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城市与建筑专业英语期末翻译作业学号：090870244姓名：张奎班级：城规091班老师：杜德静Chapter eight : Urban GovernanceFurther Reading (1)Impact of Globalization on Urban Governance在过去的二十年里,许多领域出现了重组过程。
世界各地的城市已经在经济、技术、政治、文化和空间上有了重大的变化。
经济变化已经形成了一个新的全球化经济，同时粗放生产也向灵活的专业化生产转变。
国际贸易和投资也有大幅度提升。
世界重组经济刺激了向新的全球经济过渡。
因此,金融对生产的优势地位一直在增加的同时,更突出强调知识、创新和经济竞争。
另一方面,信息技术已经在城市地区改变了经济、社会和制度结构。
社会和文化变化的发生,导致社会如隔离和分裂等重大变化。
向全球化经济的过渡导致了国家经济失去对自身金融市场的控制。
制度的转变导致减少了政府在经济和社会中的积极作用。
决策分布在广泛的组织中,而不能仅局限于当地政府。
因此,政府间的关系也进行了重组。
自80年代以来,研究了在全球化政策治理关系上的影响。
虽然没有在治理的定义上达成共识，那确实显示出正式的政府结构和现代机构的角色转变，以及在公共，私人，自愿和家庭群体之间的责仸分配的变化。
增加分散在城市舞台上的责仸，在现有的国家和地方各级机构的政策制定过程中重点已转移到新机构的关系和不同的成分上。
这种分裂的影响也反映在经济和空间规划上。
一个新的政治形式，已成为一个国家重点调整的对象。
以网络的形式，治理跨越了大陆，国家，区域和地方政府之间的关系。
经济和体制因素的相互作用决定着城市和地区的多变性政府结构，而这将通过过政治，文化和其他内容的力量表现出来在这个过程中，城市収展和城市政策之间的关系变得更加复杂。
然而到目前为止，一个满意的城市治理模式，可以充分代表所有案件尚未开収。
有很多不同的方法来定义“治理”。
在很多学术领域这个词有其理论根基,其中包括制度经济学、国际关系、収展研究,政治科学和公共管理。
城市规划专业英语unban planning 城市规划town planning 城镇规划act of urban planning 城市规划法urban comprehensive/master planning 城市总体规划urban detailed planning 城市详细规划Residentiral district detailed planning 修建性详规regulatory detailed planning 控制性详规protection planning of historic cities 历史名城保护规划规划类的专业课程reginal planning 区域规划urban system planning 城镇体系规划urban sociology 城市社会学urban economic 城市经济学urban geography 城市地理学urban infrastructure planning 城市基础设施规划urban immediate planning 城市近期建设规划Community planning 社区规划Flood control planning 防洪规划electricity supply planning 供电规划water supply planning供水规划gas supply planning 供气规划urban water supply and drainage planning城市给排水规划urban road system and transportation planning城市道路系统和交通规划Land planning 用地规划Site planning 场地规划Urban growth 城市扩建Urban revitalization 城市复苏Urban agglomeration 城市群urban road cross-section城市道路横断面urban management information system 城市管理信息系统GIS =geograghy information system 地理信息系统RS=remote sensing 遥感Gardening==Landscape architecture园林=营造景观学/景观建筑学Ecological system 生态系统Urban landscape planning and design 城市景观规划和设计Urban green space system planning 城市绿地系统规划Urban design 城市设计•Land-use planning 土地利用规划Land use density 土地利用强度Building interval 建筑间距Urban sub-center 城市副中心The cultural and historic planning 历史文化名城Protection planning 保护规划Urbanization 城市化Urbanization level 城市化水平Suburbanization 郊区化Public participation 公众参与Sustainable development 可持续性发展Urban sustainable development 城市可持续发展Over-all urban layout 城市整体布局Pedestrian crossing 人行横道Human scale 人体尺寸Street furniture 街道小品Street tree 行道树Fountain 喷泉Public park/garden 公园History of gardening 造园史sculpture 雕塑planning design 种植设计plant 乔木shrub 灌木landscape designer 景观设计师mini-park/pocket park 袖珍公园urban landmark 城市地标Nature reserve 自然保护区Landscape characteristic 园林特色tea bar 茶吧Traffic and parking 交通与停车Landscape node 景观节点Landscape core 景观核Landscape bond 景观带•Brief history of urban planning Archaeological 考古学的Habitat 住处Aesthetics 美学Geometrical 几何学的Floor area ratio 容积率Greening rate 绿地率Population density 人口密度Legend 图例Scale 比例尺Traffic flow density 交通流密度Boundary line of roads 道路红线Topography map 地形图Moat/cannel 护城河Green buffer 防护绿地Wetland 湿地Vegetation 植被Indoor plants 室内植物Buffer zone 缓冲区Vehicles 车辆，交通工具mechanization 机械化merchant-trader 商人阶级urban elements 城市要素proposed plaza 拟建广场plazas 广场malls （原意）林荫道•The city and regionAdaptable 适应性强的Organic entity 有机体Department stores 百货商店Opera 歌剧院Symphony 交响乐团Cathedrals 教堂Density 密度Circulation 循环Elimination of water 水处理措施In three dimensional form 三维的Condemn 谴责Rural area 农村地区Regional planning agencies 区域规划机构Service-oriented 以服务为宗旨的Frame of reference 参考标准Distribute 分类Water area 水域Alteration 变更Inhabitants 居民Motorway 高速公路Update 改造论文写作Abstract 摘要Key words 关键词Reference 参考资料•Urban problemDimension 大小Descendant 子孙，后代Luxury 奢侈Dwelling 住所Edifices 建筑群<Athens Charter>雅典宪章Residence 居住Employment 工作Recreation 休憩Transportation交通Swallow 吞咽，燕子Urban fringes 城市边缘Anti- 前缀，反对……的；如：antinuclear反核的anticlockwise逆时针的Pro- 前缀，支持，同意……的；如：pro-American 亲美的pro-education重教育的Grant 助学金，基金Sewage 污水Sewer 污水管Sewage treatment plant 污水处理厂Brain drain 人才流失Drainage area 汇水面积Traffic flow 交通量Traffic concentration 交通密度Traffic control 交通管制Traffic bottleneck 交通瓶颈地段Traffic island 交通岛（转盘）Traffic point city 交通枢纽城市Train-make-up 编组站Urban redevelopment 旧城改造Urban revitalization 城市复苏•Urban FunctionUrban fabric 城市结构Urban form 城市形体Urban function orientation 城市功能定位Urban characteristic 城市特征Designated function of city 城市性质Traffic point city 交通枢纽城市Warehouse 仓库Material processing center 原料加工中心Religious edifices 宗教建筑Correctional institution 教养院Transportation interface 交通分界面CBD=central business district 城市中心商业区Public agencies of parking 停车公共管理机构Energy conservation 节能Individual building 单一建筑Mega-structures 大型建筑Mega- 大，百万，强Megalopolis 特大城市Megaton 百万吨R residence land use 居住用地黄色C commercial land use 商业用地红色M manufacture land use/industrial land use 工业用地紫褐色W warehouse land use 仓储用地紫色T transportation 交通用地蓝灰色Inter-city transportation land use 对外交通用地S roads and squares land use 道路广场用地留白处理U municipal utilities land use 市政公共设施用地接近蓝灰色G green space 绿地绿色P particular/specially-designated land use特殊用地E 水域及其他用地（除E外，其他合为城市建设用地）Corporate 公司的，法人的Corporation 公司企业Accessibility 可达性；易接近Service radius 服务半径Reservation of open space 预留公共空间•Urban landscapeTopography 地形图Well-matched 相匹配Ill-matchedVisual landscape 视觉景观Visual environment 视觉环境Visual landscape capacity 视觉景观容量Tour industry 旅游业Service industry 服务业Relief road 辅助道路Rural population 城镇居民Roofline 屋顶轮廓线风景园林四大要素：landscape plantArchitecture/buildingTopographyWater•Urban designNature reserve 自然保护区Civic enterprise 市政企业Artery 动脉，干道，大道Land developer 土地开发商Broad thorough-fare 主干道•Water supply and drainageA water supply for a town 城市给水系统Storage reservoir 水库，蓄水库Distribution reservoir 水库，配水库Distribution pipes 配水管网Water engineer 给水工程师Distribution system 配水系统Catchment area 汇水面积Open channel 明渠Sewerage system 污水系统，排污体制Separate 分流制Combined 合流制Rainfall 降水Domestic waste 生活污水Industrical waste 工业污水Stream flow 河流流量Runoff 径流Treatment plant 处理厂Sub-main 次干管Branch sewer 支管City water department 城市供水部门•UrbanizationSpatial structure 空间转移Labor force 劳动力Renewable 可再生Biosphere 生物圈Planned citiesBlueprints 蓝图License 执照，许可证Minerals 矿物Hydroelectric power source 水利资源Monuments 纪念物High-rise apartment 高层建筑物Lawn 草坪Soft landscape 软质景观Hard landscape 硬质景观Urban amenity 城市宜人设施Regional park 区域性公园Pavement 铺装Sidewalk 人行道Avenue 林荫道Winding street/wandering road 曲折的路Flower bed 花坛Hedge 树篱Green fencing 绿篱Riverside landscape bond 滨河景观带Palm 棕榈Recreation center 游憩中心Arched corridor 拱廊Multilayer planting 多层植物配置Riverside park 滨河公园Bank line 岸线Athletics park 运动公园Yacht 游艇Landscape bond around the city 环城景观带Central landscape bond 中央景观带Brook 小溪Front yard 前院Small-bounding wall小围墙Liana 藤本植物Plant configuring 植物配置Ever-green 常绿Hardwoods 阔叶林Ground cover 地被植物Oasis 绿洲Sub-space 亚空间Secondary seating 辅助性休息设施Mounds of grass 草丘Step with a view 眺台Seating wall 坐墙Seating capacity 座椅容量Planter 种植池Dramatic grade change 剧烈的坡度变化Eye-catching feature 引人注目的景物Drinking fountain 饮水设备Trash container 垃圾桶Reception/information 询问处Sign system 标志系统•A view of VeniceMetropolis 都市Urban renewal 城市更新Urban redevelopment 城市改造Construction work 市政建设Slums 平民窟Alleys 大街小巷Populate 居住Gothic 哥特式Renaissance 文艺复兴式Baroque 巴洛克式。
2 THEORY OF URBAN PLANNING2.1 What is a City?Most of our housing and city planning has been handicapped because those who have undertaken the work have had no clear notion of the social functions of the city. They sought to derive these functions from a cursory1survey of the activities and interests of the contemporary urban scene. And they did not, apparently, suspect that there might be gross deficiencies, misdirected efforts, mistaken expenditures here that would not be set straight by merely building sanitary tenements or straightening out and widening irregular street..大多数住房和城市规划的不完满是因为我们已经开展的工作没有清楚的城市功能社会化的概念。
他们试图从当代都市景象的活动与利益中的一个粗略的调查来获得这些功能。
显然他们没有怀疑这可能有严重的不足，误导努力的方向，在这错误的支出，将不会仅仅直接采用建设卫生的住宅或者整顿和拓宽不规则的道路。
The city as a purely physical fact has been subject to numerous investigations. But what is the city as a social institution? I would like sum up the sociological concept of the city in the following terms:城市作为一个纯粹的物理事实一直受到众多调查。
城市规划专业英语urban planning 城市规划town planning 城镇规划act of urban planning 城市规划法urban comprehensive planning 城市总体规划urban detailed planning 城市详细规划Residentiral district detailed planning 修建性详规regulatory detailed planning 控制性详规规划类的专业课程reginal planning 区域规划urban system planning 城镇体系规划urban sociology 城市社会学urban economic 城市经济学urban geograghy 城市地理学urban infrastructure planning 城市基础设施规划(water supply and drainage \electricity supply\road building)（城市供水、供电、道路修建）urban road system and transportation planning 城市道路系统和交通规划urban road cross-section 城市道路横断面urban management information system 城市管理信息系统GIS =geograghy information system 地理信息系统RS=remote sensing 遥感Gardening==Landscape architecture 园林=营造景观学Urban landscape planning and design 城市景观规划和设计Urban green space system planning 城市绿地系统规划Urban design 城市设计Land-use planning 土地利用规划The cultural and historic planning 历史文化名城Protection planning 保护规划Urbanization 城市化Suburbanization 郊区化Public participation 公众参与Sustainable development(sustainability) 可持续性发展（可持续性）Over-all urban layout 城市整体布局Pedestrian crossing 人行横道Human scale 人体尺寸Street furniture 街道小品(sculpture fountain tea bar) （雕塑、喷泉、茶吧）Traffic and parking 交通与停车Landscape node 景观节点Archaeological 考古学的Habitat 住处Aesthetics 美学Geometrical 几何学的Moat 护城河Vehicles 车辆，交通工具,mechanization 机械化merchant-trader 商人阶级urban elements 城市要素plazas 广场malls 林荫道The city and regionAdaptable 适应性强的Organic entity 有机体Department stores 百货商店Opera 歌剧院Symphony 交响乐团Cathedrals 教堂Density 密度Circulation 循环Elimination of water 水处理措施In three dimensional form 三维的Condemn 谴责Rural area 农村地区Regional planning agencies 区域规划机构Service-oriented 以服务为宗旨的Frame of reference 参考标准Distribute 分类Water area 水域Alteration 变更Inhabitants 居民Motorway 高速公路Update 改造论文写作Abstract 摘要Key words 关键词Reference 参考资料Urban problemDimension 大小Descendant 子孙，后代Luxury 奢侈Dwelling 住所Edifices 建筑群<Athens Charter>雅典宪章Residence 居住Employment 工作Recreation 休憩Transportation交通Swallow 吞咽，燕子Urban fringes 城市边缘Anti- 前缀，反对……的；如：antinuclear反核的anticlockwise逆时针的Pro- 前缀，支持，同意……的；如：pro-American 亲美的pro-education 重教育的Grant 助学金，基金Sewage 污水Sewer 污水管Sewage treatment plant 污水处理厂Brain drain 人才流失Drainage area 汇水面积Traffic flow 交通量Traffic concentration 交通密度Traffic control 交通管制Traffic bottleneck 交通瓶颈地段Traffic island 交通岛（转盘）Traffic point city 交通枢纽城市Train-make-up 编组站Urban redevelopment 旧城改造Urban revitalization 城市复苏Urban FunctionUrban fabric 城市结构Urban form 城市形体Warehouse 仓库Material processing center 原料加工中心Religious edifices 宗教建筑Correctional institution 教养院Transportation interface 交通分界面CBD=central business district 城市中心商业区Public agencies of parking 停车公共管理机构Energy conservation 节能Individual building 单一建筑Mega-structures 大型建筑Mega- 大，百万，强Megalopolis 特大城市Megaton 百万吨R residence 居住用地黄色C commercial 商业用地红色M manufacture 工业用地紫褐色W warehouse 仓储用地紫色T transportation 交通用地蓝灰色S square 道路广场用地留白处理U utilities 市政公共设施用地接近蓝灰色G green space 绿地绿色P particular 特殊用地E 水域及其他用地（除E外，其他合为城市建设用地）Corporate 公司的，法人的Corporation 公司企业Accessibility 可达性；易接近Service radius 服务半径Urban landscapeTopography 地形图Well-matched 相匹配Ill-matchedVisual landscape 视觉景观Visual environment 视觉环境Visual landscape capacity 视觉景观容量Tour industry 旅游业Service industry 服务业Relief road 辅助道路Rural population 城镇居民Roofline 屋顶轮廓线风景园林四大要素：landscape plantarchitecture/buildingtopographywaterUrban designNature reserve 自然保护区Civic enterprise 市政企业Artery 动脉，干道，大道Land developer 土地开发商Broad thorough-fare 主干道Water supply and drainageA water supply for a town 城市给水系统Storage reservoir 水库，蓄水库Distribution reservoir 水库，配水库Distribution pipes 配水管网Water engineer 给水工程师Distribution system 配水系统Catchment area 汇水面积Open channel 明渠Sewerage system 污水系统，排污体制Separate 分流制Combined 合流制Rainfall 降水Domestic waste 生活污水Industrical waste 工业污水Stream flow 河流流量Runoff 径流Treatment plant 处理厂Sub-main 次干管Branch sewer 支管City water department 城市供水部门UrbanizationSpatial structure 空间转移Labor force 劳动力Renewable 可再生*Biosphere 生物圈Planned citiesBlueprints 蓝图License 执照，许可证Minerals 矿物Hydroelectric power source 水利资源Monuments 纪念物High-rise apartment 高层建筑物Lawn 草地Pavement 人行道Sidewalk 人行道Winding street 曲折的路A view of Venice Metropolis 都市Construction work 市政建设Slums 平民窟Alleys 大街小巷Populate 居住Gothic 哥特式Renaissance 文艺复兴式Baroque 巴洛克式。
学校代码：学号：本科毕业设计说明书（外文文献翻译）学生姓名：学院：建筑学院系别：城市规划系专业：城市规划专业班级：指导老师：二〇一三年六月外文文献1题目：城市的共同点简要说明：美国是一个幅员辽阔的大陆规模的国家，国土面积大，增加人口或国内生产总值明显。
美国的趋势，乡村的经济发展的时候，例如考虑如何美国新城市规划的已经席卷英国，特别是在约翰·普雷斯科特满腔热情地通过了。
现在，在欧洲，我们有一个运动自愿自下而上的地方当局联合会，西米德兰兹或大曼彻斯特地区的城市，这意味着当地政府的重新组织。
因此，在大西洋两侧的，这可能是一个虚假的黎明。
这当然是一个看起来不成熟的凌乱与现有的正式的政府想违背的机构。
但是，也许这是一个新的后现代的风格，像我们这样的社会管理自己的事务的征兆。
有趣的是，在法国和德国的类似举措也一起萌生，它们可以代表重大的东西的开端。
出处：选自国外刊物《城市和乡村规划》中的一篇名为《城市的共同点》的文章。
其作者为霍尔·彼得。
原文：That long-rehearsed notion of American exceptionlism tends to recur whenever yo u seriously engage withevents in that country. For one thing, the United States is a vast continental-scale country--far larger in area, although not of course inopulation or GDP, than our European Union, let alone our tiny island or the even tinier strip of denselyrbanised territory that runs from the Sussex Coast to the M62. For another--an associated (but too oftengnored)thing--the United States has a federal system of government, meaning that your life (and even, if youappen to be a murderer, your death) is almost totally dependent on the politics of your own often-obscure Stateapitol, rather than on those of far-distant Washington, DC.And, stemming from those two facts, America is an immensely Iocalised and even islatednation. Particularlyif you happen to live in any of the 30 or so states that form its deep interior heartland, from an Americanvantage point the world--even Washington, let alone Europe or China--really is a very long way away.Although no-one seems exactly to know, it appears that an amazingly small number of Americans have apassport: maybe one in five at most. And since I was reliably told on my recent visit that many Americans thinkthey need one to visit Hawaii, it's a fair bet that even fewer have ever truly ventured abroad.That thought recurred repeatedly on the flight back, when in the airport bookstall I picked up a best-sellingpiece of the higher journalism in which America excels, What's the Matter with Kansas?, by Thomas Frank. Anative of Kansas, Frank poses the question: why in 2000 (and again in 2004) did George W. Bush sweep somuch of his home state--as of most of the 'red America' heartland states--when the people who voted for himwere voting for their own economic annihilation? For Frank convincingly shows that they were denying theirown basic self-interests--sometimes to the degree that they were helping to throw themselves out of work.The strange answer is that in 21st-century America, the neo-conservatives have succeeded in fighting electionson non-economic, so-called moral issues--like abortion, or the teaching of intelligent design in the publicschools. And the people at the bottom of the economic pile are the most likely to vote that way.Well, we're a long way behind that curve--or ahead of it, you might say. But American trends, howeverimplausible at the time, have an alarming way of arriving in the UK one or two decades later (just look at trashTV). Who knows? Maybe by 2016, orearlier, our own home-grown anti-evolutionists will be busily engaged inmass TV burnings of 10 [pounds sterling] notes--assuming of course that by then the portrait of Darwin hasn't been replaced by a Euro-bridge. Meanwhile, vive la difference.Yet, despite such fundamental divides, the interesting fact is that in academic or professional life the intellectualcurrents and waves tend to respect no frontiers. Considerfor instance how the American New Urbanismmovement has swept the UK, particularly after John Prescott so enthusiastically adopted it and made it aLeitmotif of his Urban Summit a year ago. And now, as Mike Teitz shows in his piece in this issue of Town&Country Planning, there's yet another remarkable development: apparently in complete independence, acityregionmovement is spring up over there, uncannily similar in some ways to what's happening here.Just compare some parallels.Here, we had metropolitan counties from 1973, when a Tory government created them, to 1986, when a Torygovernment abolished them. There, they had a movement for regional 'councils of governments'--but they wereweak and unpopular, and effectively faded away.Now, we have a movement for city-regions as voluntary bottom-up federations of local authorities in certainareas, like the West Midlands or Greater Manchester, but without any suggestion that this means localgovernment re-organisation. And