A Critical Approach to Macrosocial
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SLA 期末考试提纲Week 9Chapter 1 Introducing Second Language AcquisitionChapter 2 Foundations of Second Language AcquisitionPART ONE: Definition:1.Second Language Acquisition (SLA): a term that refers both to the study of individuals and groups who are learning a language subsequent to learning their first one as young children, and to the process of learning that language.2.Formal L2 learning: instructed learning that takes place in classrooms.rmal L2 learning: SLA that takes place in naturalistic contexts.4.First language/native language/mother tongue (L1): A language that is acquired naturally in early childhood, usually because it is the primary language of a child’s family. A child who grows up in a multilingual setting may have more than one “first” language.5.Second language (L2): In its general sense, this term refers to any language that is acquired after the first language has been established. In its specific sense, this term typically refers to an additional language which is learned within a context where it is societally dominant and needed for education, employment, and other basic purposes. The more specific sense contrasts with foreign language, library language, auxiliary (帮助的,辅助的) language, and language for specific purposes.6.Target language: The language that is the aim or goal of learning.7.Foreign language: A second language that is not widely used in the learners’ immediate social context, but rather one that might be used for future travel or other cross-cultural communication situations, or one that might be studied as a curricular requirement or elective in school with no immediate or necessary practical application.8.Library language: A second language that functions as a tool for further learning, especially when books and journals in a desired field of study are not commonly published in the learner’s L1.9.Auxiliary language: A second language that learners need to know for some official functions in their immediate sociopolitical setting. Or that they will need for purposes of wider communication, although their first language serves most other needs in their lives.10.Linguistic competence: The underlying knowledge that speakers/hearers have of a language. Chomsky distinguishes this from linguistic performance.11.Linguistic performance: The use of language knowledge in actual production.municative competence: A basic tenet (原则、信条、教条) of sociolinguistics defined as “what a speaker needs to know to communicate appropriately within a particular language community” (Saville-Troike 2003)13.Pragmatic competence: Knowledge that people must have in order to interpret and convey meaning within communicative situations.14.Multilingualism: The ability to use more than one language.15.Monolingualism: The ability to use only one language.16.Simultaneous multilingualism: Ability to use more than one language that were acquired during early childhood.17.Sequential multilingualism: Ability to use one or more languages that were learned after L1 had already been established.18.Innate capacity: A natural ability, usually referring to children’s natural ability to learn or acquire language.19.Child grammar: Grammar of children at different maturational levels that is systematic in terms of production and comprehension.20.Initial state: The starting point for language acquisition; it is thought to include the underlying knowledge about language structures and principles that are in learners’ heads at the very start of L1 or L2 acquisition.21.Intermediate state: It includes the maturational changes which take place in “child grammar”, and the L2 developmental sequence which is known as learner language.22.Final state: The outcome of L1 and L2 leaning, also known as the stable state of adult grammar.23.Positive transfer: Appropriate incorporation of an L1 structure or rule in L2 structure.24.Negative transfer: Inappropriate influence of an L1 structure or rule on L2 use. Also called interference.25.Poverty-of-the-stimulus: The argument that because language input to children is impoverished and they still acquire L1, there must be an innate capacity for L1 acquisition.26.Structuralism: The dominant linguistic model of the 1950s, which emphasized the description of different levels of production in speech.27.Phonology: The sound systems of different languages and the study of such systems generally.28.Syntax: The linguistic system of grammatical relationships of words within sentences, such as ordering and agreement.29.Semantics: The linguistic study of meaning.30.Lexicon: The component of language that is concerned with words and their meanings.31.Behaviorism: The most influential cognitive framework applied to language learning in the 1950s. It claims that learning is the result of habit formation.32.Audiolingual method: An approach to language teaching that emphasizes repetition and habit formation. This approach was widely practiced in much of the world until at least the 1980s.33.Transformational-Generative Grammar: The first linguistic framework with an internal focus, which revolutionized linguistic theory and had profound effect on both the study of first and second languages. Chomsky arguedeffectively that the behaviorist theory of language acquisition is wrong because it cannot explain the creative aspects of linguistic ability. Instead, humans must have some innate capacity for language.34.Principles and Parameters (model): The internally focused linguistic framework that followed Chomsky’s Transformational-Generative Grammar. It revised specifications of what constitutes innate capacity to include more abstract notions of general principles and constraints common to human language as part of a Universal Grammar.35.Minimalist program: The internally focused linguistic framework that followed Chomsky’s Principles and Parameters model.This framework adds distinctions between lexical and functional category development, as well as more emphasis on the acquisition of feature specification as a part of lexical knowledge.36.Functionalism: A linguistic framework with an external focus that dates back to the early twentieth century and has its roots in the Prague School (布拉格学派) of Eastern Europe. It emphasizes the information content of utterances and considers language primarily as a system of communication. Functionalist approaches have largely dominated European study of SLA and are widely followed elsewhere in the world.37.Neurolinguistics: The study of the location and representation of language in the brain, of interest to biologists and psychologists since the nineteenth century and one of the first fields to influence cognitive perspectives on SLA when systematic study began in 1960s.38.Critical period: The limited number of years during which normal L1 acquisition is possible.39.Critical Period Hypothesis: The claim that children have only a limited number of years during which they can acquire their L1 flawlessly; if they suffered brain damage to the language areas, brain plasticity in childhood would allow other areas of the brain to take over the language functions of the damaged areas, but beyond a certain age, normal language development would not be possible. This concept is commonly extended to SLA as well, in the claim that only children are likely to achieve native or near-native proficiency in L2.rmation processing (IP): A cognitive framework which assumes that SLA (like learning of other complex domains) proceeds from controlled to automatic processing and involves progressive reorganization of knowledge.41.Connectionism: A cognitive framework for explaining learning processes, beginning in the 1980s and becoming increasingly influential. It assumes that SLA results from increasing strength of associations between stimuli and responses.42.Variation theory: A microsocial framework applied to SLA that explores systematic differences in learner production which depend on contexts of use.43.Accommodation theory: A framework for study of SLA that is based on the notion that speakers usually unconsciously change their pronunciation and even the grammatical complexity of sentences they use to sound more like whomever they are talking to.44.Sociocultural theory (SCT): An approach established by Vygotsky which claims that interaction not only facilitates language learning but is a causative force in acquisition. Further, all of learning is seen as essentially a social process which is grounded in sociocultural settings.45.Ethnography(人种论、民族志) of communication: A framework for analysis of language and its functions that was established by Hymes(1966). It relates language use to broader social and cultural contexts, and applies ethnographic methods of data collection and interpretation to study of language acquisition and use.46.Acculturation(文化适应): Learning the culture of the L2 community and adapting to those values and behavior patterns.47.Acculturation Model/Theory: Schumann’s (1978) theory that identifies group factors such as identity and status which determine social and psychological distance between learner and target language populations. He claims these influence outcomes of SLA.48.Social psychology: A societal approach in research and theory that allows exploration of issues such as how identity, status, and values influence L2 outcomes and why. It has disciplinary ties to both psychological and social perspectives. PART TWO: Short & Long answers:Chapter 11.What are the similarities and differences between linguists, psycholinguist, sociolinguists and social psycholinguists? P3(1)Linguists emphasize the characteristics of the differences and similarities in the languages that are being learned, and thelinguistic competence (underlying knowledge) and linguistic performance (actual production) of learners at various stages of acquisition.(2)Psychologists emphasize the mental or cognitive processes involved in acquisition, and the representation of languages in the brain.(3)Sociolinguists emphasize variability in learner linguistic performance, and extend the scope of study to communicative competence(underlying knowledge that additionally accounts for language use, or pragmatic competence).(4)Social psychologists emphasize group-related phenomena, such as identity and social motivation, and the interactional and larger social contexts of learning.2.What are the differences between second language, foreign language, library language and auxiliary language? P4(1)A second language is typically an official or societally dominant language needed for education, employment, and other basic purposes. It is often acquired by minority group members or immigrants who speak another language natively. In this more restricted sense, the term is contrasted with other terms in this list.