TED视频transcript

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0:11Have you ever wonderedwhy extremism seems to have been on the rise in Muslim-majority countriesover the course of the last decade?Have you ever wonderedhow such a situation can be turned around?Have you ever looked at the Arab uprisingsand thought, "How could we have predicted that?"or "How could we have better prepared for that?"Well my personal story, my personal journey,what brings me to the TED stage here today,is a demonstration of exactly what's been happeningin Muslim-majority countriesover the course of the last decades, at least, and beyond.I want to share some of that story with you,but also some of my ideas around changeand the role of social movements in creating changein Muslim-majority societies.0:52So let me beginby first of all giving a very, very brief history of time,if I may indulge.In medieval societies there were defined allegiances.An identity was definedprimarily by religion.And then we moved on into an era in the 19th centurywith the rise of a European nation-statewhere identities and allegiances were definedby ethnicity.So identity was primarily defined by ethnicity,and the nation-state reflected that.In the age of globalization, we moved on.I call it the era of citizenship --where people could be from multi-racial, multi-ethnic backgrounds,but all be equal as citizensin a state.You could be American-Italian; you could be American-Irish;you could be British-Pakistani.1:38But I believe nowthat we're moving into a new age,and that age The New York Times dubbed recentlyas "the age of behavior."How I define the age of behavioris a period of transnational allegiances,where identity is defined more soby ideas and narratives.And these ideas and narratives that bump people across bordersare increasingly beginning to affectthe way in which people behave.Now this is not all necessarily good news,because it's also my beliefthat hatred has gone globaljust as much as love.But actually it's my beliefthat the people who've been truly capitalizing on this age of behavior,up until now, up until recent times,up until the last six months,the people who have been capitalizing moston the age of behaviorand the transnational allegiances,using digital activismand other sorts of borderless technologies,those who've been benefiting from thishave been extremists.And that's something which I'd like to elaborate on.2:43If we look at Islamists,if we look at the phenomenonof far-right fascists,one thing they've been very good at,one thing that they've actually been exceeding in,is communicating across borders,using technologies to organize themselves,to propagate their messageand to create truly global phenomena.Now I should know,because for 13 years of my life,I was involved in an extreme Islamist organization.And I was actually a potent forcein spreading ideas across borders,and I witnessed the rise of Islamist extremismas distinct from Islam the faith,and the way in which it influenced my co-religionistsacross the world.3:26And my story, my personal story,is truly evidence for the age of behaviorthat I'm attempting to elaborate upon here.I was, by the way -- I'm an Essex lad,born andraised in Essex in the U.K.Anyone who's from Englandknows the reputation we have from Essex.But having been born in Essex,at the age of 16,I joined an organization.At the age of 17, I was recruiting people from Cambridge Universityto this organization.At the age of 19,I was on the national leadership of this organization in the U.K.At the age of 21, I was co-founding this organization in Pakistan.At the age of 22,I was co-founding this organization in Denmark.By the age of 24,I found myself convicted in prison in Egypt,being blacklisted from three countries in the worldfor attempting to overthrow their governments,being subjected to torturein Egyptian jailsand sentenced to five years as a prisoner of conscience.4:22Now that journey,and what took me from Essex all the way across the world --by the way, we were laughing at democratic activists.We felt they were from the age of yesteryear.We felt that they were out of date.I learned how to use emailfrom the extremist organization that I used.I learned how to effectively communicate across borderswithout being detected.Eventually I was detected, of course, in Egypt.But the way in which I learnedto use technology to my advantagewas because I was within an extremist organizationthat was forced to think beyondthe confines of the nation-state.The age of behavior: where ideas and narrativeswere increasingly defining behaviorand identity and allegiances.5:05So as I said, we looked to the status quoand ridiculed it.And it's not just Islamist extremists that did this.But even if you look acrossthe mood music in Europe of late,far-right fascism is also on the rise.A form of anti-Islam rhetoricis also on the riseand it's transnational.And the consequences that this is havingis that it's affecting the political climateacross Europe.What's actually happeningis that what were previously localized parochialisms,individual or groupings of extremistswho were isolated from one another,have become interconnected in a globalized wayand have thus become, or are becoming, mainstream.Because the Internet and connection technologiesare connecting them across the world.5:54If you look at the rise of far-right fascism across Europe of late,you will see some things that are happeningthat are influencing domestic politics,yet the phenomenon is transnational.In certain countries, mosque minarets are being banned.In others, headscarves are being banned.In others, kosher and halal meat are being banned,as we speak.And on the