there, they have what Mike Teitz calls regionalism by stealth: in California'slarger metropolitan areas, such as Los Angeles or the San Francisco Bay Area, there is a new movement thatmakes no attempt to create new regional agencies, but instead uses any convenient existing agency in order toinvolve local governments closely in updating their land use plans to reflect regional goals.There's one significant feature of the Californian model that maybe has no parallel on this side: it usesincentives, such as the availability of federal transportation improvement funds, to win local collaboration. Butina sense, you could argue that a major new initiative from our Department for Transport—regionalprioritysation, whereby the new regional planning bodies set their own priorities for investment--could work inthe same way: these bodies, all of which are producing new-style regional spatial strategies, are now having torelate these to their planned investments in roads or public transport.Of course, there are huge differences. First, ours is a typical top-down initiative, a kind of downward devolutionby order of Whitehall, and it remains unclear whether Whitehall won't after all second-guess the regionalpriorities, as with the 260 million [pounds sterling] Manchester Metrolink extensions which form a huge chunkof the North West priority list but which have already been rejected by Alistair Darling. And second,theexercise is being performed by regional strategic planning bodies that operate at a much larger spatial scale thanthe city-regions: the North West, for instance, contains no less than three such city-regions as defined in theNorthern Way strategy--or three somewhat different city-regions (plus one other) as defined in a new report forOffice of the Deputy Prime Minister from the Universities of Salford and Manchester, AFramework for CityRegions.Nonetheless, it's precisely since John Prescott's failed attempt to give such bodies democratic legitimacy, in theNorth East referendum, that the city-regionidea hassurfaced--clearly as an alternative to it. It's not entirely outof the question, although it would be exceedingly messy, to conceive of a new city-regional structure carved outof the present regional structure.So, on either side of the Atlantic, this may be a false dawn. It's certainly one that looks inchoate, untidy and atodds with existing formal structures of government. But perhaps that's symptomatic of a new postmodern (orpost-postmodern) style by which societies like ours run their affairs. Interestingly, similarinitiativesareemerging in France and Germany. Together, they could represent the beginnings of something significant.Sir Peter Hall is Professor of Planning and Regeneration in the Bartlett School of Planning, University CollegeLondon, and President of the TCPA. The views expressed here are his own.翻译内容：城市的共同点霍尔·彼得每当认真参与并研究这个国家的大事时长期存在的美国例外论就会反复出现在脑海里。
城市规划专业英语翻译．CHAPTER ONE: EVOLUTION AND TRENDSARTICLE: The Evolution of Modern Urban Planningto definition It's very difficult to give aplanning, modern urban planning isfrom origin to today, modern urbanmore like an evolving and changing process, and it will continue evolving and changing. Originally, modernurban planning was emerged to resolve the problems brought by Industrial Revolution; it was physical andfor land-use. development political and technical Then with the economic, social, technical with focus onone hundred years, today's city is a complex system which contains many elements that are related to overeach other. And urban planning is not only required to concern with the build environment, but also relate从起源到今more to economic, social and political conditions.以现代城市规划，这是非常困难的给予定义，现代城市规划的出现，天，现代城市规划更像是一个不断发展和变化的过程，它会继续发展和变化。
大学生城市规划英语作文As a college student majoring in urban planning, I am fascinated by the dynamic and ever-changing nature of cities. The built environment, transportation systems, and public spaces all play a crucial role in shaping the identity and functionality of a city.Urban planning is not just about designing physical spaces, but also about creating communities and fostering social interactions. It involves understanding the needs and desires of diverse populations and finding ways to accommodate them within the urban fabric.One of the biggest challenges in urban planning is achieving sustainable development. This requires balancing economic growth with environmental conservation and social equity. It involves promoting green spaces, reducing carbon emissions, and ensuring access to basic amenities for all residents.Technology is revolutionizing the field of urban planning. From geographic information systems to smart city solutions, digital tools are helping planners analyze data, visualize scenarios, and engage with stakeholders in more effective ways.Public participation is essential in the urban planning process. Engaging with local residents, businesses, and community organizations can help ensure that planning decisions reflect the needs and aspirations of the people who will be directly impacted by them.In conclusion, urban planning is a complex and multifaceted discipline that requires a deep understanding of social, economic, and environmental dynamics. As a college student, I am excited to be part of a profession that has the potential to shape the future of our citiesfor the better.。
单词：Urban form 城市形态Individual buildings 单体建筑Open spaces 开敞空间Sense of belonging 归属感Cityscape 城市景观developing landscape policies 发展景观规划green space system 绿色空间系统landscape framework 景观框架Climate change and the greenhouse effect （气候变化和温室效应）Wastewater treatment （废水处理）Low-carbon economy 低碳经济段落：1.From a a visual visual and aesthetic aesthetic perspective, perspective, perspective, Lynch, Lynch, in his book The Image Image of of of the the the City City (1960), identified five types of elements. They are: (1) Paths, which may be streets, walkways, transit lines, canals, railroads ¼(2) Edges, which include shores, railroad cuts, edges of development, walls ¼(3) Districts, which are recognizable with same common character. (4) Nodes, which may be centers of activities, like a shopping center, major junctions[a1] , places of break in transportation ¼(5) Landmarks, which are usually a rather defined physical object such as building, sign, mountain or monument. 翻译：从视觉和美学的角度来看，凯文林奇在他的著作《城市意象》中，定义了5种元素，它们是：（1）通道：是道路、人行道、车行道、水道，铁路等等；（2）边缘：包括河岸、铁路交叉口、开发区边缘、墙等；（3）区域，是具有相同性质的地区；4）节点：它也许是活动中心，像是商业中心、主要的交叉口、交通集散点等；（5）地标：它通常是一个明显的物质性的建筑物，像是大厦、标志物、山体或者纪念碑等。
A KNOWLEDGE-BASED CONCEPTUAL VISION OF THE SMART CITYElsa NEGRE Camille ROSENTHAL-SABROUX Mila GASCóLAMSADE LAMSADE Center for Innovation in CitiesParis-Dauphine University Paris-Dauphine University Institute for Innovation SIGECAD Team SIGECAD Team and Knowledge ManagementFrance France ESADE-Ramon Llull Universityelsa.negre@dauphine.frcamille.rosenthal-sabroux@dauphine.frmila.gasco@AbstractThe term smart city is a fuzzy concept, not well defined in theoretical researches nor in empirical projects. Several definitions, different from each other, have been proposed. However, all agree on the fact that a Smart City is an urban space that tends to improve the daily life (work, school,...) of its citizens(broadly defined). This is an improvement fromdifferent points of view: social, political, economic, governmental. This paper goes beyond this definition and proposes a knowledge-based conceptual vision of the smart city, centered on people’s information and knowledge of people, in order to improve decision-making processes and enhance the value-added of business processes of the modern city.1. IntroductionOver the past few decades, the challenges faced by municipal ,such as urban growth or migration, have become increasingly complex and interrelated. In addition to the traditional land-use regulation, urban maintenance, production, and management of services, governments are required to meet new demands from different actors regarding water supply, natural resources sustainability, education, safety, or transportation (Gascóet al,2014). Innovation, and technological innovation in particular, can help city governments to meet the challenges of urban governance, to improve urban environments, to become more competitive and to address sustainability concerns. Since the early 90s, the development of Internet and communication technologies has facilitated the generation of initiatives to create opportunities for communication and information sharing by local authorities. This phenomenon appeared in the United States then moved to Europe and Asia. Indeed, in oureveryday life, we are more and more invaded by data and information. This flow of data and information is often the result of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). Moreover, potentialities of ICT, that have almost exponentially increased have given rise to a huge mass of data to treat (Batty, 2013). The world is becoming increasingly digital and people are affected by these changes. Also, the digital infrastructure infers an information environment that is “as imperceptible to us as water is to a fish”(McLuhan & Gordon, 2011).There exists a kind of parallelism between technologies and humans. On one hand, people use technologies more and more and are hyperconnected, and, on the other hand, (numeric) systems are more and more user-centered (Viitanen &Kingston, 2014). Thus, within cities, systems have to adaptto hyper-connected citizens, in a very particular environment, the one of cities in constant evolution where systems and humans are nested. The advent of new technologies also confronts the city to a large influx of data (Big Data) from heterogeneous sources, including social networks. Itis also important to note that much information and /or knowledge flow between different people (with different uses and backgrounds) and between different stakeholders (Kennedy, 2012). In this respect, the city sees that numerous data circulate via the internet, wireless communication, mobile phones,…Finally, smart cities are exposed to technological issues tied to the huge mass of data which pass within them. These data can carry knowledge and, by the way, the smart city, and de facto, the smart city,aware of the existence and of the potential of this knowledge, can exploit and use them.Note that, for a city, all citizens become knowledgecitizens, especially those whose knowledge is the crucial factor enabling them to improve theirdecision-making processes. In this respect,knowledge is fundamentally valuable to make better decisions and to act accordingly.Given this context, this paper focuses on knowledge in the smart city. The paper discusses both explicit knowledge (knowledge extracted from data which flows within the city) and tacit knowledge(that is, citizen’s knowledge). Our argument is twofold:on one hand, we believe that, due to the importance for the city management of tacit knowledge, the city should be closer to its citizens(Bettencourt, 2013). On the other, a city can become smarter by improving its decision-making process and, therefore, by making better decisions. ICT can help in this respect: more data and better-managed data result in, not only more information, but also more knowledge. More knowledge gives rise to better decisions (Grundstein et al, 2003; Simon,1969).The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Next, we present some literature on smart cities and knowledge. Subsequently, we describe the opportunities and challenges smart cities offer for cities development and growth. The City’s Information and Knowledge System is then introduced. Finally, we bring to a close, drawing some conclusions on what a knowledge-based smart city is.2. Related Work2.1. On smart citiesThe origins of the smart city concept are related to the European Union’s energetic efficiency programs that aimed at making cities sustainable(AMETIC, 2013). However, important conceptual trends have also contributed to the emergence of this term. In particular, the influence of openinnovation has been key. Chesbrough (2006 & 2003) defines open innovation as a strategy by which firms commercialize external (as well as internal) ideas by deploying outside (as well as in-house) pathways to the market. In addition, “ideas can also originate outside the firm’s own labs and be brought inside for commercialization. In other words, the boundary between a firm and its surrounding environment is more porous, enabling innovation to move easily between the two”(Chesbrough, 2003: 37).Despite open innovation was born in relation to the industry and the business world, several authors think this theory can be easily implemented in different fields. In this respect, while historically the public sector has lagged on the innovation curve,today information technology is opening up new opportunities to transform governance and redefine government-citizen interactions, particularly within cities (Chan, 2013; Pyrozhenko, 2011; Almirall &Wareham, 2008). In this context, a smart city can be understood as an environment of open and userdriven innovation for experimenting and validating ICT-enabled services (Schaffers et al., 2011).A second relevant stream of theory that has contributed to the development of smart cities is urban planning and urban development (Trivellato etal., 2013). Ferro et al. (2013) state that the term smart city probably finds its roots in the late nineties with the smart growth movement calling for smart policies in urban planning. According to Anthopoulos & Vakali (2011), urban planning controls the development and the organization of a city by determining, among other, the urbanization zones and the land uses, the location of various public networks and communal spaces, the anticipation of the residential areas, and the rules for buildings constructions. Traditionally, urban planners have been concerned with designing the physical infrastructure of communities, such as transportation systems, business districts, parks and, housing development (Fernback, 2010). Currently, in doing so, urban planners find in technology an enormous opportunity to shape the future of a city (Townsend,2013), particularly for urban planning is a complextask requiring multidimensional urbaninformation, which needs to be shared and integrated(Wangetal.2007).Regardless of its origins, various attempts have been made to academically define and conceptually describe a smart city. AlAwadhi & Scholl (2013) state that, actually, these definitions depend on different types and groups of practitioners think about what a smart city is. In this respect, although no generally accepted academic definition has emerged so far, several works have identified certain urban attributes that maycharacterize what a smart city is.To start with, Giffinger et al. (2007) rank 70 European cities using six dimensions: smart economy (competitiveness), smart people (human and social capital), smart governance (participation), smart mobility (transport and ICT), smart environment(natural resources), and smart living (quality of life).As a result, they define a smart city as “a city well performing in a forward-looking way in these six characteristics, built on the ‘smart combination of endowments and activities of self-decisive,independent and aware citizens”(p. 11). Moreover, Nam & Pardo (2011) suggest three conceptual dimensions of a smart city: technology, people, and community. For them, technology is key because of the use of ICT to transform life and work within a city in significant and fundamental ways.However, a smart city cannot be built simp ly through the use of technology. That is why the role of human infrastructure, human capital and education, on one hand, and the support of government and policy, on the other, also become important factors. These three variables considered, the authors conclude that “a city is smart when investments in human/social capital and IT infrastructure fuel sustainable growth and enhance a quality of life, through participatory governance”(p. 286).In turn, Leydesdorff & Deakin (2011) introduce a triple helix model of smart cities. They argue that can be considered as densities in networks among three relevant dynamics: the intellectual capital of universities, the wealth creation of industries, and the democratic government of civil society. Lombardi et al. (2011) build on this model and refer to the involvement of the civil society as one of