The syntax of Wh-quantifier retrieval
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TheSyntaxofWh-QuantifierRetrievalAndreasKathol
1.IntroductionWorkintheparadigmofconstraint-basedsemantics(cf.,forinstanceNerbonne1993)isbasedontheideathatconstraintsoninterpretationcanbeinterwovenratherdirectlywithconditionsonsyntacticwell-formedness.WhilethislineofinquiryrepresentsadeparturefromtheMontagovianassumptionofabasichomomorphismbetweensyntaxandsemantics,itshareswiththelatterthecharacteristicsthattheadoptionofaseparate,syntacticallydefinedlevelofLogicalForm(cf.forinstanceMay1985)isnotnecessary.Morespecificallywithrespecttoquantificationalelements,thismeansthatdifferentpossiblescoperelationsamongscope-bearingentitiescanbeseenasthesolutionsofconstraintsonlinguisticrepresentationsspecifiedbyingrammarasgeneralprinciplessuchastheQuantifierBindingConditioninPollard&Sag(1994:327).Inthatmodel,scopingishandledbymeansofastoragemechanisminthespiritofCooper(1983).Quantificationalelementshavetheirassociatedquantifierstartoutasaset-elementoftheQ(UANTIFIER-)STORE.Takingscopecorrespondstobeingretrievedfromthatstoreandbecomingpartofsemanticrepresentation(specifiedunderCONT(ENT))asthevalueoftheQUANT(IFIER)Sattributeatsomenodeinthesyntaxtree.SinceQUANTS
isalist-valuedattribute,theresultsaredisambiguatedstructuresinwhichlinearorder
amongdifferentquantifiersindicatestheirrelativescope,paralleltoordinarypredicatelogic.Differentscopepossibilitiesresultfromretrievalatdifferentnodesand/orinadifferentorderatthesamenode.Oncloserinspection,theQuantifierBindingConditionisaverygeneralconstraintthatappliesregardlessofthedetailsofsyntacticenvironment.Inaddition,QSTOREistakentobeanattributeofsigns.Thisrendersitinaccessibleinprincipletosyntacticselectionwhichtargetssynsemobjectsandthusalessinclusivecollectionofinformation(Pollard&Sag1994:16).Thelimitationsofthisapproacharewell-known,mostnotablyinconnectionwiththeVP-basedapproachtoRaisingconstructionsgenerallyassumed102AndreasKatholinnontransformationaltheoriesofgrammar.AsPollard&Sag(1994:328n)admit,thisentailsthatdedictoreadings—thatiswiththeraisedsubjectorobjectquantfierunderthescopeoftheraisingpredicate—becomeunavailableforcasesexemplifiedby(1):
(1)aAunicornappearstobeapproaching.bSandybelieveseachpaintingtobefraudulent.
Asasolutiontothisproblem,whichIwilladoptsaveforminordetails,Pollard&Yoo(1995)proposetoletafiniteverb“collect”alltheunscopedquantifiersofitsarguments(oradjuncts),whichtheninturncanonlyberetrievedalongtheheadprojection.ThisallowsaquantifierassociatedwiththeunexpressedsubjectoftheVPcomplementtotakescopewithintheVPcomplementeventhoughthereisnocorrespondingnodeatwhichtheunexpressedsubjectcombineswiththatVP.Concomitantly,QSTOREistakentobeanattributeoflinguisticobjectsofsortlocal.Asketchofthestructuralanalysisfor(1a)withadedictoreadingisgivenin(2).Notethattheexistentialquantifierassociatedwithaunicorntakesscopeinsidethesoa-argument((parameterized)stateofaffairs)ofappear.
(2)
SQSTORE
CONTQUANTS
NUC(LEUS)appear
SOA-ARG3
QUANTS1
NUCapproachAPPROACHERx
PHON(OLOGY)aunicorn
2NPQSTORE1quantDET(ERMINER)exists
RESTINDINDx
RESTRunicornINSTx
VPQSTOREQUANTS
PHONappearsVQSTORE
PHONtobeapproaching
VPQSTORE
CONT3
QUANTS1
NUCapproachAPPROACHERx
SUBJ2NPQSTORE1
BymakingQSTOREinformationpartofwhatisaccessibletovalence-basedselection,itisnowpossibletoallowforlexicallycontrolledquantifierretrieval.ThiscruciallyWh-QuantifierRetrieval103permitsthelexically-basedinterweavingofsyntaxandsemanticsinconstraint-basedsemanticstoextendtomattersofscopetoamuchlargerdegreethanontheformulationinPollard&Sag(1994).
2.Wh-interrogativesOntheapproachtobepursuedhere,againfollowingPollard&Yoo(1995),wh-phrasesaretreatedasaspecialinstanceofquantificationalexpressionsinthattheirCONTENT
specificationconsistsofanoperatorbindingvariablesinitsscope.Specifically,Iassumethatwh-expressionscontributealambda-expressiontothelogicalformofthesentence,whichthengivesrisetoanopenpropositioninthesemantics.Moreover,suchwh-quantifiersarehandledbythesamestorageandretrievalmechanismasquantifiersingeneral,albeitwithcertainadditionalconstraintstobediscussedshortly.Thus,asthepartiallexicaldescriptionofawh-quantifiersuchaswer(‘who’)in(3)demonstrates,thequantificationalCONTENTspecificationischaracteristicallystructure-sharedwiththesingletonvalueofQSTORE.
(3)werWH-FTRSQUE1
LOC(AL)QSTORE1
CONT1
wh-opDETlambda
RESTINDINDx
RESTRQUANTS
NUCpersonINSTx
Inaddition,thequantificationalpartisalsoreentrantwiththevalueoftheQUEattribute.ThroughoutdifferentversionsofG/HPSG,themainpurposeofQUE/RELhasbeentosyntacticallyidentifyconstituentsthatmaybefrontedinquestionsorrelativeclauses,respectively,buttherehasbeendisagreementoverthevalueoftheseattributesontheresultingclauseitself.Ginzburg(1992)takesQUEtobeanonlocalfeatureandhencetobesubjecttoHPSG’sNonlocalFeaturePrinciple(Pollard&Sag1994:164).Asaresult,aninterrogativeclausebearsthespecification[QUE].Pollard&Yoo(1995)alsotaketheclauseitselftoexhibitanemptyQUEspecification,albeitforadifferentreason.TheyproposetogroupQUE/RELseparatelyfromNONLOCALandinsteadmakethemsubjectto(partially)language-specificconstraintsonfeaturevaluepropagation.Sincetheseconstraintsstatethatanyverbalconstituent(inEnglish)isrequiredtobe[QUE],itfollowsthattheinterrogativeclauseitselfalsobearsthatvalue.WhileI