(2)A foreign language is one not widely used in the learners' immediate social context which might be used for future travel or other cross-cultural communication situations, or studied as a curricular requirement or elective in school, but with no immediate or necessary practical application.(3)A library language is one which functions primarily as a tool for future learning through reading, especially when books or journals in a desired field of study are not commonly published in the learners' native tongue.(4)An auxiliary language is one which learners need to know for some official functions in their immediate political setting, or will need for purposes of wider communication, although their first language serves most other needs in their lives.3.Why are some learners more (or less) successful than other? P5The intriguing question of why some L2 learners are more successful than others requires us to unpack the broad label “learners” for some dimensions of discussion. Linguistics may distinguish categories of learners defined by the identity and relationship of their L1 and L2; psycholinguists may make distinctions based on individual aptitude for L2 learning, personality factors, types and strength of motivation, and different learning strategies; sociolinguists may distinguish among learners with regard to social, economic, and political differences and learner experiences in negotiated interaction; and social psychologists may categorize learners according to aspects of their group identity and attitudes toward targetlanguage speakers or toward L2 learning itself.Chapter21.List at least five possible motivations for learning a second language at an older age. P10The motivation may arise from a variety of conditions, including the following:Invasion or conquest of one’s country by speakers of another language;A need or desire to contact speakers of other languages ineconomic or other specific domains;Immigration to a country where use of a language other than one's L1 is required;Adoption of religious beliefs and practices which involve use of another language;A need or desire to pursue educational experienceswhere access requires proficiency in another language;A desire for occupational or social advancement whichis furthered by knowledge of another language;An interest in knowing more about peoples of other cultures and having access to their technologies or literatures.2.What are the two main factors that influence the language learning? P13(1)The role of natural ability: Humans are born with a natural ability or innate capacity to learn language.(2)The role of social experience: Not all of L1 acquisition can be attributed to innate ability, for language-specific learning also plays a crucial role. Even if the universal properties of language are preprogrammed in children, they must learn all of those features which distinguish their L1 from all other possible human languages. Children will never acquire such language-specific knowledge unless that language is used with them and around them, and they will learn to use only the language(s) used around them, no matter what their linguistic heritage. American-born children of Korean or Greek ancestry will never learn the language of their grandparents if only English surrounds them, for instance, and they will find their ancestral language just as hard to learn as any other English speakers do if they attempt to learn it as an adult. Appropriate social experience, including L1 input and interaction, is thus a necessary condition for acquisition.3.What is the initial state of language development for L1 and L2 respectively? P17-18The initial state of L1 learning is composed solely of an innate capacity for language acquisition which may or may not continue to be available for L2, or may be available only in some limited ways. The initial state for L2 learning, on the other hand, has resources of L1 competence, world knowledge, and established skills for interaction, which can be both an asset and an impediment.4.How does intermediate states process? P18-19The cross-linguistic influence, or transfer of prior knowledge from L1 to L2, is one of the processes that is involved ininterlanguage development. Two major types of transfer which occur are: (1) positive transfer, when an L1 structure or rule is used in an L2 utterance and that use is appropriate or “correct” in the L2; and (2) negative transfer (or interference), when an L1 structure or rule is used in an L2 utterance and that use is inappropriate and considered an “error”.5.What is a necessary condition for language learning (L1 or L2)? P20Language input to the learner is absolutely necessary for either L1 or L2 learning to take place. Children additionally require interaction with other people for L1 learning to occur. It is possible for some individuals to reach a fairly high level of proficiency in L2 even if they have input only from such generally non-reciprocal sources as radio, television, or written text.6.What is a facilitating condition for language learning? P20While L1 learning by children occurs without instruction, and while the rate of L1 development is not significantly influenced by correction of immature forms or by degree of motivation to speak, both rate and ultimate level of development in L2 can be facilitated or inhabited by many social and individual factors, such as (1) feedback, including correction of L2 learners' errors; (2) aptitude, including memory capacity and analytic ability; (3) motivation, or need and desire to learn; (4) instruction, or explicit teaching in school settings.7.Give at least 2 reasons that many scientists believe in someinnate capacity for language. P21-24The notion that innate linguistic knowledge must underlie (指原则、理由构成某学说...的基础,潜在于...之下)language acquisition was prominently espoused (采纳或支持事业理念)by Noam Chomsky. This view has been supported by arguments such as the following:(1)Children’s knowledge of language goes beyond what could be learned from the input they receive: Children often hear incomplete or ungrammatical utterances along with grammatical input, and yet they are somehow able to filter the language they hear so that the ungrammatical input is not incorporated into their L1 system. Further, children are commonly recipients of simplified input from adults, which does not include data for all of the complexities which are within their linguistic competence. In addition, children hear only a finite subset of possible grammatical sentences, and yet they are able to abstract general principles and constraints which allow them to interpret and produce an infinite number of sentences which they have never heard before.(2)Constraints and principles cannot be learned: Children’s access to general constraints and principles which govern language could account for the relatively short time ittakes for the L1 grammar to emerge, and for the fact that it does so systematically and without any “wild” divergences. This could be so because innate principles lead children to organize the input they receive only in certain ways and not others. In addition to the lack of negative evidence , constraints and principles cannot be learnt in part because children acquire a first language at an age when such abstractions are beyond their comprehension; constraints and principles are thus outside the realm of learning process which are related to general intelligence.(3)Universal patterns of development cannot be explained by language-specific input: In spite of the surface differences in input, there are similar patterns in child acquisition of any language in the world. The extent of this similarity suggests that language universals are not only constructs derived from sophisticated theories and analyses by linguists, but also innate representations in every young child’s mind.8.Linguists have taken an internal and/or external focus to the study of language acquisition. What is the difference between the two? P25-26Internal focus emphasizes that children begin with an innate capacity which is biologically endowed, as well as the acquisition of feature specification as a part of lexical knowledge; while external focus emphasizes the information content of utterances, and considers language primarily as a system of communication.9.What are the two main factors for learning process in the study of SLA from a psychological perspective? P26-27(1) Information Processing, which assumes that L2 is a highly complex skill, and that learning L2 is not essentially unlike learning other highly complex skills. Processing itself is believed to cause learning;(2) Connectionism, which does not consider language learning to involve either innate knowledge or abstraction of rules and principles, but rather to result from increasing strength of associations (connections) between stimuli and responses.10.What are the two foci for the study of SLA from the social perspective? P27(1) Microsocial focus: the concerns within the microsocial focus relate to language acquisition and use in immediate social contexts of production, interpretation, and interaction. (2) Macrosocial focus: the concerns of the macrosocial focus relate language acquisition and use to broader ecological contexts, including cultural, political, and educational settings.Week10Chapter 5 Social contexts of Second Language AcquisitionPART ONE: Definitionmunicative competence: A basic tenet of sociolinguistics defined as “what a speaker needs to know to communicate appropriately within a particular language community”(Saville-Troike 2003)nguage community: A group of people who share knowledge of a common language to at least some extent.3.Foreigner talk: Speech from L1 speakers addressed to L2 learners that differs in systematic ways from language addressed to native or very fluent speakers.4.Direct Correction: Explicit statements about incorrect language use.5.Indirect correction: Implicit feedback about inappropriate language use, such as clarification requests when the listener has actually understood an utterance.6.Interaction Hypothesis: The claim that modifications and collaborative efforts which take place in social interation facilitate SLA because they contribute to the accessibility of input for mental processing.7.Symbolic mediation: A link between a person’s current