the key actors, alongside the university, theindustry and the government. In Lombardi’s words(2011)“this advanced model presupposes that the four helices operate in a complex urban environment, where civic involvement, along with cultural and social capital endowments, shape the relationships between the traditional helices of university, industry and government. The interplay between these actors and forces determines the success of a city in moving on a smart development path”(p. 8).Yet, so far, one of the most comprehensive and integrative framework for analyzing smart city projects has been presented by Chourabi et al. (2012).The authors present a set of eight dimensions, both internal and external, that affect the design,implementation, and use of smart cities initiatives:1) Management and organization: Organizational and managerial factors such as project size, leadership or change management.2)Technology: Technological challenges such as lack of IT skills.3) Governance: Factors related to the implementation of processes with constituents who exchange information according to rules and standards in order to achieve goals and objectives.4) Policy context: Political and institutional components that represent various political elements and external pressures.5) People and communities: Factors related to the individuals and communities, which are part of the so-called smart city, such as the digital divide or the level of education.6) Economy: Factors around economic variables such as competitiveness,innovation,entrepreneurship, productivity or flexibility.7)Built infrastructure: Availability and quality of the ICT infrastructure.8) Natural environment: Factors related to sustainability and better management of natural resources. Finally, according to Dameri (2013), within the European Union, the concept of smart city is based on four basic elements that composed the city:1) Land: The territorial dimension is not limited to the administrative boundaries of the city but may extend to the region. Sometimes, cities group together and form a network to share knowledge and best practices to tackle urban problems. The city is subjected to influences and regulations of the nation, which itself is affected by more global prerogatives.2)Infrastructures: Buildings, streets, traffic and public transports impact the quality of urban life and urban environment.3) People: All the stakeholders who are linked to the city (students, workers, neighbors, friends, tourists, …).4) Government: Urban policies are defined at the local level, and also at the central level, or even at a more global level, such as the European level, depending on the topic, the action, the project, However, a definition of a smart city is indispensable to define its perimeter and to understand which initiatives can be considered smart and which cannot. Moreover, a standard definition is also the first step for each city to specify its own vision of a smart city strategy. The definition and the comprehensive smart city framework(threats,opportunities,…) are the necessary basis on which to build the smart city goals system. That is why, in this paper, we agree with the Chourabi, et al’s framework(2012) and the Caragliu, etal.’s definition (2009) and consider that cities are smart when investments inhuman and social capital and traditional (transport) and modern (ICT) communication infrastructure fuelsustainable economic growth and a high quality oflife, with a wise management of natural resources,through participatory governance.2.2. On knowledgeAs mentioned in the introduction, the smart city must be able to exploit knowledge that result from data management. This knowledge will result in better decisions in order for the 21st century city to address its main challenges (Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014).We suggest an approach to digital information systems centered on people’s information and knowledge of people, in order to improve decisionmaking processes and enhance the value-added of business processes of the city.ICT allow people located outside a city to communicate with other people and to exchange knowledge. These observations concerning knowledge in the city context highlight the importance of tacit knowledge. It points out the interest of creating a favorable climate for both the exchange and sharing of tacit knowledge and its transformation into explicit knowledge and therefore extending the field of knowledge which will come under the rules and regulations governing industrial property (Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014).Moreover, we should emphasize the fact that capitalizing on city’s knowledge is an ongoing issue, omnipresent in everyone’s activities, which specifically should have an increasing impact on management functions of the city. Polanyi (1967) classifies the human knowledge into two categories: tacit knowledge and explicit knowledge. He says: “tacit knowledge is personal,context-specific, and therefore hard to formalize andcommunicate. Explicit or 'codified' knowledge, on the other hand, refers to knowledge that is transmittable in formal, systematic language" (p.301). Our point of view can be found in the work of Nonaka & Takeuchi (1995), with reference to Polanyi (1967), considering that “tacit knowledge and explicit knowledge are not totally separated but mutually complementary entities”(Nonaka &Takeuchi, 1995: 61). For Nonaka & Takeuchi (1995), explicit knowledge can be easily expressed in written documents but is less likely to result in major decisions than tacit knowledge, which is to say that the decision process stems from knowledge acquired through experience, albeit difficult to express in words.Tangible elements are “explicit knowledge”. Heterogeneous, incomplete or redundant, they are often marked by the circumstances under which knowledge was created. They do not express the unwritten rules of those who formalized knowledge, the “unspoken words”. They arestored and disseminated in archives, cabinets, and databases, ...(Polanyi, 1967).Intangible elements are “tacit knowledge”.Acquired through practice, they are adaptable to the situations. Explicitly or non-explicitly, they are often transmitted by implicit collective apprenticeship or by a master-apprentice relationship. They are located in people's minds (Polanyi, 1967).By analogy with the works of Polanyi (1967),Nelson and Winter (1982), Davenport & Prusak(1998) and Grundstein et al. (2003), the city’s knowledge consists of tangible elements (databases, procedures, drawings, models, documents used for analyzing and synthesizing data, …) and intangible elements (people's needs, unwritten rules of individual and collective behavior patterns, knowledge of the city’s history and decision-making contexts, knowledge of the city environment(citizens, tourists, companies, technologies,influential socio-economic factors, …). All these elements characterize the city’s capability to innovate, produce, sell, and support its services. They are representative of the city’s experience and culture. They constitute and produce the added-valueof the city.These observations concerning knowledge in the city context highlight the importance of tacit knowledge. They point out the interest in taking into account tacit knowledge in decision processes. As a reminder, we believe that the decision in the context of smart cities, where data and knowledge flow, is permanent and important.3. Opportunities and challenges of the smart citiesCities are confronted to a continuous improvement process and have to become smarter and smarter (Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014). In doing so, they are confronted with threats and opportunities.Opportunities in cities are given by innovation,education, culture, companies, public organizations and public spaces where people can exchange, make sport, share experiences, meet each other, …On the other side, difficulties related to urbanization, environment protection, pollution,inefficient public transports, traffic, lack of green spaces, social differences, …are threats to city.To deal with these threats and opportunities,questions regarding knowledge in the city arise: How should we link knowledge management to the smart city strategy? What activities should be developed and promoted? What organizational structures should be put in place? How should we go about creating them? How can we implement enabling conditions for knowledge management initiatives?What impact and benefit evaluation methods should be installed?How can we go about provoking cultural change towards a more knowledge-sharing attitude? Within this perspective, we must keep in mind that cities need to evolve through their own efforts, by intensifying diversity and creating new foundations for thought and behavior.A knowledge-based city requires that each citizen takes responsibility for objectives, contributions to the city and, indeed, for behavior as well. This implies that all citizens are stakeholders of the city.This vision places strong emphasis on the ultimate goal of the digital information system which is providing knowledge-citizens, engaged in a daily related decision process, with all the information needed to understand situations they will encounter to make choices - which is to say, to make decisions –to carry out their activities, capitalizing the knowledge produced in the course of performing these tasks.The use of high technology help to improve a better way of life in the city because citizens are more informed, connected and linked. Moreover,using Information and Communication Technology(ICT) is essential to create social inclusion, social communication, civil participation, higher education and information quality.Finally, it is important to note that if smart cities are too connected/linked, they can become ICTaddicts(Viitanen & Kingston, 2014). In that case, it is possible that, one day, some smart cities will be confronted to problems of cyber-security and/or resilience, such as in the new video game “Watch Dogs”(Ubisoft) in which the player is at the heart of a smart and hyper-connected city in which his smartphone gives him/her control of all infrastructures of the CTOs (Central Operating System - high performance system that connects infrastructures and facilities of public security of the city to a centralized exchange pole). The player can handle the traffic lights to create a huge pile or stop a train to board and escape the forces ... Everything that is connected to the network can become a weapon.Opportunities and challenges should be more related to knowledge in the smart city. Therefore, in the next section, we propose to adapt the concept of Enterprise’s Information and Knowledge System(EIKS) introduced by Grundstein & Rosenthal- Sabroux (2009) to smart cities to address challenges related to knowledge in the smart city.4. The Smart City’s Information and Knowledge SystemIn general, an information system “is a set ofelements interconnected which collect (orrecover),process, store and disseminate information in order tosupport decision and process control” (Laudon &Laudon 2006). Grundstein & Rosenthal-Sabroux(2009) introduced the notion of knowledge into the information system and proposed the concept of Enterprise’s Information and Knowledge System(EIKS). In this section, by analogy, we propose our Smart City’s Information and Knowledge System(CIKS) where data and knowledge flow within.Under the influence of globalization and the impact of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) that modify radically our relationship with space and time, the city increasingly develops its activities in a planetary space with three dimensions:•A global space covering the set of cities (the nation).• A local space corresponding to the city located in a given geographic area.•An area of influence that covers the field of interaction of the city with the other cities.The city locked up on its local borders is transformed into an extended city, without borders,opened and adaptable. The land is the territorial dimension of a city, with different levels. These levels range from the local dimension, to regional, network, national and finally the global dimension.Furthermore, this city is placed under the ascendancy of the unforeseeable environment that leads towards uncertainty and doubt.The city meets fundamental problems of information exchange and knowledge sharing among,on the one hand, its formal entities distributed in the world and on the other hand, the city's people(nomadic or sedentary), bearers of diversified values and cultures according to the origin. Two networks of information overlap:• A formal information network between the internal or external entities, in which data and explicit knowledge circulate. This network is implemented by means of intranet and extranet technologies.•An informal information network between nomadic or sedentary peoples. This network favors information exchange and tacit knowledge sharing. It is implemented through converging Information and Communication Technologies (for example the new IPOD with Web 2.0).The problems occur when nomadic people(tourists or students for example) placed in new,unknown or unexpected situations, need to get“active information”, that is, informationand knowledge they need immediately to understand the situation, solve a problem, take a decision, and act.That means that ICT provide the information needed by people who are the heart of the city. By extension, our reflection is: ICT bear potentialities,they bring new uses, they induce a new organization,and they induce a new vision of city, what we call a “smart city”. And, ICT are the heart of the smart city.Building on this, a city can be seen as an information system and because of its hyperconnected nature, smart city can be seen as more than an information system: an information and knowledge system. In fact, the City’s Information and Knowledge System (CIKS) consists mainly in a set of individuals (people) and digital information systems. CIKS rests on a socio technical context,which consists of individuals (people) in interaction among them, with machines, and with the very CIKS. It includes:•Digital Information Systems (DIS), which are artificial systems, the artefacts designed by ICT.•An information system constituted by individuals who, in a given context, are processors of data to which they give a sense under the shape of information. This information, depending of the case, is passed on, remembered, treated, and diffused by them or by the DIS.• A knowledge system, consisting of tacit knowledge embodied by the individuals, and of explicit knowledge formalized and codified on any shape of supports(documents, video, photo, digitized or not).Under certain conditions, digitized knowledge is susceptible to be memorized, processed and spread with the DIS.We must identify information and knowledge to a city’s activities and for individual and collective decision-making processes. The objective could be to design a Digital Information System (DIS) which would allow the city’s stakeholders to receive, to gain access to, and to share the greatest variety of information and knowledge they deem necessary, as rapidly as possible, in order to accelerate decisionmaking processes and to make them as reliable as possible.5. ConclusionThe city has evolved over time: it started with scattered houses, then these houses were grouped into cities, which were industrialized and mechanically connected to other cities and, now, we have hyper connected cities (with citizens who are connected,who need access to different information, and with cities that are connected to the rest of the world)(Kennedy, 2012).In this paper, we propose a conceptual vision of the smart city, based on knowledge. Knowledge can be: explicit knowledge (knowledge extracted from data which flows within the city) and/or tacit knowledge (that is, citizen’s knowledge). According to the previous works on the area of smart cities and knowledge management and the study of threats and opportunities of cities, one specific challenge appears(among some): knowledge must be integrated into the city. Thus, we introduce our Smart City’s Information and Knowledge System (CIKS) where data and knowledge flow within.The smart city is more than Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), and more thanpeople. It also has to do with knowledge (Kennedy,2012; Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014).Our vision is an approach that takes into account people, information, knowledge and ICT. From our point of view, knowledge is a factor of competence in order to improve the “smartness”of the city and to handle the complexity of the cities (du, in part, to ICT).6. ReferencesAlAwadhi, S. & Scholl, H. J. (2013). “Aspirations and realizations: the smart city of Seattle”. Paper presented at the 46th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Maui, HI, January 7-10. Almirall, E. & Wareham, J. (2008). “Living labs and openinnovation: Roles and applicability”. The ElectronicJournal for Virtual Organizations and Networks, 10(special issue): 21-46.AMETIC (2013). Smart cities. Barcelona: AMETIC.Anthopoulos, L. & Vakali, A. (2012). “Urban planning andsmart cities: Interrelations and reciprocities”. In F. Alvarezet al. (eds.). Future Internet Assembly 2012. From promisesto reality. New York: Springer (pp. 178-189). Batty, M. (2013). “Big data, smart cities and city planning”.Dialogues in Human Geography, November 2013 vol. 3no. 3 274-279Bettencourt, L. (2013). “Four simple principles to plan thebest city possible”. New Scientist, 18 (December):30-31.Caragliu, A., Del Bo, C. & Nijkamp, P. (2009). Smart citiesin Europe. Technical report.Chan, C. (2013): “From open data to open innovationstrategies: Creating e-services using open governmentdata”. Paper presented at the 46th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Big Island (HI), January7-10.Chesbrough, H. (2006).。