flip side,we have transnational Islamist extremistsdoing the same thing across their own societies.And so they are pockets of parochialism that are being connectedin a way that makes them feel like they are mainstream.Now that never would have been possible before.They would have felt isolated,until these sorts of technologies came aroundand connected them in a waythat made them feel part of a larger phenomenon.6:36Where does that leave democracy aspirants?Well I believe they're getting left far behind.And I'll give you an example here at this stage.If any of you remembers the Christmas Day bomb plot:there's a man called Anwar al-Awlaki.As an American citizen, ethnically a Yemeni,in hiding currently in Yemen,who inspired a Nigerian,sonof the head of Nigeria's national bank.This Nigerian student studied in London, trained in Yemen,boarded a flight in Amsterdam to attack America.In the meanwhile,the Old mentality with a capital O,was represented by his father, the head of the Nigerian bank,warning the CIA that his own son was about to attack,and this warning fell on deaf ears.The Old mentality with a capital O,as represented by the nation-state,not yet fully into the age of behavior,not recognizing the power of transnational social movements,got left behind.And the Christmas Day bomber almost succeededin attacking the United States of America.Again with the example of the far right:that we find, ironically,xenophobic nationalistsare utilizing the benefits of globalization.7:48So why are they succeeding?And why are democracy aspirants falling behind?Well we need to understand the power of the social movements who understand this.And a social movement is comprised, in my view,it's comprised of four main characteristics.It's comprised of ideas and narrativesand symbols and leaders.I'll talk you through one example,and that's the example that everyone here will be aware of,and that's the example of Al-Qaeda.If I asked you to think of the ideas of Al-Qaeda,that's something that comes to your mind immediately.If I ask you to think of their narratives --the West being at war with Islam, the need to defend Islam against the West --these narratives, they come to your mind immediately.Incidentally, the difference between ideas and narratives:the idea is the cause that one believes in;and the narrative is the way to sell that cause --the propaganda, if you like, of the cause.So the ideas and the narratives of Al-Qaeda come to your mind immediately.8:40If I ask you to think of their symbols and their leaders,they come to your mind immediately.One of their leaders was killed in Pakistan recently.So these symbols and these leaderscome to your mind immediately.And that's the power of social movements.They're transnational, and they bond around these ideas and narrativesand these symbols and these leaders.However,if I ask your minds to focus currently on Pakistan,and I ask you to thinkof the symbols and the leaders for democracyin Pakistan today,you'll be hard pressedto think beyond perhapsthe assassination of Benazir Bhutto.Which means, by definition,that particular leader no longer exists. 9:21One of the problems we're facing is, in my view,that there are no globalized,youth-led, grassroots social movementsadvocating for democratic cultureacross Muslim-majority societies.There is no equivalent of the Al-Qaeda, without the terrorism,for democracy across Muslim-majority societies.There are no ideas and narratives and leaders and symbolsadvocating the democratic culture on the ground.So that begs the next question.Why is it that extremist organizations,whether of the far-right or of the Islamist extremism --Islamism meaning those who wish to imposeone version of Islam over the rest of society --why is it that they are succeedingin organizing in a globalized way,whereas those who aspire to democratic cultureare falling behind?And I believe that's for four reasons.I believe, number one, it's complacency.Because those who aspire to democratic cultureare in power,or havesocietiesthat are leading globalized, powerful societies,powerful countries.And that level of complacency meansthey don't feel the need to advocate for that culture.10:28The second, I believe,is political correctness.That we have a hesitationin espousing the universality of democratic culturebecause we are associating that --we associate believing in the universality of our values --with extremists.Yet actually, whenever we talk about human rights,we do say that human rights are universal.But actually going out to propagate that viewis associated with either neoconservativismor with Islamist extremism.To go around saying that I believedemocratic culture is the best that we've arrived atas a form of political organizingis associated with extremism.11:10And the third,democratic choice in Muslim-majority societieshas been relegated to a political choice,meaning political partiesin many of these societiesask people to vote for themas the democratic party,but then the other parties ask them to vote for themas the military party --wanting to rule by military dictatorship.And then you have a third party saying,"Vote for us; we'll establish a theocracy."So democracy has become merely one political choiceamong many other formsof political choices available in those societies.And what happens as a result of thisis, when those parties are elected,and inevitably they fail,or inevitably they make political mistakes,democracy takes the blamefor their political mistakes.And then people say, "We've tried democracy. It doesn't really work.Let's bring the military back again."12:03And the fourth reason, I believe,is what I've labeled here on the slide as the ideology