肯尼迪：在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演_演讲稿.doc

丁路德金演讲稿（通用5篇）丁路德金篇1我有一个梦想一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。

它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。

一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。

一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。

今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。

你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。

坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。

我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种.种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。

这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的;人人生而平等。

”我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

“中国梦.我的教育梦”主题演讲比赛演讲稿 中国梦我的教育梦主题演讲比赛演讲稿 我的梦，桃李芬芳 富顺二中印修利 1968 年，那一年，马丁路德金先生遇刺，虽然那一年他倒下了，但是 我有一个梦想这句话却真正地站了起来，不仅在美国站起来，也在全世界 站了起来。

一个人可以一无所有，但是不能没有梦想。

正是因为有梦想，我们才经历坎坷依然前行，正是因为有梦想，我们 才历经沧桑信心不改。

天若有情天亦老，人间正道是沧桑。

中国梦就像全世界所有的伟大的梦想一样都注定要遭受很多的挫折。

突如其来的汶川大地震，芦山大地震，让这一切都变得没有我们期待 中的那么美好。

无数个鲜活生命的离开，让每一个中国人度日如年。

但是我们在灾难中站了起来、就像 45 年前马丁路德金先生倒下，却 让我有一个梦想这句话站得更高，站得更久，站得更加让人觉得极其有价 值一样。

雄关漫道真如铁是对梦想的追求，而今迈步从头越才是对梦想的执着！1 分 30 秒 人生因梦想而精彩。

罗阳用生命托举航母舰载机腾飞，神十飞入苍穹，遨游太空，为实现 中国梦写下时代的注脚……无数默默无闻的追梦者， 用日复一日的笃定、 坚 守演绎奋斗历程，收获人生别样的精彩与感动。

中国梦本该如此，败，有穷且益坚，不坠青云之志的倔强傲岸。

中国梦本该如此，成，有扬鞭策马，登高临远的脱俗超然。

40 秒 白岩松在美国耶鲁大学的演讲中说到在 1968——2008 年这四十年的 时间里头，我从一个根本不可能有梦想的，一个遥远边疆的一个小城市里 的孩子，变成了一个可以在全人类欢聚的一个大的节日里头，分享以及传 播这种快乐的新闻人。

这是一个在中国发生的故事，让我意识到了我的故事背后的中国梦 2011 年，姚明在退役发布会上感言感谢这个伟大进步的时代，使我有 机会去实现自己的梦想和价值。

终于明白有了中国梦的茁壮，我们才有了做自己的梦的自由 1 分 10 秒 在我的心中，同样有着一个伟大的中国梦，我深深盼望见到的，是一 个用文明尺度来检验自己的中国，这样的中国，因为自信，所以开阔；因 为开阔，所以包容；因为包容，所以它的力量更柔韧、更长远。

肯尼迪英文演讲稿John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Addressdelivered January 20, 1961Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemnoath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal handsthe power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friendand foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by ahard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which thisnation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that weshall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share,we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, wepledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall notalways expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the backof the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globestruggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shalljoin with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its hield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. sFinally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups ofnations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdenedby the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew-- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness,and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts,eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free."And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join increating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Norwill it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest thefinal success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight truggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the scommon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believethat any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.。

【名人演讲】罗伯特·肯尼迪：在马丁·路德·金遇刺后的演说在马丁·路德·金遇刺后的演说（美国）罗伯特·肯尼迪女士们先生们：今晚我只想对你们讲几分钟，因为我知道了一个令你们所有人非常悲伤的消息，而且，我认为，它也是令我们所有的公民伙伴，以及令全世界热爱和平的人们非常悲伤的消息。

这个消息是马丁·路德·金今晚在得克萨斯的孟菲斯遭遇枪击而被杀害。

马丁·路德·金为他的同胞们把自己的一生献给爱，献给正义，他因为作出这种努力而被害。

在这艰难的一天，在这个令美国艰难的时刻，追问一下我们是怎样一个民族，我们要走向何方，或许不无稗益。

对于作为黑人的你们——考虑到现场的证据，显然白人须对金的遇刺负责——你们可能义愤填膺，满腔仇恨，亟欲复仇。

我们可能会向着那样一个国家的方向前进，以更加两极化的形式——黑人拥簇黑人，白人拥簇白人，彼此充满敌意。

或者我们能够努力，正如马丁·路德·金所做的，互相理解，用一种以爱心和同情去理解的努力取代那种暴力行为，取代已染遍我们国土的斑斑血迹。

对于你们中那些由这一非正义行动导致对全体白人充满仇恨和怀疑的黑人，我只能说我内心怀着同样的情感。

我有一位家庭成员被害，但他是被一个白人杀害的。

然而我们必须做出努力，必须在美国作出努力，我们必须努力去理解，努力度过这十分艰难的时期。

我最喜爱的诗人是埃斯库罗斯。

他写道：“在我们的睡梦中，不能忘怀的痛苦一点一滴地落在心头，直到我们在自己的绝望中，明智违背我们的意愿受上帝庄严的感召来临。

”在美国我们需要的不是分裂；在美国我们需要的不是仇恨；在美国我们需要的不是暴力行动或无法无天，而是友爱，智慧，和彼此间的同情，以及对于那些在我们的国家中仍承受痛苦的人的一种正义感，无论他们是白人还是黑人。