城市规划专业英语词汇翻译unban planning 城市规划town planning 城镇规划act of urban planning 城市规划法urban comprehensive planning 城市总体规划urban detailed planning 城市详细规划Residentiral district detailed planning 修建性详规regulatory detailed planning 控制性详规规划类的专业课程reginal planning 区域规划urban system planning 城镇体系规划urban sociology 城市社会学urban economic 城市经济学urban geograghy 城市地理学urban infrastructure planning 城市基础设施规划(water supply and drainage electricity supplyroad building)（城市供水、供电、道路修建）urban road system and transportation planning 城市道路系统和交通规划urban road cross-section 城市道路横断面urban management information system 城市管理信息系统GIS =geograghy information system 地理信息系统RS=remote sensing 遥感Gardening==Landscape architecture 园林=营造景观学Urban landscape planning and design 城市景观规划和设计Urban green space system planning 城市绿地系统规划Urban design 城市设计·Land-use planning 土地利用规划The cultural and historic planning 历史文化名城Protection planning 保护规划Urbanization 城市化Suburbanization 郊区化Public participation 公众参与Sustainable development(sustainability) 可持续性发展（可持续性）Over-all urban layout 城市整体布局Pedestrian crossing 人行横道Human scale 人体尺寸(sculpture fountain teabar) （雕塑、喷泉、茶吧）Traffic and parking 交通与停车Landscape node 景观节点·Brief history of urban planning Archaeological 考古学的Habitat 住处Aesthetics 美学Geometrical 几何学的Moat 护城河Vehicles 车辆，交通工具,mechanization 机械化merchant-trader 商人阶级urban elements 城市要素plazas 广场malls 林荫道·The city and region Adaptable 适应性强的Organic entity 有机体Department stores 百货商店Opera 歌剧院Symphony 交响乐团Cathedrals 教堂Density 密度Circulation 循环Elimination of water 水处理措施In three dimensional form 三维的Condemn 谴责Rural area 农村地区Regional planning agencies 区域规划机构Service-oriented 以服务为宗旨的Frame of reference 参考标准Distribute 分类Water area 水域Alteration 变更Inhabitants 居民Motorway 高速公路Update 改造论文写作Abstract 摘要Key words 关键词Reference 参考资料·Urban problemDimension 大小Descendant 子孙，后代Luxury 奢侈Dwelling 住所Edifices 建筑群<Athens Charter>雅典宪章Residence 居住Employment 工作Recreation 休憩Transportation交通Swallow 吞咽，燕子Urban fringes 城市边缘Anti- 前缀，反对……的；如：antinuclear反核的anticlockwise逆时针的Pro- 前缀，支持，同意……的；如：pro-American 亲美的pro-education重教育的Grant 助学金，基金Sewage 污水Sewer 污水管Sewage treatment plant 污水处理厂Brain drain 人才流失Drainage area 汇水面积Traffic flow 交通量Traffic concentration 交通密度Traffic control 交通管制Traffic bottleneck 交通瓶颈地段Traffic island 交通岛（转盘）Traffic point city 交通枢纽城市Train-make-up 编组站Urban redevelopment 旧城改造Urban revitalization 城市复苏·Urban FunctionUrban fabric 城市结构Urban form 城市形体Warehouse 仓库Material processing center 原料加工中心Religious edifices 宗教建筑Correctional institution 教养院Transportation interface 交通分界面CBD=central business district 城市中心商业区Public agencies of parking 停车公共管理机构Energy conservation 节能Individual building 单一建筑Mega-structures 大型建筑Mega- 大，百万，强Megalopolis 特大城市Megaton 百万吨R residence 居住用地黄色C commercial 商业用地红色M manufacture 工业用地紫褐色W warehouse 仓储用地紫色T transportation 交通用地蓝灰色S square 道路广场用地留白处理U utilities 市政公共设施用地接近蓝灰色G green space 绿地绿色P particular 特殊用地E 水域及其他用地（除E外，其他合为城市建设用地）Corporate 公司的，法人的Corporation 公司企业Accessibility 可达性；易接近Service radius 服务半径。
城市规划与发展毕业论文中英文对照资料外文翻译文献中英文对照资料外文翻译文献Urban planning and development inTehranWith a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one of the larger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid-20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban planning exercised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development._ 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian citiesPlanning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growth The first phase of Tehra n’s planning refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby at least three major efforts set the framework for the city’s growth and development: walling the city (1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the government’s ability and desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects.Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the east–west Silk Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the north–south route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century; however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960).The first large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (1779–1925).On becoming the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the德黑兰的城市规划与发展1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The country’s military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the capital city. The second large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for accommodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and European-style shops, were, according to a British observer, a ‘‘twofold renaissance’’ for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300).The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this l asted from 1925 to 1979. The new regime’s emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a transport network, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread road-widening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor vehicles, the regime’s desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was ‘‘radically re-planned and re-built’’ (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transport network of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal compound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter; retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar; and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new street network was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overcoming the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization of power. The city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941.These large-scale urban planning and development phases of Tehran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distinctively ancient Persian imagery and local expertise, the second and third phases employed European images and experts, primarily from France and Germany. What these early town planning efforts shared was that they were all envisaging a particular new form and implementing it through the (re)development of the urban environment; they were all plans for a major series of physical changes executed in a relatively short period of time.The reforms in the second half of the 19th century opened up the city’s society and space to new economic and cultural patterns, and unleashed centrifugal and dialectic forces that exploded in two major revolutions. Economically, the city started to be integrated into the world market as a peripheral node. Embracing the market economy divided the city along the lines of income and wealth, while new本科毕业设计（外文翻译）cultural fault lines emerged along lifestyle and attitude towards tradition and modernity. Rich and poor, who used to live side by side in the old city, were now separated from one another in a polarizing city. Moreover, modernizers welcomed living in new neighborhoods and frequented new streets and squares, while traditionalists continued to live and work in the older parts of the city. Ever since, these economic and cultural polarizations—and their associated tensions—have characterized Iran’s urban conditions.Planning through land-use regulation: harnessing speculative developmentThe second type of planning to emerge in Tehran was in the 1960s, which saw the preparation of plans to regulate and manage future change. The city had grown in size and complexity to such an extent that its spatial management needed additional tools, which resulted in the growing complexity of municipal organization, and in the preparation of a comprehensive plan for the city.After the Second World War, during which the Allied forces occupied the country, there was a period of democratization, followed by political tensions of the start of the cold war, and strugglesover the control of oil. This period was ended in 1953 by a coup detat that returned the Shah to power, who then acted as an executive monarch for the next 25 years. With high birth rates and an intensification of rural–urban migration, Tehran— and other large cities—grew even faster than before. By 1956, Tehran’s population rose to 1.5 million, by 1966 to 3 million, and by 1976 to 4.5 million; its size grew from 46 km²in 1934 to 250 km²in 1976 (Kari man, 1976; Vezarat-e Barnameh va Budgeh, 1987).Revenues from the oil industry rose, creating surplus resources that needed to be circulated and absorbed in the economy. An industrialization drive from the mid-1950s created many new jobs in big cities, particularly in Tehran. The land reforms of the 1960s released large numbers of rural population from agriculture, which was not able to absorb the exponential demographic growth. This new labour force was attracted to cities: to the new industries, to the construction sector which seemed to be always booming, to services and the constantly growing public sector bureaucracy. Tehran’s role as the administrative, economic, and cultural centre of the country, and its gateway to the outside world,wa s firmly consolidated.Urban expansion in postwar Tehran was based on under-regulated, private-sector driven, speculative development. Demand for housing always exceeded supply, and a surplus of labor and capital was always available; hence the flourishing construction industry and the rising prices of land and property in Tehran. The city grew in a disjointed manner in all directions along the outgoing roads, integrating the surrounding towns and villages, and growing new suburban settlements. This intensified social segregation, destroyed suburban gardens and green spaces, and left the city managers feeling powerless. A deputy mayor of the city in 1962 commented that in Tehran, ‘‘the buildings and settlements have been developed by whomever has wanted in whatever way and wherever they have wanted’’, creating a city that was ‘‘in fact a number of towns connected to each other in an inappropriate way’’ (Nafisi, 1964, p. 426). There was a feeling that something urgently needed to be done, but the municipality was not legally or financially capable of dealing with this process.The 1966 Municipality Act provided, for the first time, a legal framework for the formation of the Urban Planning High Council and for the establishment of land-use planning in the form of comprehensive plans. A series of other laws followed, underpinning new legal and institutional arrangements for the Tehran municipality, allowing the Ministry of Housing and others to work together in managing the growth of the city. The most important step taken in planning was the approval of the Tehran Comprehensive Plan in 1968. It was produced by a consortium of Aziz德黑兰的城市规划与发展Farmanfarmaian Associates of Iran and Victor Gruen Associates of the United States, under the direction of Fereydun Ghaffari, an Iranian city planner (Ardalan, 1986). The plan identified the city’s problems as high density, especially in the city centre; expansion of commercial activities along the main roads; pollution; inefficient infrastructure; widespread unemployment in the poorer areas, and the continuous migration of low-income groups to Tehran. The solution was to be found in the transformation of the city’s physical, social and economic fabric (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). The proposals were, nevertheless, mostly advocating physical change, attempting, in a modernist spirit, to impose a new order onto this complex metropolis. The future of the city was envisaged tobe growing westward in a linear polycentric form, reducing the density and congestion of the city centre. The city would be formed of 10 large urban districts, separated from each other by green belts, each with about 500,000 inhabitants, a commercial and an industrial centre with high-rise buildings. Each district (mantagheh) would be subdivided into a number of areas (nahyeh) and neighborhoods (mahalleh). An area, with a population of about 15–30,000, would have a high school and a commercial centre and other necessary facilities. A neighborhood, with its 5000 inhabitants, would have a primary school and a local commercial centre. These districts and areas would be linked by a transportation network, which included motorways, a rapid transit route and a bus route. The stops on the rapid transit route would be developed as the nodes for concentration of activities with a high residential density. A number of redevelopment and improvement schemes in the existing urban areas would relocate 600,000 people out of the central areas (Far manfarmaian and Gruen, 1968).Almost all these measures can be traced to the fashionable planning ideas of the time, which were largely influenced by the British New Towns. In his book, The Heart of Our Cities, Victor Gruen (1965) had envisaged the metropolis of tomorrow as a central city surrounded by 10 additional cities, each with its own centre. This resembled Ebenezer Howard’s (1960, p. 142) ‘‘social cities’’, in which a central city was surrounded by a cluster of garden cities. In Tehran’s plan, a linear version of this concept was used. Another linear concept, which was used in the British New Towns of the time such as Redditch and Runcorn, was the importance of public transport routes as the town’s spine, with its stopping points serving as its foci. The use of neighborhood units of limited population, focused on a neighborhood centre and a primary school, was widely used in these New Towns, an idea that had been developed in the 1920s in the United States (Mumford, 1954). These ideas remained, however, largely on paper. Some of the plan’s ideas that were implemented, which were rooted in American city planning, included a network of freeways to connect the disjointed parts of the sprawling metropolis; zoning as the basis for managing the social and physical character of different areas; and the introduction of Floor Area Ratios for controlling development densities.Other major planning exercises, undertaken in the 1970s, included the partial development of a New Town, Shahrak Gharb, and the planning of a new administrative centre for the city—Shahestan—by the British consultants Llewelyn–Davies, although there was never time to implement the latter, as the tides of revolution were rising.Planning through policy development: reconstruction after the revolution and war The revolutionary and post-revolutionary period can be divided into three phases: revolution (1979–1988), reconstruction (1989–1996), and reform (1997–2004), each demonstrating different approaches to urban planning in Tehran.After two years of mass demonstrations in Tehran and other cities, the year 1979 was marked by the advent of a revolution that toppled the monarchy in Iran, to be replaced by a state which uneasily本科毕业设计（外文翻译）combined the rule of the clergy with parliamentary republicanism. Its causes can be traced in the shortcomings of the Shah’s model of development, which led to clashes between modernization and