mental state and higher order functions that is provided primarily by language; considered the usual route to learning (oflanguage, and of learning in general). Part of Vygosky’s Sociocultural Theory.8.Variable features: Multiple linguistic forms (vocabulary, phonology, morphology, syntax, discourse) that are systematically or predictably used by different speakers of a language, or by the same speakers at different times, with the same meaning or function.9.Linguistic context: Elements of language form and function associated with the variable element.10.Psychological context: factors associated with the amount of attention which is being given to language form during production, the level of automaticity versus control in processing, or the intellectual demands of a particular task.11.Microsocial context: features of setting/situation and interaction which relate to communicative events within which language is being produced, interpreted, and negotiated.12.Accommodation theory: A framework for study of SLA that is based on the notion that speakers usually unconsciously change their pronunciation and even the grammatical complexity of sentences they use to sound more like whomever they are talking to .13.ZPD: Zone of Proximal Development, an area ofpotential development where the learner can only achieve that potential with assistance. Part of Vygosky’s Soci ocultural Theory.14.Scaffolding: Verbal guidance which an expert provides to help a learner perform any specific task, or the verbal collaboration of peers to perform a task which would be too difficult for any one of them in individual performance.15.Intrapersonal interaction: communication that occurs within an individual's own mind, viewed by Vygosky as a sociocultural phenomen.16.Interpersonal interaction: Communicative events and situations that occur between people.17.Social institutions:The systems which are established by law, custom, or practice to regulate and organize the life of people in public domains: e.g. politics, religion, and education.18.Acculturation: learning the culture of the L2 community and adapting to those values and behavioral patterns.19.Additive bilingualism: The result of SLA in social contexts where members of a dominant group learn the language of a minority without threat to their L1 competence or to their ethnic identity.20.Subtractive bilingualism: The result of SLA in socialcontexts where members of a minority group learn the dominant language as L2 and are more likely to experience some loss of ethnic identity and attrition of L1 skills—especially if they are children.21.Formal L2 learning: formal/instructed learning generally takes place in schools, which are social institutions that are established in accord with the needs, beliefs, values, and customs of their cultural settings.rmal L2 learning: informal/naturalistic learning generally takes place in settings where people contact—and need to interact with—speakers of another language.PART TWO: Short & Long answers1.what is the difference between monolingual and multilingual communicative competence?Differencese between monolingual and multilingual communicative competence are due in part to the different social functions of first and second language learning, and to the differences between learning language and learning culture.The differences of the competence between native speakers and nonative speakers include structural differences in the linguisitc system, different rules for usage in writing or conversation, andeven somewhat divergent meanings for the “same” lexical forms. Further, a multilingual speaker’s total communicative competence differs from that of a monolingual in including knowledge of rules for the appropriate choice of language and for switching between languages, given a particular social context and communicative purpose.2.what are the microsocial factors that affect SLA? P101-102a) L2 variation b) input and interaction c) interaction as the genesis of language3.What is the difference between linguistic & communicative competence (CC)?Linguistic competence- It was defined in 1965 by Chomsky as a speaker's underlying ability to produce grammatically correct expressions. Linguistic competence refers to knowledge of language. Theoretical linguistics primarily studies linguistic competence: knowledge of a language possessed by “an ideal speak-listener”.Communicative competence- It is a term in linguistics which refers to “what a speaker needs to know to communicate appropriately within a particular language community”, such as alanguage user's grammatical knowledge of syntax , morphology , phonology and the like, as well as social knowledge about how and when to use utterances appropriately.4.Why is CC in L1 different from L2?L1 learning for children is an integral part of their sociolization into their native language community. L2 learning may be part of second culture learning and adaptation, but the relationship of SLA to social and cultural learning differs greatly with circumstances.5.What is Accommodation Theory? How does this explain L2 variation?Accommodation theory: Speakers (usually unconsciously) change their pronunciation and even the grammatical complexity of sentences they use to sound more like whomever they are talking to. This accounts in part for why native speakers tend to simply their language when they are talking to a L2 learner who is not fluent, and why L2 learners may acquire somewhat different varieties of the target language when they have different friends.6.Discuss the importance of input & interaction for L2 learning. How could this affect the feedback provided to students?ⅰ. a) From the perspective of linguistic approaches: (1) behaviorist: they consider input to form the necessary stimuli and feedback which learners respond to and imitate; (2) Universal Grammar: they consider exposure to input a necessary trigger for activating internal mechanisms; (3) Monitor Model: consider comprehensible input not only necessary but sufficient in itself to account for SLA;b) From the perspective of psychological approaches: (1) IP framework: consider input which is attended to as essential data for all stages of language processing; (2) connectionist framework: consider the quantity or frequency of input structures to largely determine acquisitional sequencing;c) From the perspective of social approaches: interaction is generally seen as essential in providing learners with the quantity and quality of external linguistic input which is required for internal processing.ⅱ. Other types of interaction which can enhance SLA include feedback from NSs which makes NNs aware that their usage is not acceptable in some way, and which provides a model for “correctness”. While children rarely receive such negative evidence。
大单元视角下英语单元整体教学初探The field of English language teaching has long been a subject of extensive research and debate among educators and scholars worldwide. As the global demand for proficient English speakers continues to rise, the need for effective and innovative teaching approaches has become increasingly crucial. One such approach that has gained significant attention in recent years is the concept of English unit holistic teaching from a macro perspective. This approach aims to provide a comprehensive and integrated framework for language instruction, addressing the multifaceted nature of English language acquisition.At the core of this approach lies the recognition that language learning is not merely a collection of discrete skills and knowledge but rather a complex and interconnected process. By adopting a macro perspective, English unit holistic teaching seeks to bridge the gap between the individual components of language, such as grammar, vocabulary, and communication, and to present them as a cohesive and meaningful whole. This shift in focus allows learners to develop a deeper understanding of the language, its nuances, and itspractical applications in real-world contexts.One of the key advantages of the English unit holistic teaching approach is its emphasis on contextual learning. Rather than teaching language elements in isolation, this approach encourages the integration of various linguistic components within a broader thematic or functional framework. For example, a unit on "Everyday Conversations" might encompass not only the vocabulary and grammar associated with common conversational situations but also the pragmatic and cultural aspects of effective communication. By situating language learning within authentic and meaningful contexts, students are better equipped to transfer their knowledge and skills to real-life scenarios.Moreover, the macro perspective inherent in this approach allows for the incorporation of cross-curricular connections and interdisciplinary learning. English language instruction can be seamlessly integrated with other subject areas, such as history, science, or social studies, enabling students to explore the language within the context of their broader academic experiences. This integration fosters a deeper understanding of the language and its role in various domains, ultimately enhancing the overall learning experience and promoting a more holistic approach to education.Another significant aspect of English unit holistic teaching is itsemphasis on learner-centered instruction. By focusing on the needs, interests, and learning styles of individual students, this approach encourages the development of personalized learning pathways. Through the use of flexible and adaptive instructional strategies, teachers can tailor the content and delivery of the lessons to better meet the diverse needs of their students. This personalized approach not only enhances student engagement and motivation but also promotes the development of critical thinking, problem-solving, and autonomous learning skills.Furthermore, the macro perspective of English unit holistic teaching encourages the incorporation of authentic materials and resources into the learning process. Rather than relying solely on textbooks or pre-designed curriculum, this approach emphasizes the use of real-world texts, media, and communication scenarios. By exposing students to authentic language use, they can develop a deeper understanding of the pragmatic and cultural aspects of the language, as well as the ability to navigate complex communicative situations.The implementation of English unit holistic teaching from a macro perspective also requires a shift in the role of the teacher. Educators are no longer seen as mere transmitters of knowledge but rather as facilitators of learning, guiding students through the exploration and application of language in meaningful contexts. This shift empowers teachers to adopt a more collaborative and inquiry-based approach,fostering a dynamic and engaging learning environment where students actively participate in the construction of their own knowledge and skills.However, the successful implementation of this approach is not without its challenges. Transitioning from traditional language teaching methods to a more holistic and integrated approach can require significant changes in curriculum design, teacher training, and institutional support. Additionally, the development of appropriate assessment tools that can effectively evaluate the multifaceted nature of language learning within a macro framework remains an area of ongoing research and development.Despite these challenges, the potential benefits of English unit holistic teaching from a macro perspective are substantial. By adopting this approach, educators can provide students with a more comprehensive and contextualized understanding of the English language, empowering them to become effective communicators, critical thinkers, and global citizens. As the educational landscape continues to evolve, the exploration and implementation of innovative teaching approaches, such as English unit holistic teaching, will be crucial in shaping the future of language education and ensuring the success of language learners worldwide.。
