的2个离合副词是迎面、当面。

副词只能充当状语，如“迎面走过来、当面说清晰”，继而其“离”的用法也比较统一。

2．结构类型方面《新大纲》里11个中补式离合词有许多共同特点:(都是动词(“合”的时候除了“起来”都可带宾语(都不行用“着”扩展，除了“提示”，一般不用“了、过”扩展。

最重要的是，类似结果补语或趋向补语，它们都可用“得”或“不”扩展为可能补语的结构，用来表示急迫想知道答案的心理，其中只有“提示”不具备此种扩展式。

(二)注意语用离合词无论“合”式还是“离”式，都有其语用环境，能造成不同的表达效果。

1．“合”式的语用价值首先，离合词合用时算作一个词，其表达的意义是一个整体，放在句中实际上是表达大事的整体性，并无特殊强调之处。

其次，从语体来讲，“合”比较书面，“离”比较口语，所以在严厉庄重场合不宜使用或过多使用“离”式，比如“A领导和C领导握了个手，谈了会儿话”就显得太随便，换成“A领导和C领导亲切握手并进行谈话”就合适多了。

2．“离”式的语用价值本文对离合词的扩展式不再赘述，仅以魏淑梅《汉语动宾式离合词讨论与对外汉语教学》(2021)中对扩展式的分类为依据，根据其文中的观点，离合词的扩展主要分为三大类，一为插入成分，二为重叠动词性语素，三为倒装①，“离”式将整个词分为两部分使用，必定会产生对某个部分的强调作用，同时离析以后使语言更加敏捷多变，形象生动，增加了语言的口语性和生活气息。