traditions, between economic development and political underdevelopment, between global market forces and local bourgeoisie, between foreign influence and nationalism, between a corrupt and complacent elite and discontented masses. Like the revolution of 1906, a coalition of many shades of opinion made the revolution of 1979 possible. In the first revolution, the modernizers had the upper hand, while in the second the traditionalists won the leadership. However, the attitudes of both revolutions—and the regimes that followed them—to a number of major issues, including urban development, show a preference for modernization. In this sense, both revolutions can be seen as explosive episodes in the country’s troub led efforts at progressive transformation (Madanipour, 1998, 2003).The revolution was followed by a long war (1980–1988) with Iraq, which halted economic development. Investment in urban development dwindled, while rural areas and provincial towns were favoured by the revolutionary government, both to curb rural–urban migration and to strike a balance with large cities. The key planning intervention in this period was to impose daytime restrictions on the movement of private cars in the city centre. Meanwhile, the war and the promise of free or low-cost facilities by the new government attracted more migrants to the capital city, its population reaching 6 million by 1986. The rate of population growth in the city had started to slow down from the 1950s, while the metropolitan region was growing faster until the mid-1980s, when its growth rate also started to decline (Khatam, 1993).After the revolution and war, a period of normalization and reconstruction started, which lasted for most of the 1990s. This period witnessed a number of efforts at urban planning in Tehran. Once again, urban development had intensified without an effective framework to manage it. The comprehensive plan came under attack after the revolution, as it was considered unable to cope with change. In 1998, the Mayor criticized it for being mainly a physical development plan, for being rooted in the political framework of the previous regime, and for not paying enough attention to the problems of implementation (Dehaghani, 1995).The comprehensive plan’s 25-year lifespan came to an end in 1991. A firm of Iranian consultants (A-Tech) was commissioned in 1985 to prepare a plan for the period of 1986–1996. After much delay, it was only in 1993 that the plan was finally approved by the Urban Planning High Council. This plan also focused on growth management and a linear spatial strategy, using the scales of urban region, subregion, district, area and neighbourhood. It promoted conservation, decentralization, polycentric development, development of five satellite new towns, and increasing residential densities in the city. It proposed that the city be divided into 22 districts within five sub-regions, each with its own service centre (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).The 1993 plan was not welcomed by the municipality, which disagreed with its assessments and priorities, finding it unrealistic, expensive, and impossible to implement. The municipality produced its own strategic plan for the period 1996–2001, known as Tehran Municipal ty’s First Plan, or Tehran 80. Rather than introducing a land-use plan as its goal, this was the first plan for the city that emphasized a set of strategies and propose d policies to achieve them. It identified the city’s main problems as shortage of resources to deliver its services; the pace and pattern of urban growth; environmental pollution; the absence of effective public transport, and inefficient bureaucracy. The municipality’s vision for the future of the city was then outlined to have six major c haracteristics: a clean city, ease of movement in the city, the creation of parks and green spaces, the development of德黑兰的城市规划与发展new cultural and sports facilities, reform of the municipal organization, and planning for the improvement of urban space, including preparation of comprehensive and detailed plans for land use and conservation (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 1996).The municipality implemented part of the proposals, such as increasing the amount of green open spaces in the south, or constructing new parts of the motorway network, which was proposed by the 1968 plan; opening large parts of the city to new development, and easing movement across the city. Following the advice of the 1993 plan, the municipality relaxed FAR limits and allowed higher densities through bonus zoning. This, however, was not based on planning considerations, but was mainly to bring financial autonomy to the municipality. This proved to be popular with the development industry, but controversial with citizens. Developers could build taller buildings by paying fines to the municipality, in a policy popularly known as ‘‘selling density’’, without having to show their impacts on the surrounding environment. The face of the city, particularly in its northern parts, was transformed in a short period, consisting of medium to high-rise buildings connected through wide streets and motorways. In the poorer south, a major redevelopment project, Navab, cut a motorway through the dense and decayed fabric, building gigantic superstructures on each side. The city’s administrative boundaries were expanded twice, once outward and then westward, to encompass 22 district municipalities in 700 km².This controversial period of reconstruction was followed by a period of democratic reform, which re-launched an elected city council for the city, which at first caused institutional confusion about its relationship with the mayor and the municipality. The council published its own vision of the city as Tehran Charter in 2001, which was the summary of the principles agreed between council members, non-governmental organizations, and urban experts at a congress about the subject. The Charter adopted sustainability and democracy as its key principles, which were used to develop strategies for natural and built environments, transport, social, cultural and economic issues, urban management, and the city’s regional, national and international roles (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).Currently, detailed plans are being prepared for the city’s 22 districts, and work is unde r way on a strategic plan to link these detailed plans and to guide the future development of the city as a whole. Even though the city is more integrated and democratic than before and has a more coherent approach to planning (Hourcade, 2000), some authorities still see plans as isolated documents, rather than seeing planning as a continuous process. Land use plans are produced by private sector consultants for a specified period. The role of the municipality is merely implementation of these plans, rather than generating and revising them. New schemes for urban motorways and large-scale radical redevelopment of the central and decayed areas continue to be prepared and implemented. The last mayor, who was elected the president of the republic in 2005, was a civil engineer, putting road building schemes high on his agenda, even aiming to widen parts of the most beautiful boulevard in the city (Vali Asr) to ease traffic flows. Meanwhile, the city continues to suffer from acute social polarization, high land and property prices, heavy traffic congestion and some of the worst atmospheric pollution in the world, and remains unprepared for any serious earthquake.Managing change in a metropolisLeaving aside the earlier phases, the key urban planning stages in the 20th century (1930s, 1960s, 1990s) show some broad similarities: they mark the periods of relative economic and political strength, in which at once urban development flourishes and the government feels able enough to manage growth. Iran’s oil econo my is so much integrated with the global economy that these periods parallel the international economic cycles and periods of urban development booms. These planning stages also本科毕业设计（外文翻译）show cyclical development pressure, cyclical attention to planning matters, within an overall move towards democratic urban governance, to sophistication of municipal organization and city planning approaches, which are nevertheless far behind the momentous process of urban growth and development. The main focus has remained management of physical development. Each phase, however, has added a new dimension to city planning: from design to regulation and policy development; each new approach adding to the complexity of the process, rather than replacing the previous approach.The other feature they all share is their preference for redevelopment, which is the hallmark of a country with a young population caught in the fever of modernization, despite its upheavals and setbacks. Post-revolutionary governments claimed to revive many traditional forms and practices, as a reaction to radical modernization of the past. In relation to the built environment, however, they have shown strong modernist tendencies, with redevelopment remaining their favourite device, similar to previous generations. This is mainly due to the pressure for change that characterizes the modern history of Iran, as reflected in the advent of two revolutions, i.e., radical breaks from the past. It is also partly due to institutional continuity, whereby legal and institutional arrangements for urban planning remained almost intact, despite change of individuals, and despite structural changes at the higher levels of government after 1979. Also, the expert communities and their technocratic culture passed through the revolution without major internal changes, despite the flight of many professionals from the country.Tehran’ governance has been dominated by the central government. Although the municipality has grown in size and complexity, it is still under the shadow of government ministries, even after the launch of an elected city council and a degree of financial autonomy. It is only charged with implementing the plans, rather than preparing them; and yet it is expected to have financial autonomy, resulting in controversial ways of implementing or changing planning regulations. It is only charge d to manage its 22 districts, and yet the urban region covers 5 million inhabitants outside the city’s boundaries. Without empowering the municipality to take full control of planning for its jurisdiction within a democratic and accountable framework, and to collaborate with other authorities in charge of the urban region, planning and management of the metropolis remain less than effective.ConclusionTeh ran’s planning history shows early stages in which new infrastructure was designed and developed by the government as part of its strategy for modernization and growth management. The intensity of speculative development after the Second World War met the demands of the exponential growth of the city’s population. This, however, needed to be controlled and regulated through a planning process, which produced Tehran’s comprehensive plan of 1968. Within a decade, the revolution interrupted its implementation, and growth could only be managed through piecemeal efforts. The period of reconstruction in the 1990s relaxed some of the limits of the 1968 plan, which showed the urgent need for an updated planning framework. Several planning documents were launched in this period, which show a stronger role for the municipality and attention to policy development. Work on a strategic plan for the city continues today. These plans all have much that has remained unimplemented, although they have managed to some extent to steer the course of events and develop a more sophisticated approach to planning. And yet social and economic upheavals of the past three decades, the intensity of speculative development—especially since the Second World War—and the speed of events seem to have left the city authorities and citizens alike feeling trapped in a turmoil, lagging behind the events, and unable to manage change. The city continues to suffer from a range of problems, including traffic德黑兰的城市规划与发展congestion, environmental pollution, and unaffordable property prices.德黑兰的城市规划与发展摘要：德黑兰是世界上较大的城市之一，拥有居民人口1200万，都市人口约700万，本文主要介绍其规划和历代的发展，特别是自20世纪中期，在这个时期城市获得了其最显着的增长。
unban planning 城市规划town planning 城镇规划act of urban planning 城市规划法urban comprehensive/master planning 城市总体规划urban detailed planning 城市详细规划Residentiral district detailed planning 修建性详规regulatory detailed planning 控制性详规protection planning of historic cities 历史名城保护规划规划类的专业课程reginal planning 区域规划urban system planning 城镇体系规划urban sociology 城市社会学urban economic 城市经济学urban geography 城市地理学urban infrastructure planning 城市基础设施规划urban immediate planning 城市近期建设规划Community planning 社区规划Flood control planning 防洪规划electricity supply planning 供电规划water supply planning供水规划gas supply planning 供气规划urban water supply and drainage planning城市给排水规划urban road system and transportation planning城市道路系统和交通规划Land planning 用地规划Site planning 场地规划Urban growth 城市扩建Urban revitalization 城市复苏Urban agglomeration 城市群urban road cross-section城市道路横断面urban management information system 城市管理信息系统GIS =geograghy information system 地理信息系统RS=remote sensing 遥感Gardening==Landscape architecture园林=营造景观学/景观建筑学Ecological system 生态系统Urban landscape planning and design 城市景观规划和设计Urban green space system planning 城市绿地系统规划Urban design 城市设计•Land-use planning 土地利用规划Land use density 土地利用强度Building interval 建筑间距Urban sub-center 城市副中心The cultural and historic planning 历史文化名城Protection planning 保护规划Urbanization 城市化Urbanization level 城市化水平Suburbanization 郊区化Public participation 公众参与Sustainable development 可持续性发展Urban sustainable development 城市可持续发展Over-all urban layout 城市整体布局Pedestrian crossing 人行横道Human scale 人体尺寸Street furniture 街道小品Street tree 行道树Fountain 喷泉Public park/garden 公园History of gardening 造园史sculpture 雕塑planning design 种植设计plant 乔木shrub 灌木landscape designer 景观设计师mini-park/pocket park 袖珍公园urban landmark 城市地标Nature reserve 自然保护区Landscape characteristic 园林特色tea bar 茶吧Traffic and parking 交通与停车Landscape node 景观节点Landscape core 景观核Landscape bond 景观带•Brief history of urban planning Archaeological 考古学的Habitat 住处Aesthetics 美学Geometrical 几何学的Floor area ratio 容积率Greening rate 绿地率Population density 人口密度Legend 图例Scale 比例尺Traffic flow density 交通流密度Boundary line of roads 道路红线Topography map 地形图Moat/cannel 护城河Green buffer 防护绿地Wetland 湿地Vegetation 植被Indoor plants 室内植物Buffer zone 缓冲区Vehicles 车辆，交通工具mechanization 机械化merchant-trader 商人阶级urban elements 城市要素proposed plaza 拟建广场plazas 广场malls （原意）林荫道•The city and regionAdaptable 适应性强的Organic entity 有机体Department stores 百货商店Opera 歌剧院Symphony 交响乐团Cathedrals 教堂Density 密度Circulation 循环Elimination of water 水处理措施In three dimensional form 三维的Condemn 谴责Rural area 农村地区Regional planning agencies 区域规划机构Service-oriented 以服务为宗旨的Frame of reference 参考标准Distribute 分类Water area 水域Alteration 变更Inhabitants 居民Motorway 高速公路Update 改造论文写作Abstract 摘要Key words 关键词Reference 参考资料•Urban problemDimension 大小Descendant 子孙，后代Luxury 奢侈Dwelling 住所Edifices 建筑群<Athens Charter>雅典宪章Residence 居住Employment 工作Recreation 休憩Transportation交通Swallow 吞咽，燕子Urban fringes 城市边缘Anti- 前缀，反对……的；如：antinuclear反核的 anticlockwise逆时针的Pro- 前缀，支持，同意……的；如：pro-American 亲美的pro-education 重教育的Grant 助学金，基金Sewage 污水Sewer 污水管Sewage treatment plant 污水处理厂Brain drain 人才流失Drainage area 汇水面积Traffic flow 交通量Traffic concentration 交通密度Traffic control 交通管制Traffic bottleneck 交通瓶颈地段Traffic island 交通岛（转盘）Traffic point city 交通枢纽城市Train-make-up 编组站Urban redevelopment 旧城改造Urban revitalization 城市复苏•Urban FunctionUrban fabric 城市结构Urban form 城市形体Urban function orientation 城市功能定位Urban characteristic 城市特征Designated function of city 城市性质Traffic point city 交通枢纽城市Warehouse 仓库Material processing center 原料加工中心Religious edifices 宗教建筑Correctional institution 教养院Transportation interface 交通分界面CBD=central business district 城市中心商业区Public agencies of parking 停车公共管理机构Energy conservation 节能Individual building 单一建筑Mega-structures 大型建筑Mega- 大，百万，强Megalopolis 特大城市Megaton 百万吨R residence land use 居住用地黄色C commercial land use 商业用地红色M manufacture land use/industrial land use工业用地紫褐色W warehouse land use 仓储用地紫色T transportation 交通用地蓝灰色Inter-city transportation land use 对外交通用地S roads and squares land use道路广场用地留白处理U municipal utilities land use 市政公共设施用地接近蓝灰色G green space 绿地绿色P particular/specially-designated land use特殊用地E 水域及其他用地（除E外，其他合为城市建设用地）Corporate 公司的，法人的Corporation 公司企业Accessibility 可达性；易接近Service radius 服务半径Reservation of open space 预留公共空间•Urban landscapeTopography 地形图Well-matched 相匹配Ill-matchedVisual landscape 视觉景观Visual environment 视觉环境Visual landscape capacity 视觉景观容量Tour industry 旅游业Service industry 服务业Relief road 辅助道路Rural population 城镇居民Roofline 屋顶轮廓线风景园林四大要素：landscape plantArchitecture/buildingTopographyWater•Urban designNature reserve 自然保护区Civic enterprise 市政企业Artery 动脉，干道，大道Land developer 土地开发商Broad thorough-fare 主干道•Water supply and drainageA water supply for a town 城市给水系统Storage reservoir 水库，蓄水库Distribution reservoir 水库，配水库Distribution pipes 配水管网Water engineer 给水工程师Distribution system 配水系统Catchment area 汇水面积Open channel 明渠Sewerage system 污水系统，排污体制Separate 分流制Combined 合流制Rainfall 降水Domestic waste 生活污水Industrical waste 工业污水Stream flow 河流流量Runoff 径流Treatment plant 处理厂Sub-main 次干管Branch sewer 支管City water department 城市供水部门•UrbanizationSpatial structure 空间转移Labor force 劳动力Renewable 可再生Biosphere 生物圈Planned citiesBlueprints 蓝图License 执照，许可证Minerals 矿物Hydroelectric power source 水利资源Monuments 纪念物High-rise apartment 高层建筑物Lawn 草坪Soft landscape 软质景观Hard landscape 硬质景观Urban amenity 城市宜人设施Regional park 区域性公园Pavement 铺装Sidewalk 人行道Avenue 林荫道Winding street/wandering road 曲折的路Flower bed 花坛Hedge 树篱Green fencing 绿篱Riverside landscape bond 滨河景观带Palm 棕榈Recreation center 游憩中心Arched corridor 拱廊Multilayer planting 多层植物配置Riverside park 滨河公园Bank line 岸线Athletics park 运动公园Yacht 游艇Landscape bond around the city 环城景观带Central landscape bond 中央景观带Brook 小溪Front yard 前院Small-bounding wall小围墙Liana 藤本植物Plant configuring 植物配置Ever-green 常绿Hardwoods 阔叶林Ground cover 地被植物Oasis 绿洲Sub-space 亚空间Secondary seating 辅助性休息设施Mounds of grass 草丘Step with a view 眺台Seating wall 坐墙Seating capacity 座椅容量Planter 种植池Dramatic grade change 剧烈的坡度变化Eye-catching feature 引人注目的景物Drinking fountain 饮水设备Trash container 垃圾桶Reception/information 询问处Sign system 标志系统•A view of Venice Metropolis 都市Urban renewal 城市更新Urban redevelopment 城市改造Construction work 市政建设Slums 平民窟Alleys 大街小巷Populate 居住Gothic 哥特式Renaissance 文艺复兴式Baroque 巴洛克式。
