The syntax of Wh-quantifier retrieval

  • 格式:pdf
  • 大小:108.46 KB
  • 文档页数:14

TheSyntaxofWh-QuantifierRetrievalAndreasKathol

1.IntroductionWorkintheparadigmofconstraint-basedsemantics(cf.,forinstanceNerbonne1993)isbasedontheideathatconstraintsoninterpretationcanbeinterwovenratherdirectlywithconditionsonsyntacticwell-formedness.WhilethislineofinquiryrepresentsadeparturefromtheMontagovianassumptionofabasichomomorphismbetweensyntaxandsemantics,itshareswiththelatterthecharacteristicsthattheadoptionofaseparate,syntacticallydefinedlevelofLogicalForm(cf.forinstanceMay1985)isnotnecessary.Morespecificallywithrespecttoquantificationalelements,thismeansthatdifferentpossiblescoperelationsamongscope-bearingentitiescanbeseenasthesolutionsofconstraintsonlinguisticrepresentationsspecifiedbyingrammarasgeneralprinciplessuchastheQuantifierBindingConditioninPollard&Sag(1994:327).Inthatmodel,scopingishandledbymeansofastoragemechanisminthespiritofCooper(1983).Quantificationalelementshavetheirassociatedquantifierstartoutasaset-elementoftheQ(UANTIFIER-)STORE.Takingscopecorrespondstobeingretrievedfromthatstoreandbecomingpartofsemanticrepresentation(specifiedunderCONT(ENT))asthevalueoftheQUANT(IFIER)Sattributeatsomenodeinthesyntaxtree.SinceQUANTS

isalist-valuedattribute,theresultsaredisambiguatedstructuresinwhichlinearorder

amongdifferentquantifiersindicatestheirrelativescope,paralleltoordinarypredicatelogic.Differentscopepossibilitiesresultfromretrievalatdifferentnodesand/orinadifferentorderatthesamenode.Oncloserinspection,theQuantifierBindingConditionisaverygeneralconstraintthatappliesregardlessofthedetailsofsyntacticenvironment.Inaddition,QSTOREistakentobeanattributeofsigns.Thisrendersitinaccessibleinprincipletosyntacticselectionwhichtargetssynsemobjectsandthusalessinclusivecollectionofinformation(Pollard&Sag1994:16).Thelimitationsofthisapproacharewell-known,mostnotablyinconnectionwiththeVP-basedapproachtoRaisingconstructionsgenerallyassumed102AndreasKatholinnontransformationaltheoriesofgrammar.AsPollard&Sag(1994:328n)admit,thisentailsthatdedictoreadings—thatiswiththeraisedsubjectorobjectquantfierunderthescopeoftheraisingpredicate—becomeunavailableforcasesexemplifiedby(1):

(1)aAunicornappearstobeapproaching.bSandybelieveseachpaintingtobefraudulent.

Asasolutiontothisproblem,whichIwilladoptsaveforminordetails,Pollard&Yoo(1995)proposetoletafiniteverb“collect”alltheunscopedquantifiersofitsarguments(oradjuncts),whichtheninturncanonlyberetrievedalongtheheadprojection.ThisallowsaquantifierassociatedwiththeunexpressedsubjectoftheVPcomplementtotakescopewithintheVPcomplementeventhoughthereisnocorrespondingnodeatwhichtheunexpressedsubjectcombineswiththatVP.Concomitantly,QSTOREistakentobeanattributeoflinguisticobjectsofsortlocal.Asketchofthestructuralanalysisfor(1a)withadedictoreadingisgivenin(2).Notethattheexistentialquantifierassociatedwithaunicorntakesscopeinsidethesoa-argument((parameterized)stateofaffairs)ofappear.

(2)

SQSTORE

CONTQUANTS

NUC(LEUS)appear

SOA-ARG3

QUANTS1

NUCapproachAPPROACHERx

PHON(OLOGY)aunicorn

2NPQSTORE1quantDET(ERMINER)exists

RESTINDINDx

RESTRunicornINSTx

VPQSTOREQUANTS

PHONappearsVQSTORE

PHONtobeapproaching

VPQSTORE

CONT3

QUANTS1

NUCapproachAPPROACHERx

SUBJ2NPQSTORE1

BymakingQSTOREinformationpartofwhatisaccessibletovalence-basedselection,itisnowpossibletoallowforlexicallycontrolledquantifierretrieval.ThiscruciallyWh-QuantifierRetrieval103permitsthelexically-basedinterweavingofsyntaxandsemanticsinconstraint-basedsemanticstoextendtomattersofscopetoamuchlargerdegreethanontheformulationinPollard&Sag(1994).

2.Wh-interrogativesOntheapproachtobepursuedhere,againfollowingPollard&Yoo(1995),wh-phrasesaretreatedasaspecialinstanceofquantificationalexpressionsinthattheirCONTENT

specificationconsistsofanoperatorbindingvariablesinitsscope.Specifically,Iassumethatwh-expressionscontributealambda-expressiontothelogicalformofthesentence,whichthengivesrisetoanopenpropositioninthesemantics.Moreover,suchwh-quantifiersarehandledbythesamestorageandretrievalmechanismasquantifiersingeneral,albeitwithcertainadditionalconstraintstobediscussedshortly.Thus,asthepartiallexicaldescriptionofawh-quantifiersuchaswer(‘who’)in(3)demonstrates,thequantificationalCONTENTspecificationischaracteristicallystructure-sharedwiththesingletonvalueofQSTORE.

(3)werWH-FTRSQUE1

LOC(AL)QSTORE1

CONT1

wh-opDETlambda

RESTINDINDx

RESTRQUANTS

NUCpersonINSTx

Inaddition,thequantificationalpartisalsoreentrantwiththevalueoftheQUEattribute.ThroughoutdifferentversionsofG/HPSG,themainpurposeofQUE/RELhasbeentosyntacticallyidentifyconstituentsthatmaybefrontedinquestionsorrelativeclauses,respectively,buttherehasbeendisagreementoverthevalueoftheseattributesontheresultingclauseitself.Ginzburg(1992)takesQUEtobeanonlocalfeatureandhencetobesubjecttoHPSG’sNonlocalFeaturePrinciple(Pollard&Sag1994:164).Asaresult,aninterrogativeclausebearsthespecification[QUE].Pollard&Yoo(1995)alsotaketheclauseitselftoexhibitanemptyQUEspecification,albeitforadifferentreason.TheyproposetogroupQUE/RELseparatelyfromNONLOCALandinsteadmakethemsubjectto(partially)language-specificconstraintsonfeaturevaluepropagation.Sincetheseconstraintsstatethatanyverbalconstituent(inEnglish)isrequiredtobe[QUE],itfollowsthattheinterrogativeclauseitselfalsobearsthatvalue.WhileI