文献信息:文献标题:Elements of strategic social media marketing: A holisticframework(战略性社交媒体营销要素:整体框架)国外作者:Reto Felix, Philipp A. Rauschnabel, Chris Hinsch文献出处:《Journal of Business Research》,2017,70:118-126字数统计:英文2632单词,15772字符;中文5082汉字外文文献:Elements of strategic social media marketing:A holistic frameworkAbstract Social media marketing is an integral element of 21st-centurybusiness. However, the literature on social media marketing remains fragmented and is focused on isolated issues, such as tactics for effective communication. The curr research a pplies a qualitative,theory-building a pproach to develop a strategicfour generic dimensions of strategic social m ediaframework that articulatesmarketing. Social m edia marketing scope represents a range from defenders t osocial media marketing c ulture includes the poles o f conservatism andexplorers,modernism, social media marketing structures fall between hierarchies and networks, and social m edia marketing governance ranges from autocracy t o anarchy. B yproviding a comprehensive conceptualization and definition of strategic social mediaframework that e xpands beyondmarketing, this r esearch proposes a n integrativeextant marketing theory. Furthermore, managers can apply the framework to position their organizations on these four dimensions in a manner consistent with their overa corporate mission and objectives.Key Words: Strategic social media marketing; Holistic framework; New media; Definition of social media marketing; Social media strategy; Digital marketing1.IntroductionUnderstanding the role of social media in the context of marketing is critical f both researchers and managers (e.g. Fong & Burton, 2008; Kumar, Bezawada,2013). Most existingRishika, Janakiraman, &Kannan, 2016; Schultz &Peltier,studies focus on particular issues, such as purchase behavior (Chang, Yu, & Lu, 2015 Kumar et al., 2016; Relling, S chnittka, Sattler, & Johnen, 2016), customerrelationshipmanagement (Trainor, Andzulis, R app, & Agnihotri, 2014), brandmanagement (Asmussen, Harridge-March, Occhiocupo, & Farquhar, 2013),innovation management (Gebauer, Füller, & Pezzei, 2013), and employee recruitment (Sivertzen,Nilsen, & Olafsen, 2013). W hile these s tudies detail advancements inspecialized areas of social media knowledge in a marketing and management context, extant literature does not provide a holistic framework for social media marketing the strategic level. This deficiency is surprising because both academics (Labrecqu vor dem Esche, Mathwick, Novak, & Hofacker, 2013; Schultz & Peltier, 2013; Yadav& Pavlou, 2014) and practitioners (Divol, Edelman, & Sarrazin, 2012) acknowledge new complexities accompanying these m edia and agree that r esearch into s ocialsocial mediastrategicmedia marketing n eeds to be reconceptualized.In a nutshell,marketing remains an untested user interaction paradigm (Naylor, Lamberton, & West, 2012) with little published academic research.The current article aims to address this theoretically and managerially importan research gap by exploring the following two research questions: How is strategicsocial m edia marketing defined a nd conceptualized? and What factors demandsocial media marketing s trategy?an organization'swhen constructingconsiderationSpecifically, this research attempts to define the continua on which critical strat social media marketing decisions lie and to integrate them into a holistic framewor2.MethodologyThe study e mployed a two-stage r esearch design. The first stage c onsisted ofin-depth interviews (Fontana & Frey, 1998) with seven European social m ediaexperience in socialmarketing e xperts who possess b oth national and internationalmedia marketing. Following a purposive sampling strategy (Lincoln & Guba, 1985), experts were recruited according to their job position, experience, and direct expos to social media marketing practices in real industry settings. Seeking depth rather tthe qualitative research breadth, the sample size instage 1 was commensurate with-richparadigm in which relatively small sample sizes are used to generate informationdata (Patton, 1990). A ll informants agreed t o audiotape the i nterviews (between 25and 60 min), which resulted in 117 pages of double-spaced, verbatim transcripts.procedure c onsisted of a qualitative The second stage o f the data collectionsurvey of social media marketing experts (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The survey data were used not for confirmation but as a new and independent qualitative data source with a focus on triangulating the information obtained through the depth interview and online surveys (Jack & Raturi, 2006). Respondents came from a list of 265 social media marketing experts identified through managerially focused magazines, through interviews in business magazines, or because they were mentioned as knowledgeable and experienced experts in personal communication. E-mail requests were sent to allexperts along with two reminders, which resulted in 50 returned surveys (responserate = 18.9%). Seven data s ets w ere eliminated because o f incomplete a nswers orbecause social media marketing plays a minor role in the respondents' daily work. The final sample consisted of 43 respondents (age: m = 37; SD = 9 years; 74% male; 88% European) with various backgrounds in their position and/or industry.Table 1 Summary of stage 2 informantsCompany size (employees)< 50 14 (32.6%)50–99 5 (11.6%)100–499 3 (7.0%)500–9998 (18.6%)1000–4999 6 (14.0%)5000–10,000 3 (7.0%)>10,000 4 (9.3%)Social media marketing experience (in years)Average: 6.4 years1–2 5 (11.6%)3–519 (44.2%)6–812 (27.9%)9 and more 7 (16.3%)Percentage of working time associated with social mediaAverage: 52.8%<20%7 (16.3%)20–3910 (23.3%)40–59 6 (14.0%)60–79 3 (7%)80–10015 (34.9%)n/a 2 (4.7%)Age (in years)Average: 37< 30 9 (20.9%)30–3919 (44.2%)40–4910 (23.3%)50–59 5 (11.6%)Self-reported experience in…Means aSocial Media 6.2Social Media Marketing 5.9Marketing 5.7Customer Management 4.7Advertising 5.2Communications/Public Relations 5.6How much experience do you have in the following areas? (1 = no experience at aall; 7 = highly experienced)Respondents were asked to (1) define s ocial m edia marketing, (2) discussself-selected best and worst practice examples of social media marketing, (3) discusssuccess factors and success m etrics, and (4) d escribe their ideal implementation of-selected organization. The survey employed commonsocial media marketing in a self& Mcbride, 2009), s uch as addingdesign t echniques (Smyth, Dillman, C hristian,large answer fields and asking respondents to be as specific as possible, to increrespondents' motivation to provide detail.3.FindingsFig. 1 shows the strategic social media marketing framework with its four central dimensions.Fig. 1. Strategic social media marketing framework.social media marketing s cope addresses the question whether companies First,use social media marketing p redominantly for communication with one or a fewstakeholders or comprehensively (both externally and internally) as a genuine tool f Defenders use social m edia marketing primarily a s a one-waycollaboration.rather than communication tool t o entertainconsumers or to inform stakeholders,groups. Conversely, explorers are interested in integrating employees or communityan authentic social media marketing c ollaborationinteractionsbased on reciprocalwith many different stakeholders such as clients, employees, suppliers, andgovernment agents.between conservatism, Second, social media marketing c ulture distinguishesapproach t owhich is represented by an encapsulated,mass advertisingtraditional,social media marketing, and modernism, which is characterized by a more permeable,open, and flexible social media marketing culture.Third, social media marketing structure addresses the organization and departmentalization of the social media marketing assignment in the firm. Hierarchieapproach with a clearly defined s ocial media marketingstand for a centralizedassignee. Networks represent an organizational structure in which all employees are responsible for social media marketing, and thus a dedicated social media marketing director is no longer necessary.Fourth, social m edia marketing governance refers t o how the companyestablishes rules and guidelines and how social media marketing responsibilities ar controlledin the company. The extreme position of autocracy describes a situationwith precise regulations on who in the company is allowed to interact on social medi platforms. Conversely, anarchy represents a situation without any such rules o rguidelines.The current research focuses on the extremes of each continuum, but, in general, firms likely choose (intentionally or unintentionally) a position somewhere between the poles o n each dimension. For example, c ompanies need to find a position onsocial media marketing g overnance t hat neither regulates everything employees areallowed to say nor leaves t hem without any guidance on which to base their responsibilitiesor behaviors. Fig. 1 also suggests that d ecisions on social mediageneral(e.g.,marketing s hould