Urban transportation PlanningAn urban transportation system is basic component of an urban area's social，economic，and physical structure. Not only does the design and performance of a transportation system provide opportunities for mobility，but over the long term，it influences patterns of growth and the level of economic activity through the accessibility it provides to land. Planning for the development or maintenance of the urban transportation system is thus an important activity，both for promoting the efficient movement of people and goods in an urban area and for maintaining the strong supportive role that transportation can play in attaining other community objectives.There are several basic concepts about an urban transportation system that should be kept in mind. Most important，a transportation system in an urban area is defined as consisting of the facilities and services that allow travel throughout the region，providing opportunities for:(I)mobility to residents of an urban area and movement of goods and (2) accessibility to land .Given this definition，an urban transportation system can be further characterized by three major components: the spatial configuration that permits travel from one location to another; the transportation technologies that provide the means of moving over these distances; and the institutional framework that provides for the planning, construction, operation, and maintenance of system facilities.The Spatial Configuration of a Transportation SystemOne way to describe the spatial dimension of an urban transportation system is to consider the characteristics of individual trips from an origin to a destination. For example, a trip can consist of several types of movement undertaken to achieve different objectives. Travelers leaving home might use a local bus system to reach a suburban subway station(a trip collection process)，proceed through the station to the subway platform (a transfer process)，ride the subway to a downtown station (a line-haul process)，and walk to a place of employment (a distribution process). Similarly，one can view a home-to-work trip by car as consisting of similar segments，with the local street system providing the trip collection process, a freeway providing the line-haul capability，a parking lot in the central business district serving as a transfer point，and walking，as before，serving the distribution function.The facilities and services that provide these opportunities for travel，when interconnected to permit movement from one location to another，form a network. Thus，another way of representing the spatial dimension of an urban transportation system is as a set of road and transit networks. Even in the smallest urban areas，where mass transit is not available，the local street network provides the basic spatial characteristic of the transportation system.The transportation system of a city can influence the way in which the city's social and economic structure, often called the urban activity system，develops. At the same time，changes in this structure can affect the ability of the transportation system to provide mobility and accessibility. Thus , the transportation system is closely related to the urban activity system and; historically, has been an important determinant of urban form.Because of the relation between transportation and urban activities，many of the methods used by transportation planners depend on estimates of trips generated by specific land uses. The relation also suggests that the options available to public officials dealing with transportation problems should include not only those related directly to the transportation system, but also actions such as zoning that affect the distribution of land use, and thus influence the performance of the transportation system.The foregoing considerations point to two important principles for transportation planning: The transportation system should beConsidered as an integral part of the social and economic system in an urban area.Viewed as a set of interconnected facilities and services designed to provide opportunities for travel from one location to another.The Technology of Urban TransportationThe technology of urban transportation is closely related to the spatial configuration of the transportation system in that the design transportation networks reflects the speed, operating , and cost characteristics of the vehicle or mode of transportation being used. Technology includes the means of propulsion, type of support，means of guidance，and control technique.The development and widespread use of electric streetcars in urban areas during the late nineteenth century was a technological innovation that initiated the transformation of mostNorth American cities. The advent of the electric streetcar permitted urban areas to expand beyond the boundaries that had been dictated by previous transportation technologies (e. g.，walking，horse，horsecar)，spawning `streetcar suburbs' with dramatically lower residential densities along streetcar lines radiating from the central city. Whereas many industries had decentralized along railroad lines leading from the central city，and workers initially had to live near these factories, the introduction of streetcars now permitted more distant living.The success of the streetcar in providing access from selected suburban areas to central business districts was followed by public acceptance of a second major technological innovation-the automobile，powered by the internal combustion engine. Increasing consumer preferences for lower-density living and for an ability to travel beyond established urban boundaries sparked a phenomenal growth in automobile ownership and usage，beginning in the 1920s . ④The automobile continues and accelerated the evolution of urban structure started by the electric streetcar. Its availability permitted further expansion of urban areas and, more important, provided access to land between the radial streetcar and railroad lines leading into the central city.The technology of the internal-combustion engine，however, also led to the decline of other transportation modes used in urban areas by providing a less expensive and more flexible replacement for rail-based modes. While the automobile provided new opportunities for personal mobility and urban growth, motor buses rapidly replaced electric streetcars, to the extent that only five North American cities today still operate large-scale streetcar systems-Boston, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Toronto, and San Francisco (although this trend has reversed somewhat in recent years with new `light rail' systems in operation in Edmonton, Calgary, San Diego, and Buffalo). At the same time, the growth of private automobile use has dramatically reduced the use of public transportation in general, particularly since the end of World War II. According to the latest census figures, in 1980, 62. 3 million Americans normally drove alone to work each day, another 19 million car-pooled, and 6 million used public transportation.The technologies and the resulting modes available today for urban transportation are common to most cities but are often applied in different ways to serve different purposes. It should be noted that certain types of modes are appropriate than others in serving different types of urban trips.The technological dimension of the urban transportation system suggests a third principle for urban transportation planning:Transportation planners must consider the transportation system as consisting of different modes , each having different operational and cost characteristics.From; Michael D. Meyer and Eric J. Miller "Urban Transportation Planning", 1984Traffic signalsIn the United States alone ,some 250,000 intersections have traffic signals , which are defined as all power-operated traffic-control devices except flashers，signs，and markings for directing or warning motorists, cyclists，or pedestrians.Signals for vehicular，bicycle，and pedestrian control are ‘pretimed’where specific times intervals are allocated to the various traffic movements and as 'traffic actuated' where time intervals are controlled in whole or in part by traffic demand.Pretimed Traffic Signals'Pretimed' traffic signals are set to repeat regularly a given sequence of signal indications for stipulated time intervals through the 24-hr day. They have the advantages of having controllors of lower first cost and that they can be interconnected and coordinated to vehicles to move through a series of intersections with a minimum of stops and other delays. Also, their operation is unaffected by conditions brought on by unusual vehicle behavior such as forced stops，which，with some traffic-actuated signal installations may bring a traffic jam. Their disadvantage is that they cannot adjust to short-time variations in traffic flow and often hold vehicles from one direction when there is no traffic in the other. This results in inconvenience, and sometimes a decrease in capacity.‘Cycle length’the time required for a complete sequence of indications, ordinarily falls between 30 and 120s. Short cycle lengths are to be preferred, as the delay to standing vehicles is reduced. With short cycles, however a relatively high percentage of the total time is consumed in clearing the intersection and starting each succeeding movement. As cycle length increases, the percentage of time lost from these causes decreases. With high volumes of traffic, it may be necessary to increase the cycle length to gain added capacity.Each traffic lane of a normal signalized intersection can pass roughly one vehicle each2.1s of green light. The yellow (caution) interval following each green period is usually between 3 and 6s，depending on street width，the needs of pedestrians, and vehicle approach speed. To determine an approximate cycle division, it is common practice to make short traffic counts during the peak period. Simple computations give the number of vehicles to be accommodated during each signal indication and the minimum green time required to pass them. With modern control equipment, it is possible to change the cycle length and division several times a day, or go to flashing indications to fit the traffic pattern better.At many intersections，signals must be timed to accommodate pedestrian movements. The Manual recommends that the minimum total time allowed be an initial interval of 4 to 7s for pedestrians to start plus walking time computed at 4 ft/s (1. 2m/s). With separate pedestrian indicators，the WALK indication(lunar white) covers the first of these intervals, and flashing DON'T WALK (Portland orange ) the remainder. The WALK signal flashes when there are possible conflicts with vehicles and is steady when there are none. Steady DON'T WALK tells the pedestrian not to proceed.If pedestrian control is solely by the vehicle signals，problems develop if the intersection is wide, since the yellow clearance interval will have to be considerably longer than the 3 to 5s needed by vehicles. This will reduce intersection capacity and may call for a longer cycle time. On wide streets having a median at least 6 ft (1. 8m)wide，pedestrians may be stopped there. A separate pedestrian signal activator must be placed on this median if pedestrian push buttons are incorporated into the overall control system.Coordinated MovementFixed-time traffic signals along a street or within an area usually are coordinated to permit compact groups of vehicles called `platoons’to move along together without stopping. Under normal traffic volumes，properly coordinated signals at intervals variously estimated from 2500 ft (0. 76km)to more than a mile (1. 6km) are very effective in producing a smooth flow of traffic. On the other hand，when a street is loaded to capacity，coordination of signals is generally ineffective in producing smooth traffic flow.Four systems of coordination-simultaneous, alternate，limited progressive, and flexible progressive-have developed over time. The simultaneous system made all color indications on a given street alike at the same time .It produced high vehicle speeds between stops but lowoverall speed. Because of this and other faults，it is seldom used today.The alternate system has all signals change their indication at the same time，but adjacent signals or adjacent groups of signals on a given street show opposite colors. The alternate system works fairly well on a single street that has approximately equal block spacing. It also has been effective for controlling traffic in business districts several blocks on a said, but only when block lengths are approximately equal in both directions. With an areawide alternate system，green and red indications must be of approximately equal length. This cycle division is satisfactory where two major streets intersect but gives too much green time to minor streets crossing major arteries. Other criticisms are that at heavy traffic volumes the later section of the platoon of vehicles is forced to make additional stops，and that adjustments to changing traffic conditions are difficult.The simple progressive system retains a common cycle length but provides 'go' indications separately at each intersection to match traffic progression. This permits continuous or nearly continuous flow of vehicle groups at a planned speed in at least one direction and discourages speeding between signals. Flashing lights may be substituted for normal signal indications when traffic becomes light.The flexible progressive system has a master controller mechanism that directs the controllers for the individual signals. This arrangement not only gives positive coordination between signals，but also makes predetermined changes in cycle length，cycle split，and offsets at intervals during the day. For example，the cycle length of the entire system can be lengthened at peak hours to increase capacity and shortened at other times to decrease delays.Flashing indications can be substituted when normal signal control is not needed. Also the offsets in the timing of successive signals can be adjusted to favor heavy traffic movements, such as inbound in the morning and outbound in the evening. Again，changes in cycle division at particular intersections can be made. The traffic responsive system is an advanced flexible progressive system with the capacity to adjust signal settings to measured traffic volumes.Where traffic on heavy-volume or high-speed arteries must be interrupted for relatively light cross traffic，semi-traffic-actuated signals are sometimes used. For them，detectors are placed only on the minor street. The signal indication normally is green on the main road and red on the cross street. On actuation, the indications are reversed for an appropriate intervalafter which they return to the original colors.Highway Capacity And Levels of ServiceCapacity DefinedA generalized definition of capacity is: The capacity of any element of the highway system is the maximum number of vehicles which has a reasonable expectation of passing over that section (in either one or both directions) during a given time period under prevailing roadway and traffic conditions. A sampling of capacities for modern highway elements is as follows:In treating capacity，TRB Circular 212 divides freeways into components: basic freeway segments and those in the zone of influence of weaving areas and ramp junctions. Capacities of expressways，multilane highways，and two- and three-lane facilities also have the two components: basic and those in the zone of influence of intersections. Each of these is treated separately below.Speed-Volume-Capacity Relationships for BasicFreeway and Multilane Highway SegmentsA knowledge of the relationships among speed，volume，and capacity is basic to understanding the place of capacity in highway design and operation. Figurel3.1，which gives such a relationship for a single freeway or expressway lane, is used for illustrative purposes.If a lone vehicle travels along a traffic lane，the driver is free to proceed at the design speed. This situation is represented at the beginning of the appropriate curve at the upperleft of Fig. 13.1. But as the number of vehicles in the lane increases, the driver's freedom to select speed is restricted. This restriction brings a progressive reduction in speed. For example，many observations have shown that，for a highway designed for 70 mph (113km/h)，when volume reaches 1900 passenger cars per hour，traffic is slowed to about 43 mph (69km/h). If volume increases further, the relatively stable normal-flow condition usually found at lower volumes is subject to breakdown. This zone of instability is shown by the shaded area on the right side of Fig. 13. 