汉语国际教育阅读文献[最终版] 第一篇：汉语国际教育阅读文献[最终版] 汉语国际教育阅读文献 北京大学方案 参考文献、期刊和网站 （一）语言教学理论与方法类： 《国外外语教学法主要流派》，章兼中，华东师范大学出版社1983 《语言教学原理》，盛炎，重庆出版社1996 《对外汉语教学发展概要》，吕必松，北京语言学院出版社1990 《对外汉语教育学引论》，刘珣，北京语言文化大学出版社2000 《对外汉语教学回眸与思考》，张德鑫主编，外语教学与研究出版社2000 《新中国对外汉语教学发展史》，程裕祯，北京大学出版社2005 《对外汉语教学中的理论和方法》，黄锦章、刘焱，北京大学出版社2004 《语言教育与对外汉语教学》，吕必松，外语教学与研究出版社2005 《对外汉语教学的教学研究》，崔永华，外语教学与研究出版社2005 《汉语与对外汉语研究文录》，赵金铭，外语教学与研究出版社2005 《对外汉语教学理论思考》，李泉，教育教学出版社2005 《对外汉语教学专题研究书系》（22本），商务印书馆2006 《对外汉语教学论》，姜丽萍，北京语言大学出版社2008 《对外汉语课堂教学技巧》，崔永华、杨寄洲，北京语言文化大学出版社1997 《怎样教外国人汉语》，李珠、姜丽萍，北京语言大学出版社2008 《汉字教学理论与方法》，周健，北京大学出版社2007 《汉语阅读教学理论与方法》，周小兵等，北京大学出版社2008年 （二）语言习得及心理认知研究类： 《第二语言习得研究》，蒋祖康，外语教学与研究出版社1999 《对外汉语教学的心理学探索》，江新，教育科学出版社2007 《对外汉语教学心理学引论》，张灵芝，厦门大学出版社2006 Cook, V.J.2000.Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition（语言学和第二语言习得）.北京 : 外语教 学与研究出版社2000 Ellis, R.1999.Understanding Second Language Acquisition（第二语言习得概论）.上海：上海外语教育出版社 （三）语言教师发展研究类： 《对外汉语教学名师访谈录》（李景蕙卷），崔希亮主编，北京语言大学出版社2008 《教学勇气——漫步教师心灵》，帕克·帕尔默[美]著，吴国珍、余巍等译，华东师范大学出版社2005年10月第一版，2007年10月第五次印刷 《追求卓越——教师专业发展案例研究》，徐碧美[港]著，陈静、李忠如译，人民教育出版社200 3（四）语言研究类： 《语言共性和语言类型》，科姆里著，沈家煊译，华夏出版社1989 《汉语语法分析问题》，吕叔湘，商务印书馆1979 《现代汉语语法研究教程》（修订版），陆俭明，北京大学出版社200 4（五）文化知识类： 《中华文明史》（四卷），袁行霈、严文明、张传玺、楼宇烈，北京大学出版社2006 （六）专业期刊： 《世界汉语教学》，世界汉语教学学会 《语言教学与研究》，北京语言大学 《汉语学习》，延边大学 《汉语教学学刊》，北京大学对外汉语教育学院 《语言文字应用》，教育部语用所 《暨南大学华文学院学报》，广州暨南大学 《对外汉语研究》，上海师范大学 《外语教学与研究》，外语教学与研究出版社 《中国语文》，中国社会科学院，语言研究所 《当代语言学》，中国社会科学院，语言研究所 国外英文版外语教学杂志 （七）国内专业网站： 全国各主要高校对外汉语学院网站 北大中文论坛（） 复旦大学方案 语言与文化罗常培 方言与中国文化游汝杰、周振鹤 汉语词语的文化透视王国安、王小曼 汉语与中国文化申小龙 社会语言学赫德森 现代汉语胡裕树 语言教学原理盛炎 语言教学原理Widdowson 修辞学发凡陈望道 英汉语篇衔接手段对比研究朱永生 三个平面的语法研究高顺全 期刊： 中国语文 方言 语言文字应用 语言教学与研究 世界汉语教学 汉语学习 Language Journal of Linguistics Second Language Acquisition 第二篇：汉语国际教育专业认识 深剖汉语国际教育 年年岁岁花相似，岁岁年年人不同。人生就是过河卒子，只进不退!当我决定要迈入重庆师范大学的那一刻我反问我自己：“你想好四年之后你想要成为的人了么？”当时我就想到一本书中这样写到：一个不能靠自己的能力改变命运的人，是不幸的，也是可怜的，因为这些人没有把命运掌握在自己的手中，反而成为命运的奴隶。是啊！人的一生中究竟有多少个春秋，有多少事是值得回忆和纪念的。生命就像一张白纸，等待着我们去描绘，去谱写。而四年之后属于我的这张白纸定会是丰富多彩的。而在此前我最需要我完成的就是深剖我所学的专业，我深信只有将脚下的每一步踩稳才能更好的去拥有明天。而现在我需要的是将第一步迈稳迈实。 随着中国国际影响力的提高和“汉语热”的兴起，汉语逐渐成为世界上最为重要的语言之一。在韩国、泰国、新加坡等国家汉语水平已经成为学生进入中国大学和当地大学的一项重要凭证，也是企业人员录用、国家资格考试、公费留学、奖学金申请的重要依据，因此就需要越来越多的汉语教学的教师。汉语国际教育硕士专业学位培养目标为适应汉语国际推广工作，胜任汉语作为第二语言/外语教学的高层次、应用型、复合型专门人才。随着我国综合实力的提高，加之国家对汉语国际推广事业的大力推动，汉语逐渐升温；特别是2005年首届世界汉语大会之后，传统的对外汉语教学开始向汉语国际推广转变，汉语学习的主课堂逐渐从国内转向了国外，全球出现了轰轰烈烈的“汉语热”：2009年，“全世界已有100多个国家近3500所高等学校开设了汉语课程，中小学开设汉语课的热潮方兴未艾，全球学习汉语的人数已达4000多万人。”由于“还没准备好就要出征”师资匮乏成为制约汉语国际推广事业发展的最重要因素之一，所以汉语国际教育硕士的就业前景是一片大好！ 就业方向不外乎以下几种情况： 对外汉语教师志愿者：国家汉办（也就是孔子学院总部）会通过各高校招募汉语教师志愿者，招募对象主要是汉语国际教育硕士及对外汉语专业毕业的本科生。对外汉语教师志愿者可以说是这个专业比较好的一个出路。一般在一个国家的任职期限不超过三年，任职期间国家汉办会给一定的生活补助，并给安家费等费用。不管是在哪个国家任职，通过考试确定之后都要参加为期一个月的集中培训，汉办的培训非常具有针对性，对于提高个人能力非常有好处。而且培训期间的花费都是公费，不需要自己支出费用。出国做汉语教师志愿者可以增加你的实践能力，可以很好的锻炼自己，如果是在读研期间就作为志愿者出国任教，不但对写毕业论文非常有帮助，还不会耽误毕业就业，可谓一举两得。 国际学校：不愿意出国的学生会选择到国内的一些国际学校里教汉语，国际学校里的学生一般都是华侨或者居住在中国的外国人，这也是很好的机会，待遇也不错。 对外汉语培训机构：语言培训行业是比较挣钱的，培训机构里对外汉语教师的工资会更高一点，现在很多培训机构都招对外汉语教师，如果你有一个汉语国际教育硕士学历，进这些机构还是比较容易的。 其他方向：大部分学校里都会有专门的像国际文化学院这样的学院，各个学校基本都有与国外大学合作的项目，这些项目会招一些助教，会有专门的老师带你，集体备课，如果你表现好的话很有可能会被那些国外大学直接招走。如果你不想从事对外汉语，也可以参加公务员考试、留在国内学校教语文，这些都可以，有一个硕士学历就会比本科生有更多的机会。 就业建议 （１）准确进行自我定位，进行自我规划； （２）要主动创造和把握机会，“就业难”只是很难找到合适的或理想的工作，而并不代表没有工作可做，不妨先就业后择业； （３）找工作要放平心态，本着务实精神，避免眼高手低，还要多关注招聘信息、了解就业市场； （４）做多手准备，不一定从事对口工作，相关专业的工作也行，具备一定的自学能力和较高的综合素质比较关键； （５）希望学校在汉语国际教育硕士专业学生实习和就业方面给予支持。 攻读汉语国际教育硕士专业学位须知： 一、培养目标 汉语国际教育硕士专业学位是与国际汉语教师职业相衔接的专业学位。主要培养具有熟练的汉语作为第二语言教学技能和良好的文化传播技能、跨文化交际能力，适应汉语国际推广工作，胜任多种教学任务的高层次、应用型、复合型、国际化专门人才。具体要求为:(一)掌握马克思主义基本理论，具备良好的专业素质和职业道德。(二)热爱汉语国际教育事业，具有奉献精神和开拓意识。 (三)具备熟练的汉语作为第二语言教学技能，能熟练运用现代教育技术和科技手段进行教学。 (四)具有较高的中华文化素养和传播能力。 (五)能流利地使用一种外语进行教学和交流，具有跨文化交际能力。(六)具有语言文化国际推广项目的管理、组织与协调能力。 二、招生对象 具有国民教育序列大学本科学历(或本科同等学历)的人员。 三、学习方式及年限 采用全日制学习方式，学习年限一般为2年(其中课程学习1年，实习及毕业论文1年)。 四、培养方式 采用课程学习与汉语国际教育实践相结合，汉语国际教育与中华文化传播相结合, 校内导师指导与校内外导师联合培养相结合的方式。 五、课程设置 课程设置以实际应用为导向，以国际汉语教师的职业需求为目标，围绕汉语教学能力、中华文化传播能力和跨文化交际能力的培养，形成以核心课程为主导、模块拓展为补充、实践训练为