i ndeed b e guided by the firm's internalinfluencersvision, mission, corporate goals, corporate culture, available resources), which in should be in line with external i nfluencers (e.g., communities, competition,government regulation).4.Discussion and implicationsThis research addresses the absence of a holistic framework for strategicsocialreveals several approachesmedia marketing. A review of the marketing l iteraturemanagementregarding aspects of strategicmarketing s uch as customer r elationship(e.g., Payne & Frow, 2005) or marketing organization (Workman, Homburg, &Gruner, 1998). However, few articles address the strategic marketing of social mediaand none put forth a holistic social media marketing framework.While extant research related to social media marketing investigates social media mostly through the lens of a particular marketing problem (e.g. Fong & Burton, 2008; Kim & Ko, 2012; Kumar et al., 2016) or witha focus on customers and communication (e.g., Chang et al., 2015), t he findings of this s tudy reveal f ourgeneral social m edia marketing dimensions that firms should address when conceptualizing or managing their strategic social media marketing approach. As the findings indicate, these dimensions are interdependent, and companies should strive position themselves on the four dimensions in an integrated way, rather than treati them as isolated, independent decisions.4.1.A new definition of social media marketingThis research suggests a new definition of social media marketing: Social media-functional concept that uses social media marketing is an interdisciplinary and cross(often in combination with other communications channels) to achieve organizational goals by creating value for stakeholders. On a strategic level, social media marketi covers an organization's decisions about social media marketing scope (ranging from defenders to explorers), culture (ranging from conservatism to modernism), structurto networks), and governance (ranging from autocracy to(ranging from hierarchiesanarchy).4.2.Implications for social media marketing scopeSocial media marketing provides firms with an opportunity to use social media to with customers, employees, communities, and other stakeholdersbuild relationships(i.e., when they act as explorers). At the same time, firms may choose to view soci media as simply another c ommunications channel through which they can pushwhen they act as defenders). Though potentiallyinformation to customers (i.e.,approach does nottake advantage of thefor c ustomers, the defendercreating valuewithin the network of customers,opportunitiesfor building r eal relationshipsemployees, interest groups, the government, and other stakeholders, as propagated by modern relationshipmarketing (Payne & Frow, 2005). However, the explorerstakeholders in theapproach may require firms to redefine the role o f differentorganization.4.3.Implications for social media marketing cultureManagement and organizational behavior researchers (Zheng et al., 2010) as well as marketing academics and practitioners (Deshpandé & Farley, 2004) recognize the-financial firmimportance of culture and organizational climate for financial and non performance. The current research emphasizes t he importance o f culture for s ocialmedia marketing. Companies engaging in social media marketing must acknowledgethat stakeholders can take control of and manipulate social media content (Labrecque et al., 2013). Thus, companies should contemplate t he trade-offs between anwhich provides m oreencapsulated social media marketing c ulture (conservatism),connect a nd engageand consumers' desire tobrand constructs,control of importantwith firms displaying a more progressive, permeable culture (i.e., modernism).4.4.Implications for social media marketing structureExtant marketing research investigates how the elements of marketing should besuch as formalization,characteristics,organized a ccording t o a firm's structural(e.g.,Olson, S later, & Hult, 2005). C onsequently,and specializationcentralization,and organizationalsocial m edia marketing structure focuses on responsibilitiesemployed to configure social media marketing. Whereas social mediahierarchiesmarketing governance pertains to who can or should say what in social media, social media marketing structure focuses on who has the responsibility to post and interac in these m edia. A s the informants emphasized, firms s hould i ntegratesocial mediaThe informantsmarketing in a way that fits with their o verarching strategies.or asets o f benefits that c an emerge from either a hierarchicalidentifieddifferentnetworked structure. However, they recommended that specific decisions about who has the responsibility to interact online with customers, activists, and pundits sh be formally discussed in the organization.4.5.Implications for social media marketing governancerights, and Research on governance usually investigates the structures,responsibilities among different employees in organizations (Freeman & Reed, 1983).-discipline of corporate governance, Information technology (IT) governance, as a subfocuses on specifying which individuals have the responsibility for making decisions on the use of IT (Brown & Grant, 2005). Whereas IT governance traditionally focuses-related purposes, social media can potentially be used byon the use of IT for work(company-granted a ccess) or unofficial(personalany employee in either officialaccount access) capacities. Therefore, the applicability of IT governance research is limited u se when extended to social m edia marketing. S ome companies havedeveloped the idea of educating e mployees about the personal a nd firm-related consequences of “undesirable” social media use through social mediamarketingguidelines andguidelines(Linke &Zerfass, 2013). However, building social mediagovernance into a holistic framework for social media marketing is novel. The role o employees in promoting brands in other contexts (and thus increasing firm value) is(Morhart, Herzog, & Tomczak, 2009).well represented in the academic literatureWeber Shandwick's (2014) recent s tudy reveals a n emerging movement termed“employee activism” in which one-third of the surveyed respondentswere socialwho defended their employers and advocated f or the firm online.media activistsEmployees may be better able to understand the needs of consumers and products that can meet those needs, and they can effectively advocate and promote the firm online. These technologiesall employees to champion the firm. Forhave allowed v irtuallyNordstrom has policies to provide e mployees withexample, the fashion r etailerof social media marketingThis applicationand expectations.knowledge, d irection,governance can increase the overall social media marketing s uccess o f the firm (Nordstrom, 2015; Ross, Beath, & Sebastian, 2015).5.Limitations and future researchavenues forfruitfulSeveral limitationsto the current study s uggest p otentiallyapproach r eveals four d imensions o f strategicfuture research. First, the qualitativesocial media marketing and identifies the extreme points of each dimension. However,of differentto identify the impactfuture researchcould u se quantitative approachespositions on each of these dimensions. Research could also investigate the influenc of each dimension on firm or social media marketing p erformance. For example,studies could try to isolate the effect of each dimension on outcome variables such2013) or, m ore specifically,newconsumer–brand engagement (Schultz & Peltier,is themedia brand engagement (Hennig-Thurau et al., 2010). A second limitationover-representation of European (especially German) informants in the analyses. Prior research d iscusses cross-cultural differences in consumers' u se of social m edia(Bernoff &Li, 2008; World Newsmedia Network, 2015). Furthermore, extantresearch advocates for the adaptation of social media content to the targeted cult(Tsai &Men, 2012). T hus, caution should b ebased on differingconsumer profilestaken in extrapolating the framework to other cultural contexts. Future research mig determine w hether aspects of cultural or economic context add dimensions t o theapproaches r egardingproposed f ramework or whether they simply require differentthe four dimensions.Future research should also investigate how other characteristics, such as cultur the type of firm (e.g., B2B vs. B2C), the industry (e.g., financial services vs.“idealadvertising agency), company size, or available resources, influence a firm'ssocial media marketing. Finally,position” on each of the dimensions o f strategic-regulatory bodies (e.g.,future research could investigate the role of regulatory or selfon social media marketing g overnance a ndWord of Mouth Marketing A ssociation)how firms can create v alue and form core competencies b y superseding t hese requirements.6.ConclusionThis study sheds light on the complex nature of strategic social media marketingis too complex to be managed and executedSocial m edia marketing, in practice,-functional collaborations exclusively by a single individual or even department. Crossalong the four d imensions o f social media marketing a re necessary to successfullynavigate in this dynamic arena.中文译文:战略性社交媒体营销要素:整体框架 摘要 社交媒体营销是21世纪商业的一个组成部分。