1. One possible consequence is that traffic flow will stabilize at about 2000 vehicles per hour at a velocity of 30 to 40 mph (48 to 64km/h) as shown by the curved solid line on Fig. 13. 1. Often，however , the quality of flow deteriorates and a substantial drop in velocity occurs; in extreme cases vehicles may come to a full stop. In this case the volume of flow quickly decreases as traffic proceeds under a condition known as ‘forced flow.’ V olumes under forced flow are shown by the dashed curve at the bottom of Fig.13. 1. Reading from that curve，it can be seen that if the speed falls to 20 mph (32km/h)，the rate of flow will drop to 1700 vehicles per hour; at 10 mph （16km/h) the flow rate is only 1000;and,of course，if vehicles stop，the rate of flow is 0. The result of this reduction in flow rate is that following vehicles all must slow or stop，and the rate of flow falls to the levels shown. Even in those cases where the congestion lasts but a few seconds, additional vehicles are affected after the congestion at the original location has disappeared. A ‘shock wave’develops which moves along the traffic lane in the direction opposite to that of vehicle travel. Such waves have been observed several miles from the scene of the original point of congestion，with vehicles slowing or stopping and then resuming speed for no apparent reason whatsoever.Effects of the imposition of speed limits of 60, 50, and 40 mph are suggested by the dotted lines on Fig. 13. 1. A 55-mph (88km/h) curve could also be drawn midway between the 60 and 50 mph dotted curves to reflect the effects of the federally imposed 55-mph limit, but this is conjectural since the level of enforcement varies so widely.Vehicle spacing，or its reciprocal, traffic density, probably have the greatest effect on capacity since it generates the driver's feeling of freedom or constraint more than any other factor. Studies of drivers as they follow other vehicles indicate that the time required to reach a potential collision point，rather than vehicle separation，seems to control behavior. However，this time varies widely among drivers and situations. Field observations haverecorded headways (time between vehicles) ranging from 0. 5 to 2 sec, with an average of about 1. 5s.Thus，the calculated capacity of a traffic lane based on this 1. 5 s average, regardless of speed，will be 2400 vehicles per hour. But even under the best of conditions, occasional gaps in the traffic stream can be expected，so that such high flows are not common. Rather, as noted，they are nearer to 2000 passenger cars per hour.The ‘Level of Service’ ConceptAs indicated in the discussion of the relationships of speed, volume or density, and vehicle spacing, operating speed goes down and driver restrictions become greater as traffic volume increase. ‘Level of service’ is commonly accepted as a measure of the restrictive effects of increased volume. Each segment of roadway can be rated at an appropriate level，A to F inclusive，to reflect its condition at the given demand or service volume. Level A represents almost ideal conditions; Level E is at capacity; Level F indicates forced flow.The two best measures for level of service for uninterrupted flow conditions are operating or travel speed and the radio of volume to capacity达到最大限度的广播，called the v/c ratio. For two- and three-lane roads sight distance is also important.Abbreviated descriptions of operating conditions for the various levels of service are as follows:Level A—Free flow; speed controlled by driver's desire，speed limits, or physical roadway conditions.Level B—Stable flow; operating speeds beginning to be restricted; little or no restrictions on maneuverability from other vehicles.Level C—Stable flow; speeds and maneuverability more closely restricted.Level D—Approaches unstable flow; tolerable speeds can be maintained but temporary restrictions to flow cause substantial drops in speed. Little freedom to maneuver，comfort and convenience low.Level E—V olumes near capacity; speed typically in neighborhood of 30 mph (48km/h); flow unstable; stoppages of momentary duration. Ability to maneuver severely limited.Level F—Forced flow，low-operating speeds，volumes below capacity; queues formed.A third measure of level of service suggested in TRB Circular 212 is traffic density. This is，for a traffic lane，the average number of vehicles occupying a mile (1. 6km) of lane at a given instant. To illustrate，if the average speed is 50 mph，a vehicle is in a given mile for 72 s. If the lane carrying 800 vehicles per hour，average density is then 16 vehicles per mile ;spacing is 330 ft (100m)，center to center. The advantage of the density approach is that the various levels of service can be measured or portrayed in photographs.From: Clarkson H. Oglesby and R. Gary Hicks “Highway engineering”, 1982城市交通规划城市交通系统是市区的社会、经济、和物质结构的一个基本组成部分。
城市规划中英文对照外文翻译文献中英文对照外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)Rigid-flexible and economic - on the Beijing-controlled regulation block level awareness and considerAbstract: The article, through the traditional regulatory detailed planning analysis, pointing out that the planning results difficult to translate into public policy planning and management, in the face of a lack of adaptability to changes in the market can not be directly related to macroeconomic issues such as convergence planning. Then put forward in recent years through the Beijing neighborhood-level case-control regulatory interpretation, introduction and analysis, study the preparation of district level (2-3 square unit) of the control regulation in response to the traditional regulatory control problem often encountered when has the advantage and flexibility, in particular, to highlight it for the planning and management department can provide a new tool for management and coordination and more flexible to deal with complex changes in the market diversity, the protection of the Government of the characteristics of public service functions. Finally, the future also need to block-level control regulation of the legal status of the application of planning and management tools, the traditional elements of space control and guide and so on to conduct in-depth study and discussion.Key words: block-control regulations controlling the detailed planning of rigid and flexible planning1.Traditional control regulations in the preparation of the practical problems facingTraditional regulatory plan, since the emergence of the last century 90's has been in the interests of all of the game and balance problems are. The crux of the matter focused on how to coordinate the planning required to manage the rigid control and flexible response to market adaptability on:1.1Traditional regulatory control can not fully reflect the transformation of government functionsTraditional regulatory control can only be a direct reflection of the general land development and construction of the nature and intensity, as well as the embodiment of city space environment harmonization and unification of the core concerns are space and vision on the aesthetic effect, planners through a series of indicators to determine spatial form of land control. This form at all-fit-oriented government under the guidance of implementation, "a chess city" in the development and construction.With the deepening of reform, the government functions under the planned economic system by the all-around type to a service-oriented transformation of the functions of the Government focuses on government control and the provision of public services two aspects: First, we must deal with social activities in the various questions, function of maintaining social stability and order; two social development is to provide the necessary public goods, in particular, the market can not afford or are unwilling to provide public goods. At city-building, more and more real estate enterprises and industrial enterprises have become the mainstay of city development and construction, more and more with the right to speak, when the government must release the necessary permissions in order to play the role of market mechanisms, while at the same time be able to achievemaintaining the social function of stability, and ensure the supply of public goods, needed to reflect the Government represented by the maximization of public interest, this is not the original space-based content-control regulations can be reflected.1.2Traditional regulatory control results to the transformation of public policy have a considerable gap City planning as a public policy, determined at the overall planning of urban and rural spatial distribution, the city's public resources to conduct an effective configuration of the living environment to make the corresponding request, the need for further construction of the city to conduct a comprehensive coordination, guidance and restraint, and made available to the management of the T own Planning Department of a management tool. Traditional control regulations although the preparation of a comprehensive set of control indicators and measures, but because of its factual findings to the block-type control chart is provided in the form of a lack of overall balance is always the aspect as well as the flexibility to respond to changes in the market.Common situation is: immediately after the recent construction sites will have to put in complicated and ever-changing market situation, often want to change the nature of the land, improve the rate of volume and height, adjust the layout of such request, then the planning and management department, the general Choose only the traditional outcome of outside regulatory control, through the block, the conditions for the demonstration, the addition of a planning conditions change and audited proof aspect, from the audited results, because of the lack of adequate planning at the restrictive conditions, improve lot of floor area ratio, a high degree of planning control to adjustthe conditions of application can only "successfully" through. A lot of planning and management department have met with a similar dilemma: developer proposed to control the regulation of a plot to determine floor area ratio from 1.5 to 1.8 adjust, whether it is technically from the planning or management of policy, can not find the reasons for denying the application, and if these separate plots look all passed, up from the overall regulatory control is equivalent to waste a still, "there is no space under the management of poor-control regulation has been hard to manage."1.3 Changing market demand in the face of too rigidAccording to regulations covering the preparation of full-control regulation, in the face of long-term with no fixed pattern of development and development of the main city of the new area, can only rely on the experience and the limited regulatory requirements to set a blueprint for the ultimate, often required the assumption that the area will attract Whatis the nature of the industry, and what mode of transportation and living elements and so on. Often wait until the need to implement when the city-building mechanisms have taken place in very many changes in the main body of investment, development patterns, construction and operation of regional mechanisms and so on with the original planning assumptions are inconsistent, industry, transport, mode of living have been Ultra-out the original, this time charged with the regulation already completed will become very out of date.1.4 Upper face of the macro-planning difficult docking requirementsOverall planning in order to meet the needs of urban and rural economic and social comprehensive, coordinated andsustainable development requirements, tend to make some macro measures such as content development model. These property with public policy measures, in order to land for the purpose of the traditional regulatory control it is difficult to fully reflect and docking. Beijing Daxing Metro as an example: In accordance with the "Beijing Urban Master Plan (2004 -2020 years)", Daxing Beijing Metro are the future-oriented regional development important node, in Beijing, the development of an extremely important strategic position, will guide the development of biological medicine, modern manufacturing, as well as commercial logistics, culture, education and other functions, are carrying the future city of Beijing to ease the population centers and functions of one of 11 Metro. 