of resistance.What I mean by that is,if the world superpower today was a communist,it would be much easier for democracy activiststo use democracy activismas a form of resistance against colonialism,than it is today with the world superpower being America,occupying certain landsand also espousing democratic ideals.So roughly these four reasonsmake it a lot more difficult for democratic culture to spreadas a civilizational choice,not merely as a political choice.12:35When talking about those reasons,let's break down certain preconceptions.Is it just about grievances?Is it just about a lack of education?Well statistically,the majority of those who join extremist organizations are highly educated.Statistically, they are educated, on average,above the education levelsof Western society.Anecdotally, we can demonstratethat if poverty was the only factor,well Bin Laden is from one of the richest families in Saudi Arabia.His deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, was a pediatrician --not an ill-educated man.International aid and development has been going on for years,but extremism in those societies, in many of those societies,has been on the rise.And what I believe is missingis genuine grassroots activismon the ground,in addition to international aid,in addition to education, in addition to health.Not exclusive to these things, but in addition to them,is propagating a genuine demand for democracy on the ground.13:31And this is where I believeneoconservatism had it upside-down.Neoconservatism had the philosophythat you go in with a supply-ledapproachto impose democratic values from the top down.Whereas Islamists and far-right organizations, for decades,have been building demand for their ideology on the grassroots.They've been building civilizational demand for their valueson the grassroots,and we've been seeing those societies slowly transitionto societies that are increasingly asking fora form of Islamism.Mass movements in Pakistanhave been represented after the Arab uprisingsmainly by organizationsclaiming for some form of theocracy,rather than for a democratic uprising.Because since pre-partition,they've been building demand for their ideology on the ground.And what's needed is a genuine transnationalyouth-led movementthat works to actively advocatefor the democratic culture --which is necessarily morethan just elections.But without freedom of speech, you can't have free and fair elections.Without human rights, you don't have the protection granted to you to campaign.Without freedom of belief,you don't have the right to join organizations.14:38So what's needed is those organizations on the groundadvocating for the democratic culture itselfto create the demand on the ground for this culture.What that will dois avoid the problem I was talking about earlier,where currently we have political parties presenting democracyas merely a political choice in those societiesalongside other choicessuch as military rule and theocracy.Whereas if we start building this demand on the ground on a civilizational level,rather than merely on a political level,a level above politics --movements that are not political parties,but are rather creating this civilizational demandfor this democratic culture.What we'll have in the endis this ideal that you see on the slide here --the ideal that people should vote in an existing democracy,not for a democracy.But to get to that stage,where democracy builds the fabric of societyand the political choices within that fabric,but are certainly not theocratic and military dictatorship --i.e. you're voting in a democracy,in an existing democracy,and that democracy is not merely one of the choices at the ballot box.To get to that stage,we genuinely need to start building demandin those societies on the ground.15:57Now to conclude, how does that happen?Well, Egypt is a good starting point.The Arab uprisings have demonstrated that this is already beginning.But what happened in the Arab uprisings and what happened in Egyptwas particularly cathartic for me.What happened there was a political coalitiongathered together for a political goal,and that was to remove the leader.We need to move one step beyond that now.We need to see how we can help those societiesmove from political coalitions,loosely based political coalitions,to civilizational coalitionsthat are working for the ideals and narrativesof the democratic culture on the ground.Because it's not enough to remove a leaderor ruler or dictator.That doesn't guarantee that what comes nextwill be a society built on democratic values.16:42But generally, the trends that start in Egypthave historically spread across the MENA region,the Middle East and North Africa region.So when Arab socialism started in Egypt, it spread across the region.In the '80s and '90s when Islamism started in the region,it spread across the MENA region as a whole.16:57And the aspiration that we have at the moment --as young Arabs are proving todayand instantly rebranding themselvesas being prepared to die for more than just terrorism --is that there is a chancethat democratic culture can start in the regionand spread across to the rest of the countries that are surrounding that.But that will requirehelping these societies transitionfrom having merely political coalitionsto building genuinely grassroots-based social movementsthat advocate for the democratic culture.And we've made a start for that in Pakistanwith a movement called Khudi,where we are working on the ground to encourage the youthto create genuine buy-in for the democratic culture.And it's with that thought that I'll end.17:37And my time is up, and thank you for your time.17:39(Applause)。