critical essay范文Critical EssayIntroduction:A critical essay is a form of academic writing that analyzes, interprets, and evaluates a text or work of art. It aims to provide an objective and balanced analysis by examining the strengths and weaknesses, as well as the significance and implications of the subject matter. In this essay, we will explore the key elements of a critical essay and discuss its importance in academic discourse.Body:1. Clear Thesis Statement:A critical essay begins with a clear and concise thesis statement that states the main argument or viewpoint. This statement guides the entire essay and helps the reader understand the purpose and direction of the analysis.2. Analysis of Evidence:To support the thesis statement, a critical essay presents evidence from the text or artwork being analyzed. This evidence can include quotes, examples, or specific details thatdemonstrate the author's or artist's intentions. It is important to analyze the evidence thoroughly and provide thoughtful interpretations.3. Evaluation of Techniques:In addition to analyzing the evidence, a critical essay evaluates the techniques used by the author or artist. This includes examining the writing style, narrative structure, use of imagery or symbolism, and the effectiveness of these techniques in conveying the intended message. The evaluation should be objective and supported by evidence from the text or artwork.4. Consideration of Context:A critical essay takes into account the historical, social, and cultural context in which the text or artwork was produced. This context helps to understand the motivations and influences behind the work and provides a deeper understanding of its meaning and implications. It is important to research and provide relevant context to support the analysis.5. Engagement with Scholarly Discourse:A critical essay engages with scholarly discourse by referencing and responding to other academic works. This demonstrates an awareness of the existing body of knowledge on the subject and allows for a broader discussion. It is important to cite and reference sources accurately to avoid plagiarism and to provide credibility to the analysis.6. Objective Tone and Language:A critical essay maintains an objective tone and uses formal language to present arguments and analysis. It avoids personal opinions or biases and focuses on providing a balanced and well-supported evaluation. The use of clear and concise language enhances the readability and credibility of the essay.Conclusion:In conclusion, a critical essay is an essential component of academic writing as it allows for a comprehensive analysis and evaluation of a text or artwork. By presenting a clear thesis statement, analyzing evidence, evaluating techniques, considering the context, engaging with scholarly discourse, and maintaining an objective tone, a critical essay provides a valuable contribution to the understanding and interpretationof the subject matter. Through its rigorous analysis and evaluation, a critical essay encourages critical thinking and fosters intellectual growth.。
曼昆宏观经济学英文题库In the vast ocean of economic concepts, the principles of macroeconomics serve as the guiding stars. They illuminate the path to understanding the broader economic landscape, from fiscal policy to monetary influences.The study of macroeconomics is not just about crunching numbers; it's about interpreting the patterns of economic growth, inflation, and unemployment. It's about grasping the interconnectedness of these elements and how they shape the world we live in.One of the key lessons from macroeconomics is that economies are not static; they are dynamic systems that respond to a myriad of factors, from government interventions to global market forces.The role of central banks in a macroeconomic context is pivotal. They are the stewards of monetary policy, tasked with the delicate balance of controlling inflation and promoting economic stability.Fiscal policy, on the other hand, is the government's toolkit for influencing the economy through taxation and spending. It's a powerful tool, yet one that must be wielded with care to avoid unintended consequences.Unemployment is a critical macroeconomic indicator,reflecting not just the health of the job market but also the well-being of society. It's a complex issue that requires a multifaceted approach to address effectively.Inflation, the silent thief that erodes purchasing power, is a constant concern for macroeconomists. It's a delicate dance to maintain price stability while promoting economic growth.The global economy is a complex web of interdependencies. International trade and finance are integral parts of macroeconomics, showing how economies are increasingly linked in a globalized world.In conclusion, the study of macroeconomics is a journey through the intricate workings of economies. It's a fieldthat demands a deep understanding of both theory and practice, with implications that reach far beyond the classroom intothe real world.。
SOCIAL EPIDEMIOLOGY (S GALEA,SECTION EDITOR)A Critical Approach to Macrosocial Determinants of Population Health:Engaging Scientific Realism and Incorporating Social ConflictEdwin Ng &Carles MuntanerPublished online:16January 2014#Springer International Publishing AG 2014Abstract The advancement of theory and research on macrosocial determinants of health has been identified as a promising path for future social epidemiology.In this com-mentary,we outline how macrosocial epidemiology can ad-vance in two critical ways:(1)engaging scientific realism,and (2)incorporating social conflict.The first describes how sci-entific realism can be effectively applied within macrosocial epidemiology to identify the specific contexts in which social mechanisms are triggered,which in turn,generate health outcomes.Engaging scientific realism fosters a deeper under-standing on how and why macrosocial factors,processes,and institutions are causally linked to population health.The sec-ond makes the case to incorporate a social conflict paradigm into macrosocial epidemiology.Thinking in terms of social conflict allows us to view social structures as inequality-generating mechanisms,and re-orients our public health ef-forts toward social change,including for example,taking action on unequal political,economic,and cultural relations.Keywords Context .Critical Sociology .Macrosocial epidemiology .Scientific realism .Health inequalities .Mechanisms .Outcome patterns .Population health .Social change .Social conflict .Social structures .Unequal power relationsIntroductionRecently,Galea and Link expressed concern about the useful-ness of social epidemiology to contribute new and relevant knowledge on population health,and suggested several paths for the future of social epidemiology [1••].One path called for undertaking more research on macro-level factors,processes,and institutions,including for example,globalization [2],po-litical economic systems [3],and macroeconomics [4••].In-deed,this suggestion to advance macrosocial epidemiology is both timely and astute,since our knowledge based on large-scale determinants of health fails in comparison to how much we know about mid-level factors such as income and education [5].Why has more attention been paid to downstream determi-nants rather than upstream ones?Galea and Link offer two possible reasons for this discrepancy [1••].First,research on macrosocial determinants is assumed to be more difficult.Second,it is further assumed that social epidemiologists lack the necessary knowledge and skills to study the connections between macro-level factors and health.On epistemological and social justice grounds,we find these reasons unsatisfactory.If social epidemiologists are expected to produce knowledge that minimizes preventable deaths and alleviates human suffer-ing for all,we ’d argue that our discipline has the professional responsibilities to undertake research that is inherently hard and complex (e.g.,adopting a macro-level orientation and asking questions on how social structures generate health inequalities across time and place),and to learn new theory and skills to understand the connections between macro-level phenomena and population health (e.g.,becoming familiar with sociologi-cal theories that explain why some groups are able to dominate and exploit others for their own political,economic,and cul-tural gain).On these grounds,the future of social epidemiology would benefit from adopting a macro-level orientation,as well as applying a critical perspective [6•,7–9].Having previously argued for the need for politics and economics to beE.NgCentre for Research on Inner City Health,Li KaShing Knowledge Institute,209Victoria Street,3rd Floor,Toronto,Ontario M5B 1C6,Canadae-mail:nged@smh.caC.Muntaner (*)Bloomberg School of Nursing,Dalla Lana School of Public Health,University of Toronto,155College Street,Suite 386,Toronto,Ontario M5T 1P8,Canadae-mail:carles.muntaner@utoronto.caCurr Epidemiol Rep (2014)1:27–37DOI 10.1007/s40471-013-0002-0incorporated into dominant explanations of population health [10],in this commentary,we apply a critical perspective to macrosocial epidemiology that engages scientific realism and incorporates social conflict.To better understand the perspec-tives advocated here,it is useful to briefly describe,compare, and contrast scientific realism and social conflict with other (philosophical)approaches and(sociological)paradigms.Scientific realism is a philosophical approach to the social sciences that can be applied to macrosocial epidemiology to identify the patterns between specific contexts,causal mech-anisms,and health outcomes[8,11–13,14••].Within social epidemiology,there are at least four epistemological ap-proaches that researchers implicitly or explicitly adopt:prag-matism(e.g.,the truth of a concept or proposition relates to its practical effects),empiricism(e.g.,also known as positiv-ism—all knowledge derives from experience as against a priori categories),rationalism(e.g.,deductive reasoning is the ultimate test of knowledge),and realism(e.g.,reality is ontologically independent of practical effects,sensory experi-ence,and rational beliefs).The key idea is that different theories of knowledge matter because epistemologies shape, influence,and determine how topics such as‘race and health’are conceptualized,tested,and interpreted.For example,prag-matists include race variables in their studies for reasons related more to their academic utility,convention,and conse-quences(e.g.,race is investigated because“it works”in a statistical sense),rather than for reasons that implicate preju-dice,stereotypes,and racism as health inequality-generating mechanisms.By comparison,the treatment of race by empir-icists is guided by scientific methods(e.g.,any hypothetical effect of race on health must be directly and systematically observed)and empirical evidence(e.g.,all associations be-tween race and health must be verified and replicated with sensory experiences in the form of valid and reliable data). Given the dominance of empiricism in public health,the extant literature is filled with studies that show race-health associations and few that identify causal mechanisms or rec-ommend social interventions.Among rationalists,the key to understanding how race affects health requires deductive rea-soning and a priori probabilities.The curious implication is that rationalists are likely to theorize about race and health without the support of empirical data to support their claims. In sharp contrast,scientific realists begin with the acknowl-edgement that race and health are connected in complex ways that exist independent of our senses[11].For example, existing studies find individual and institutional forms of racism contribute to producing and perpetuating health in-equalities.The key distinction among realists is that these realities exist over and