2020 Metro style scale land use planning 65 square kilometers, population 600,000 people scale.Prior to this, as are Beijing's Daxing county, to carry out the construction of satellite towns, the status quo conditions and Metro Planning has a larger gap between the objectives, the lack of sufficiently attractive to the urban areas can not effectively alleviate the stress. For instance: the lack of public facilities, facilities standards have been too low, with the center city poor transport links and so on. How to achieve the status quo to the Metro from the blueprint for change? At "Daxing Metro Planning (2005 -2020 years)" from the Metro's construction to start the implementation process, identified through the construction of rail transit, urban road construction, public service facilities, the transfer of administrative functions, cultural and educational function of the introduction of the introduction of leading industries six elements of the main construction of the Metro guide: the role of these elements together, and based on theirspatial characteristics influence thescope and timing on reasonable arrangements to promote the development of Metro's construction, so that Metro be able to at the planning blueprint for the status quo gradually on the foundation can be achieved.Epistasis plans face similar macro-planning requirements, is clearly not a specific plot plan can be fully reflected in, let alone to cope with up to 15 years in the planning of the implementation process of various elements of the Change.2. Block-level regulatory control of the preparation of the contents of the formIn recent years, Beijing made the preparation of block-level control rules to deal with from a certain extent on the traditional block-control regulations that prevail in question. Metro style neighborhoods to control regulation as an example:First of all, divided into blocks. At "Daxing Metro Planning (2005 -2020 years)" the division of seven patches, three groups on the basis of the General consider regional characteristics, the layout of public service facilities, municipal service capacity transport facilities and space environmental capacity and other influencing factors to the Neighborhood (between block and block units, with a river, natural obstacles, primary and secondary roads, street boundaries offices, special function areas such as border Kaifong boundary) for the division of units, divided into 38 blocks , each block 2 ~ 3 square kilometers.Then, in the Metro to determine the scope of the whole block of lead, construction and classification of the total construction scale, construction baseline height, strength of construction elements of the scope. Metro based planning, decomposition of the implementation of the dominant features of each block, thatis blocks the function of positioning and the main direction of development to determine the largest block of land and has assumed a leading role in the nature of the land; from the overall economic strength and functions of the positioning of a comprehensive traffic capacity, public facilities Service capacity, municipal facilities, service capabilities, the capacity of the space environment in five aspects, such as integrated carrying capacity analysis, will be Metro's 600,000 population overall refinement scale decomposition to the block level, and to determine the total amount of block construction and classification of scale construction; in accordance with the Metro morphological characteristics of the overall space to determine the building height control framework and four baseline height, divided into low(18 m), Medium (18-45 meter), high (45-60 m) and 60 meters above 4, the implementation of each blocks range of benchmarks; to improve the living environment in accordance with the overall goals and other conditions, strength of construction will be divided into blocks of low-density, medium density, high-density third gear.And, through a comprehensive analysis of the status quo, implement the above decomposition of the conditions, separately for each block to determine the nature and scale, the configuration of the facilities and arrangements, a high degree of control elements, such as urban design, implementation timing, but also questions the need for further research, etc. specific content, which will eventually block the plans submitted in the form of results.3.1Effective extension of epistatic planning, for planning and management to facilitateTo block as a unit, decomposition and quantify the epistatic planning functions and development goals, and clearly the general character of each neighborhood and the development of intensity differences, in fact this job is to regulate, such as the total epistatic to quantify the macro-planning process. To block as a unit for total control and balance, ease of basic facilities at all levels, public service facilities, urban safety facilities, transportation facilities, to conduct an overall balanced layout, more conducive to neighborhoods as a unit for analysis and monitoring. Beijing have been identified as a further refinement put blocks of land plots to control the minimum regulatory scope of the study and city planning and management of the basic unit.Dominant in determining the neighborhood function, construction and classification of the total construction scale, construction baseline height, strength of construction scope of the facilities after the configuration of such factors, whether developers are still at all levels of government to entrust the preparation of land-control regulations, planning and management departments have a strong public policy based on quantifiable and can be used to guide and monitor the preparation of regulatory control block content, can ensure the configuration of the various facilities such as the contents of rigidity to the implementation, but also be able to through the overall control and strength to the block classification must control regulations left behind the flexibility of space.3.2 Responding flexibly to market changesBlock-level control regulations after wide coverage, its construction and classification of the total construction scale of indicators as the preparation of the detailed planning of the next level of control conditions, the guidance of land developmentand construction of concrete blocks at the scope of activities carried out within the overall balance. Block unit through the benchmark land prices, ownership, facilities, supply capacity factors such as a comprehensive assessment can be reflected to some extent on location, infrastructure conditions, such as market-sensitive elements on the differences in regulatory control in the preparation of land, they can further study the market demand effectively adjust to allow the market to be able to in the government's macro-control of the allocation of resources to play its basic role.At the same time, district-level planning at the preparation of regulatory control after the completion of the management of the implementation process can also be quantified using a variety of control means to effectively deal with changes in the market. To floor area ratio as an example, at district level because of regulatory control, the set up of the neighborhood's population and the total construction volume of construction and classification of the concept of a land plot development and construction are necessary to adjust the strength of blocks related to the total changes and changes in the demand for associated facilities, so that at least from the district coordination framework to achieve the purpose of breaking the individual review of the original plot to control the lack of indicators adjust based on the embarrassment, from the process reflects on the changes in construction activity the surrounding urban environment brought about by the impact. On this basis, the study implemented a similar "transfer of development rights" of the administrative system before operational.3.3Highlight the protection of the Government's public service functionsBlock-level control regulations, all land classified as Class A land (for the city to provide basic support and services) and Class B land (Government under the guidance of the market development of land), as well as X-type sites (sites to be studied) three categories. One of, A-type sites are the main green space, infrastructure, public service facilities, etc. must have a public property, mainly by the Government as an investment and management entities of the public space, its emphasis on the priority the implementation of space, thereby protecting the public interest priority . Comparativelyspeaking, the original concern of the traditional regulatory control elements at street level space of the controlled regulation of "take a back seat," the.4.Also necessary to further explore the question:In general, block-level regulatory control to add a meso-level studies, preparation of regulatory control block provides a fresh discussion of the work platform, as well as planning and management provided some actionable public policy basis for improved traditional regulatory control of some problems. However, block-level control regulation as a new thing also have a number of issues need to be further explored and research:First of all, the necessary clarity of its legal status and recognition. Because ofblock-level control is a regulation relating to a variety of factors (population, the facilities and so on) the overall balance of technological achievements, in particular, are some of the priority the protection of the facilities involved in city construction and operation of other government departments, administrative actions, a reasonable decide the legal status of its coordination and control of the key. Moreover, as the capital ofBeijing and municipalities, and other city planning and construction management system must have differences in this municipality in Beijing can well-established system should not be able to copy to the city in general go. How to promote neighborhood-level control regulatory experience gained enhance the legitimacy of its reasonable, but also required further study.Secondly, the required supporting management measures on the corresponding.Block-level control regulation is not only a many-level planning so easy that it give planning and management in the overall planning and control regulation of traditional land between the development of a new management platform, therefore, should give full play to its role, from the can not be supporting the planning and management measures on innovation. Such as in the control plots on the regulation of convergence can be the implementation process for some of the demand, derived from "transfer of development rights" and other related management measures and control means.Finally, the traditional elements of how the matching Spaces guide. Block-level control regulations to strengthen the government's public service functions, improve the public benefits of priority, relatively speaking, the traditional elements of the shape is relatively weakened. Visual imagery, body mass, Feel places the elements of these traditional control regulations usually take into account urban design elements, not at street level regulatorycontrol to be reflected, then the block-level control regulations should be space elements which control what should be done about the city on the block level design elements toguide them accordingly? Looking forward to the future as soon as possible answers to those questions.References1, Beijing City Master Plan (2004 -2020 years)2, Tai Hing Metro Planning (2005 -2020 years)3, Tai Hing New regulatory plan (block level) .2007 years4, WEN Zong-yong. Control the underlying causes of regulatory changes and countermeasures. Beijing plans to build 2007 (5) :11-135, Yang Chun. Beijing City Center, the preparation and implementation of regulatory control of the background. Beijing plans to build 2007 (5) :14-156, Yang Jun, Yang Ziming. Beijing-controlled regulation of 1999-2006. Beijing plans to build 2007 (5) :37-407,Guohui Cheng,Li Shi, HUANG Jie. Rigid-flexible and relief: for controlling the operation of the detailed planning. Town Planning .2007 (7) :77-808, Lin audience. Public Management from the Perspective of the adaptive control consider the detailed planning. Planners .2007 (4) :71-749, Wang Yin, Jun Chen. "Sharpen come true" - Interpretation of the Beijing Municipal Area "Control Regulation", prepared yesterday and today .. Beijing plans to build .2007 (5) :23-26 10, Lan Zhou, Ye Bin, Xu Yao. Explore the detailed planning of the management control system architecture. .2007 City planning (3) :14-1911, Li Tian. Our country controlled detailed planning and a way out of confusion. .2007 City planning (1) :16-2012, city planning approach to make People's Republic of China Ministry of Construction No. 146 2005-12-31刚柔并济——对北京街区层面控规的认识与思考摘要文章通过对传统的控制性详细规划进行分析，指出规划成果难以转化为规划管理的公共政策、面对市场变化缺乏应变能力、无法直接与宏观规划衔接等问题。
Spatial Planning System of National Territory in Japan，China and Korea日本、中国和韩国的国土空间规划体系Kyungrock YE,Jun-hua ZHANG,Takeshi KINOSHITA,Xing-yan WANG Abstract:This study conducted the national territory planning system of Japan,China and Korea,on a premise to discuss possibility of integrated spatial planning of Eastern Asia.The purpose of this study is to arrange major spatial plans of three countries according to classification of urban and non-urban area,and to clarifying role of each spatial plan.。
文摘:本研究是在进行中国、日本、韩国的国土规划体系前提下,探讨整个亚洲东部的综合空间规划的可能性。
本研究的目的是根据城市区域和非城市区域的分类，明确大空间计划下三个国家在规划中所扮演的角色。
As a result,Korea,the smallest country among three countries,has one system on land use,development and conservation,considering whole national territory to be one city planning area,and a role and relation of each spatial plan is comparatively clear.On the other hand,China,the largest country among three countries,although a role and relation of each spatial plan are clear in urban area,a general recognition for necessity of non-urban area planning is weak.In case of Japan,the characteristics that the spatial planning system is consisted on the division into urban area and non-urban area,is very similar to China,and there is hardly relation between these two kinds of spatial planning.最终,作为最小国家的韩国,已拥有一个针对土地使用、发展与保护的体系,它把整个国家领土是一个城市规划区考虑，每个空间的规划的角色和关系较为清楚。
另一方面,作为最大国家的中国,尽管市区的空间规划是很明确，但人们对非城市的空间规划重视程度都非常薄弱。
在日本，空间规划系统对城市区域和非城市地区的划分原则跟中国是非常相似的,这两种类型的空间规划几乎没有必然的关系。
Key words:National territory plan;Japan;China;Korea;Spatial planning;Eastern Asia Community.关键词:国土规划;日本、中国、韩国、空间规划、东亚共同体。
Recently it is frequently discussed on the Eastern Asia Community.This is still mainly focused on the economy,but in environmental aspect we also have some common serious problems,e.g.sustainable development,bio-diversity,outstanding landscape/nature conservation,balanced development of town and country,cultural assets conservation/utilization and several environmental problems.In order to settle these subjects,it is important not only to challenge by each country but also to prepare a common framework for comprehensive spatial planning covering whole eastern Asia..最近东亚共同体经常被讨论，主要关注仍然是经济问题,但在环保方面我们也有一些常见的严重问题需要解决,如可持续发展、生物多样性、优秀景观、自然保护、城乡协调发展、文化遗产保护、环境问题等。
解决这些问题,重要的不仅是对每个国家的挑战,而是需要准备一个常见的全面覆盖整个亚洲的空间规划的框架。
This study was done to clarify the similarities and differences of national territory planning system of Japan,China and Korea as a first step to discuss on the subjects and possibilities of comprehensive Eastern Asian spatial planning.Until now the national territory planning system of Japan and Korea have already been studied,but the comparative study between three countries including China from the viewpoint of spatial planning has never seen before.We used mainly related literatures on planning system and government's official websites of each country to clarify the purposes of this study. And we classified each country's major spatial plans into four categories,national, regional,urban area and non-urban area,and discussed on the vertical and horizontal relation between them.本研究之目的：第一步是明确日本、中国和韩国的国土规划体系的异同,讨论综合东亚空间规划的课题和可能性。
迄今为止,日本和韩国的国土规划体系已经进行了比较研究阶段,但从空间规划的角度对三个国家的比较研究还未进行。
我们主要在每一个国家的规划系统的相关文献、政府的官方网站上阐明了本篇研究的目的。
我们按照整个大空间规划把每个国家分为国家、地区、城市区域和非城市区域四类,讨论垂直和水平的关系。
1National Territory Planning System of JapanThe Comprehensive National Development Act(1950),Land Use Planning Act(1974)and City Planning Act(1968)support Japanese major spatial planning(Table 1).These are all under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Land,infrastructure and Transport.The CNDP provides tong-range visions on nation-wide land use,development and conservation,social overhead capital,and a traffic policy.According this plan,the CPDP and MLP are to be prepared.The Plans provided by Land Use Planning Act includes NLP and PLP on the perspective of effective national land use and LUMP that classified prefectural land use into five areas(town,agriculture,forest,natural park and natural conservation area).Fig.1shows that there are main two spatial plans by two acts at national and regional level,but the relation and a role sharing between the acts and plans.Representative plans of urban area and non-urban area are the MLP by Land Use Planning Act and the CP by City Planning Act,but the relation between the two is not clear and actually the only CP plays a key role to control land use.it is clear that the Japanese national territory planning is divided into NLP and CP and the role of regional planning is relatively small.Therefore the area that is closely covered by main three acts is only'city planning area',the other non-urban area is depended on other related acts (Fig.1).The area classification by LUMP supports competent ministries and acts,and separate plans are applied to each area.In other words,one may say that the Japanese national territory planning stresses the urban areas'plans and in non-urban areas there isno comprehensive plan that unifies the related plans(Fig.1)and a frame/role of regional planning is relatively weak.一、日本的国土规划系统综合国家发展行动(1950年)、土地利用总体规划(1974年)和城市规划条例(1968)都支持日本主要的空间规划(表1)。