列举查到的全中文文献10篇外文5篇
（原创实用版）
目录
1.引言
2.中文文献综述
3.外文文献综述
4.结论
正文
【引言】
本文旨在对当前关于某个主题的研究进行综述，以期对该领域的发展提供一定的参考。

为此，我们查阅了大量的中文和外文文献，从中挑选出了具有代表性的文献进行分析。

【中文文献综述】
我们查阅了 10 篇全中文文献，发现这些文献主要从以下几个方面进行了探讨：（具体内容请自行填写）。

这些研究为我们提供了丰富的理论依据和实践经验，为我们深入了解该领域的发展提供了有力的支持。

【外文文献综述】
我们还查阅了 5 篇外文文献，发现这些文献主要从以下几个方面进行了探讨：（具体内容请自行填写）。

这些研究不仅丰富了我们的理论视野，还为我们了解国际上的研究动态和发展趋势提供了宝贵的资料。

【结论】
通过对这些文献的综述，我们可以看出，该领域的研究已经取得了丰硕的成果。

然而，同时也暴露出一些问题和不足，需要我们在今后的研究中加以改进和深入探讨。

外文资料翻译译文资本结构对盈利能力的影响摘要：本研究探讨了资本结构对尼日利亚市上市公司盈利能力的影响。

该研究使用的数据从1990到2004次从选定的年度报告收集50个非金融公司的报价，以及由尼日利亚证券交易所出版的事实书籍。

汇集的普通最小二乘法（OLS）模型、固定效应模型（FEM）和随机效应在分析中使用模型（快速眼动）。

结果表明，盈利能力呈现正相关，与短期债务和权益和长期负债的负相关。

此外，电子，结果表明，总资产和盈利能力的比率之间的负相关关系。

结果表明，尼日利亚的企业依赖于外部融资。

在尼日利亚高比例（60%）的债务代表短期债务。

研究表明，企业应该实施有效的信用政策，这将提高性能营业额及增长率。

最后，公司管理层的高层应该对资本结构的问题进行研究，并不断对其形式和适应性进行监控。

关键词：固定效应模型，随机效应模型，资本结构，盈利能力1.简介在国内企业的特点是大量的公司在一个很大的市场和日益激烈的竞争环境。

自1987以来，金融自由化已在改变企业的经营环境，通过提供更多的灵活性，尼日利亚财务经理在选择公司的资本结构。

企业如何选择和调整他们的战略组合的问题，已被称为一个巨大的关注和辩论之间的企业金融文学。

兴趣是由于事实不帽子组合的资金（杠杆比率）影响资本的成本和可用性，因此，公司的投资决策。

在其他问题如辩论一开始，是有关的问题而公司的融资战略决定自己的价值。

它要求管理者确定新的投资方式。

公司融资决策涉及范围广泛的政策问题。

计划资本结构在很大程度上涉及股东利益和其他群体的考虑。

最初，在其推广的时候，一家公司将不得不计划其资本结构，随后，当资金要提高金融投资，资本结构决策参与（salawu，2007）。

很明显，资本结构是一个重要的管理不决定，因为它极大地影响了所有者的股票收益，他的风险以及市场价值的股票。

因此，公司的管理者有责任发展一个合适的公司资本结构，这是最适合公司的经营。

因此，融资政策、资本结构与企业的所有权都在解释经济主体形式，通过企业和资本市场的资产收购行为密切相关的修改股票，从而影响他们的收入和资产持股比例，无论是在直接报酬，资本收益或股息的形式。