above our pragmatic,empirical,and rational understanding of them.From a realist perspective,the challenge is to build and refine theory about the nature of race and health,identify immeasurable mechanisms and causal powers that link race and health,and generate theory-and data-driven statements about‘unobservables’as‘observables’[15••].Realism allows social epidemiologists to gain a deeper understanding of how,why,and under what contexts macrosocial determinants improve or harm population levels of health[16,17,18•].In terms of social conflict,this is a sociological paradigm based on the idea that society is a complex system character-ized by inequality,tension,and conflict.These features have the potential to trigger various kinds of social change that may affect population health,including labor strikes,political strife,and social justice movements for racial and gender equality.Guided by this paradigm,macrosocial epidemiolo-gists examine how unequal power relations based on social class,race,ethnicity,and gender(e.g.,exploitative employ-ment relations,racism,sexism)are causally linked to unequal distributions of valuable resources(e.g.,private ownership of productive means,exclusionary educational mechanisms,and intergenerational transfers of wealth create socioeconomic inequalities in the first place),which taken together,generate unfair and avoidable health inequalities.More importantly, this paradigm encourages public health researchers to go beyond the exercise of identifying and replicating significant macro-level associations.The real value of incorporating so-cial conflict into macrosocial epidemiology lies in its empha-sis on challenging major patterns of social inequalities,with the potential to narrow,and possibly eliminate,social inequal-ities in health.Social conflict is advocated here in favor of structural functionalism,the dominant and non-critical approach com-monly used in macrosocial epidemiology.Rather than inter-rogating major patterns of inequality,epidemiologists who adopt structural functionalism are more concerned with documenting the health consequences of macro-level phe-nomena.It is not an exaggeration to say that most macro-level studies in social epidemiology reflect such an orienta-tion.Consequently,most epidemiological studies:(a)adopt uncritical positions on existing social structures(e.g.,socio-economic position is presented as the fundamental cause of health inequalities[19]in favor of capitalist relations that explain how inequalities in both social class and SEP are generated)[20];(b)assume that society and its interrelated parts operate more or less‘naturally’(e.g.,relations between the rich and poor,whites and racial minorities,men and women are relatively‘fixed’);(c)overlook the political,eco-nomic,and cultural ways in which social inequalities are constructed over time and across place(e.g.,dominant groups protect their privileges by supporting the status quo);(d) emphasize on social stability and cohesion in favor of social conflict and social change(e.g.,accept welfare state capitalism and ignore power imbalances between the state/employers and citizens/employees);and(e)display conservatism in their findings and recommendations(e.g.,micro-or mid-level in-terventions are often suggested to tackle macro-levelphenomenon).Once more,in sharp contrast,incorporating social conflict into our thinking and practice encourages us to view social structures as inequality-generating mechanisms, and re-orients our public health efforts toward challenging unequal power relations such as political power,economic exploitation,and dominant cultural beliefs[3,21••,22].Before advancing these arguments,we first provide a brief rationale on the importance and value of macrosocial deter-minants to understanding and improving population health. Macrosocial epidemiology:Moving Upward to Improve Population HealthThe supporting rationale to establish macrosocial epidemiol-ogy as a major program of future scholarship is two-fold.First, existing studies confirm that not all causes of population health and health inequalities can be explained by downstream factors[3,23].The key idea is that some determinants of population health exist at the level of social systems and social structures[3,24],and thus require a macro-level orientation. Because we are seeking to explain why some entities are healthier than others,we should adopt an upstream approach that explains how health inequalities are generated in the first place and reproduced over time through unequal power rela-tions.In this respect,macrosocial approaches to population health differ from prevailing mid-level approaches that focus on stratified attributes and conditions(e.g.,social gradients in health studies that have been replicated for decades)[25]. From a macrosocial perspective,social gradients in health do not simply reflect the fact that some individuals and groups obtain more education,earn more money,and occupy better jobs than others.Instead,health inequalities reflect unequal relations located at a macro-level,and result from social mechanisms that are often unobservable[15••,26].For exam-ple,private ownership of productive resources empowers some persons and firms to appropriate the surplus labor of others(e.g.,capitalist relations in the form of profits)[27]; exclusionary mechanisms enable some groups to severely restrict access to certain economic opportunities(e.g., opportunity-hoarding relations in the form of educational credentials)[28];and discriminatory beliefs and practices often empower certain groups to gain unfair political,eco-nomic,and cultural advantages(e.g.,cultural relations in the form of sexism,racism,heterosexism,ableism,ageism,class bias)[29].The research implication is that if unequal power relations are macrosocial determinants of health,then social epidemiologists should direct their research gaze upward to study macrosocial phenomena.Second,the advantage of focusing on macrosocial deter-minants of health,or more“distal”and“upstream”causes[30, 31],is that greater improvements in population health may be achieved since most disease cases arise among those outside the tail of high risk[32].As Rose argued:“[T]o find the determinants of prevalence and incidence rates,we need to study characteristics of populations,not characteristics of individuals”[33:p.428].Yet,the dominant approach in social epidemiology is to concentrate on the attributes and condi-tions of people,and to compare the characteristics of these people along a number of mid-level variables such as socio-economic position,income inequality,and social cohesion [34].At best,these studies recommend universal policy solu-tions that increase the availability of social determinants of health(e.g.,increasing minimum wages,freezing tuition rates, improving occupational safety).At worst,these studies over-look macro-level phenomena,and offer causal explanations that implicate communities and groups for their own poor health(e.g.,communities and groups with poor health possess insufficient levels of social cohesion and communal trust) [35].In contrast,macrosocial approaches to population health enable us to challenge taken-for-granted assumptions(e.g., narrowing social gradients alone will not achieve health equi-ty),increase our awareness of how social structures affect population health(e.g.,income and health inequalities are inherent features in capitalist economies),and promote a much-needed‘public health imagination’(e.g.,thinking in a way that transforms personal health problems into political and public issues)[36].By implication,macrosocial ap-proaches to improving population health involve more than simply increasing the availability of health-promoting re-sources.In addition to stressing the importance of social determinants of health,macrosocial approaches involve large-scale interventions and movements that redress exploit-ative,exclusionary,and dominative mechanisms(e.g.,in-creasing workplace democracy,strengthening public institu-tions at the expense of private interests,and passing affirma-tive action legislation)[21••,27].Engaging Scientific Realism:Macrosocial Contexts, Mechanisms,and OutcomesBecause existing studies on macrosocial determinants of health are largely guided by positivism,macrosocial epidemi-ology tends to produce more‘black-box’descriptions than explanatory mechanisms,or research that links explanans and explanandum[12,13,14••].Often times,black-box explana-tions are presented in the form of statistical models,and explanatory mechanisms are understood as regression coeffi-cients[37].In turn,these coefficients are offered as the casual inference of macrosocial determinants(e.g.,indicators of globalization such as exports,multinational corporations, and international lending institutions are predictors of higher infant mortality rates[38].From a scientific realist perspec-tive,however,the analytical goal is more complex than performing and interpreting regression models.Rather,thechallenge of scientific realism is to identify the mechanisms that generate macro-level health associations[13,14••,15••, 39••,40,41].In Social Theory and Social Structure,Merton defines mechanisms as“social processes having designated consequences for designated parts of the social structure”and argues that it constitutes the main task of sociology to“iden-tify”mechanisms and to establish under which conditions they“come into being”and“fail to operate”[42;p.43•, 44•].In this respect,scientific realism strives to generate deeper and more granular explanations by thinking in terms of generative mechanisms,which in turn,augments our“un-derstanding of why we observe what we observe”[13;p.9].In applying this logic to macrosocial epidemiology,the challenge of scientific realism is to identify generative mechanisms that explain how and why macrosocial determinants and popula-tion health are casually linked.In question form,for example,“how and why do macrosocial forces,processes,and institu-tions improve or worsen population health and increase or reduce health inequalities,and under what political,economic, and cultural contexts?”Given that black-box thinking reflects an empiricist ap-proach,the intellectual goals are to identify plausible connec-tions between independent variables(I)and health outcomes (O),test the systematic direction,strength,and significance of these connections,and determine the degree to which health outcomes change when any one of the macrosocial (independent)variables(I)is varied,while holding other pre-dictors constant.Black-box accounts are the standard in macrosocial epidemiology,and include,for example,dominant programs of research on the health consequences of income inequalities[43•],welfare regime typologies[44•],and demo-cratic states[45•].In contrast,mechanism-based thinking(sci-entific realism)involves examining the same causal link be-tween I and O,with the added realist foci of contexts(C)and mechanisms(M).Contexts refer to specific features and set-tings in which macro-level determinants of health are concep-tualized and generative mechanisms are triggered to affect population health[17,46–48].Contextual thinking addresses the key questions“for whom”and“in what circumstances”do macrosocial factors,processes,and institutions shape and in-fluence health outcomes.In turn,mechanisms describe what it is about macrosocial determinants that generate population health outcomes(O).The key idea here is that macro-level factors are not the tangible causes of health per se.To be more accurate and precise,macrosocial determinants either provide or withhold the resources that improve or harm health and increase or reduce health inequalities.Because mechanisms are often unobservable and thus immeasurable,the scientific realist tasks for social epidemiologists are three-fold:(1)iden-tify the inner workings of macrosocial determinants of health;(2)build generative theories;and(3)produce a set of theory-and data-driven statements on how and why macrosocial de-terminants are casually linked to population health.To make scientific realism less abstract and more concrete, let’s review a current example in the extant literature—the macro-level health associations between leftist politics,welfare regimes,and welfare generosity[49•,50•].Guided by a realist framework,we can deconstruct the interactions between poli-tics(e.g.,organizations and institutions committed to egalitar-ian,moderate,or conservative ideologies),regimes(e.g.,his-torical balance of working-class power),and generosity(e.g., state distribution of public goods and social transfers)into their essential contexts,mechanisms,and outcome patterns[17]. Pawson and Tilly[17]describe context-mechanism-outcome patterns using the lettering system(C1)(M1)(O1).Given this, it is not essential that we an explanatory note.It’s not a standard in the field of realist evaluation.Since contexts enable and constrain the operation of mechanisms,the political,economic, and cultural contexts of population health are central to gener-ating initial theory.For example,political contexts relevant to population health include open forms of government such as ‘democratic states’(C1)[51]and constitutional constraints such as‘proportional representation systems’(C2)[52].The historical balance of political power may be germane as well, including for example,‘strength of leftist political parties’(C3) [3,24],‘strength of trade unions’(C4)[53,54],‘number of female politicians’(C5)[55],‘strength progressive social movements’(C6)[56],and‘social democratic welfare regimes’(C7)[57,58].Macro-levels of health are also dependent on economic contexts such as economic systems,‘capitalist rela-tions’(C9)[59],policy preferences,‘neoliberal doctrines’(C10) [60],and economic indicators,‘economic growth’(C11)[61] and‘global recessions’(C12)[62].The health impact of cul-tural contexts may consist of social norms,‘individualist’(C13) [63]versus‘collectivist’(C14)[64],and dominant ideologies,‘populism’(C15)[65]versus‘elitism’(C16)[66].Recall that causal mechanisms are the resources responsi-ble for improving or harming population health and reducing or increasing health inequalities.The critical distinction is that independent variables(I)are not the units of analysis that explain causation.Welfare generosity,for example,has been conceptualized as a macrosocial determinant of health[67•]. However,government expenditures are not causal mecha-nisms that explain the logic on how and why welfare states shape and influence health outcomes.In realist terms,govern-ment expenditures work in different ways in different contexts to trigger various mechanisms(M1,…,M n),which in turn, affect health outcomes.So what are possible causal mecha-nisms that explain how and why welfare generosity improves health and reduces health inequalities?Health-promoting re-sources activated by welfare regimes include,but are not limited to,the‘provision of public goods’(M1)(e.g.,universal healthcare)[68];‘protection against labor market risks’(M2) (e.g.,generous pension and unemployment benefits)[57];‘institutionalization of acceptable standards of living’(M3) (e.g.,large stock of social housing)[68];‘reduction of socialinequalities’(M4)(e.g.,generous income maintenance pro-grams)[69];‘decommodification of labor’(M5)(e.g.,allevi-ating the degree to which individuals are forced to sell their labor as commodities)[57];‘guarantee of social citizenship rights’(M6)(e.g.,income entitlements are universal and granted for all citizens)[70];‘defamilization of labor’(M7) (e.g.,alleviating the degree to which individuals can uphold acceptable standards of living independent of family relation-ships)[71];‘protection against psychosocial stress and health-threatening behaviors’(M8)(e.g.,welfare expenditures buffer against material deprivation’[72,73];and‘investment in public infrastructures’(M9)(e.g.,redistribution of societal resources for public goods)[74].Within contexts,mechanisms are activated,resulting in specific health outcome patterns.Health outcome patterns are the intended and unintended interactions and conse-quences of leftist politics,welfare regimes,and welfare generosity.Scientific realism advises against relying on any single health variable to understand the health effects of macrosocial entities.Instead,the rule of thumb is to consider a wide range of health outcomes to produce a more nuanced understanding of how macrosocial determi-nants generate multiple outcome patterns over the life-course.Although most macrosocial studies remain focused on disease-specific outcomes,existing studies fare much better in terms of life-course stages,finding that politics, regimes,and generosity generate and reproduce population health outcomes during childhood(e.g.,infant mortality and low birth weight)(O1)[75],adolescence(O2)[76], working-age(O3)[54],and retirement(O4)[77],as well as across sub-groups such as gender(O5)[78•].The notion of outcome patterns runs contrary to the bio-medical tradi-tion of disease-specific investigations;however,thinking in terms of outcome patterns allows us to broaden our approach to understanding and explaining how and why macro-level determinants are linked to multiple public health outcomes.At its core,scientific realism is about theory-testing and refinement.Identifying context-mechanism-outcome pat-terns in macrosocial epidemiology represents a major step toward producing a fuller understanding on(a)how macro-level factors,processes,and institutions(e.g.,welfare state capitalism)(b)trigger,authorize,and justify key mecha-nisms(e.g.,employment relations)that(c)generate and reproduce unequal power relations(e.g.,capitalist and man-agerial class versus well-educated and trained middle class versus working class with weak unions versus precarious workers versus working poor)(d)under specific conditions (e.g.,global recession within the context of austerity),(e)to bring about predictable levels of population health and health inequalities.Whereas positivism aims to connect and replicate the associations between(a)and(e),scientific realism offers new directions such as(b),(c),and(d),for macrosocial theories of population health.Incorporating Social Conflict:Unequal Political, Economic,and Cultural RelationsIt suffices to say that the vast majority of research on macrosocial determinants of health favors a purely scientific paradigm more than a social-conflict approach[54,79].Guid-ed by the former paradigm,macrosocial epidemiology pre-sumes that social structures simply exist within an orderly system,and that the goals of public health research are to gather empirical data,describe macro-level patterns,and rec-ommend incremental changes[80••].Consequently,this work tends to be produced for academic audiences,motivated by professional interests,and guided by structural-functional the-ories(e.g.,viewing society as a complex system where social structures work together to ensure productivity and stability such as economic growth)[80••].Given this,it is not an exaggeration to say that most research on macrosocial epide-miology is non-critical,and that our current knowledge of population health tends to be“overly descriptive…[and] almost irrelevant to policy debates”[81•].There are at least three reasons why macrosocial epidemi-ology qualifies as being‘non-critical’.First,most macro-level epidemiologic studies do not consider the effects of social conflict,or the inherent struggle between individuals and groups over positions of power and valued resources(e.g., political,economic,and cultural)[22].Second,current re-search generally makes policy recommendations that are re-stricted to improving the health of specific groups through targeted programs and services rather than improving the health of populations through universal programs(e.g.,uni-versal healthcare,childcare,and post-secondary education) [82].Third,nearly all work fails to implicate social structures that generate and reproduce inequalities in the first place as macrosocial determinants of health inequalities(e.g.,private-property rights over means of production;capacity of business owners to acquire profits from subordinated classes;oppres-sive,dominative,and exploitative histories based on colonial, patriarchal,and racial relations)[21••,83,84].To advance a more critical understanding of population health,our conceptualization of macrosocial determinants ex-plicitly incorporates the sociological ideas of social structures and social-conflict[85•].Here,the emphasis is on how social structures,or relatively stable patterns of social behavior,gen-erate and reproduce different forms of social conflict,which result in unequal political,economic,and cultural relations [85•],which in turn,produce health inequalities.The key idea is that these social structures and social conflicts have the effect of benefiting some groups(e.g.,core/wealthy nations;men; heterosexuals;able-bodied;non-retired;business owners)at the direct expense of others(e.g.,semi-periphery/middle-income and periphery/low-income nations;visible minorities;women; lesbian,gay,bisexual,transgender;disabled;working class; poor;First Nations)[27,29,86].。