因此，今晚我请求你们回家为马丁·路德·金的家人祈祷——是的，理应如此——但更重要的是为我们自己的国家，为我们大家热爱的国家祈祷——为我刚才说过的理解和同情祈祷。

我有一个梦想演讲稿马丁我有一个梦想演讲稿马丁我有一个梦想演讲稿马丁今天，我高兴的同大家一起参加这次将成为我国历史上为争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

1XX年前，一位伟大的美国人--今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下--签署了《解放黑奴宣言》。

这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

然而1XX年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。

1XX年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。

1XX年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。

1XX年后的今天，黑人仍然蜷缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。

今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于世。

就某种意义而言，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。

我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时，曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言，他们承诺所有人--不论白人还是黑人--都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

就有色公民而论，美国显然没有实践她的诺言。

美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着资金不足的戳子后便退了回来。

但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。

因此今天我们要求将支票兑现这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义保障。

我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国，现在是非常急迫的时刻。

现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。

现在是实现民主的诺言时候。

现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候，现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候，现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。

如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。

自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。

本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==约翰f.肯尼迪的就职演说篇一：约翰肯尼迪总统就职演说[演讲者简介]：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，整个五十年代，都是美国参议员。

1960年11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史上由选举产生的最年轻的总统。

1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。

人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。

但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。

这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。

让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。

这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。

我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜：我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。

马丁.路德.金被刺杀当晚罗伯特.肯尼迪英语演讲稿Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.Ladies and Gentlemen: I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you -- Could you lower those signs, please? -- I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort. In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. For those of you who are black -- considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible -- you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization --black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled withhatred toward one another. Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus. And he once wrote:"Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forgetfalls drop by drop upon the heart,until, in our own despair,against our will,comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of God."What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King --yeah, it's true --but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love -- a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country. We will have difficult times. We've had difficult times in the past. And we will have difficult times in the future. It is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.Thank you very much.。

Remarks on the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on April 4, 1968Ladies and Gentlemen,I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you could you lower those signs, please? -I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort. In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black-considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible-you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization-black(两极化，分化) people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another. Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend(理解，包容), and replace that violence(暴力，暴行), that stain of bloodshed(留血) that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion(同情，怜惜) and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus. And he once wrote:"Even in our sleep,pain which cannot forgetfalls drop by drop upon the heart,until, in our own despair,against our will,comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of God."What we need in the United States is not division(分裂，分开); what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness(非法行为，违法行为), but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King-yeah, it's true-but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country,which all of us love-a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country. We will have difficult times. We've had difficult times in the past. And we will have difficult times in the future. It is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide忍受in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people, Thank you very much,就马丁·路德·金遇刺事件评论发表干1968年4月4日女士们、先生们：今天晚上，我打算只占用大家大概几分钟的时间。

马丁路德金演讲稿
亲爱的朋友们，
我今天站在这里，是为了与你们分享一个重要的信息。

这
个信息是关于和平、公正和平等的，它对我们每个人来说
都至关重要。

我梦想着一个世界，一个充满和谐与尊重的世界。

一个没
有战争和仇恨的世界。

一个每个人都被平等对待的世界。

在这个世界里，不论你的肤色、种族或出生背景如何，你
都能够享受到自由和公正。

但是，我们现在所处的现实并不是这样。

黑人仍然受到歧
视和不公平的对待。

他们被剥夺了许多基本权益，无论是
在教育、就业还是公共服务方面。

这是一个不可接受的事实。

我认为，我们每个人都有责任采取行动，争取公正和平等。

我们不能再坐视不管，不能再容忍这样的不公。

我们应该
团结起来，为黑人争取他们应得的权利。

在这个斗争中，我们不应该使用暴力和仇恨来回应。

我们
应该以和平的方式来表达我们的诉求。

凭借爱和非暴力的
力量，我们能够改变世界。

我希望每个人都能够加入到这个斗争中来。

无论你是黑人
还是白人，无论你是富人还是穷人，我们都应该站在一起，为公正和和平而努力。

最后，我想对每个人说，不要放弃希望。

即使现实有如此
的困难和不公，我们不能停止奋斗。

我们必须坚守信念，
相信和平和公正最终会战胜仇恨和歧视。

让我们一起携手努力，创造一个更加美好和公正的世界。

谢谢大家！。

克林顿在马丁路德金夫人葬礼上的演讲稿Let me say a couple things briefly and then ask Hillary to join in these remarks.I don't want us to forget that there's a woman in there: not a symbol—not a symbol—a real woman who lived and breathed and got angry and got hurt and had dreams and disappointments. And I don't want us to forget that.You know, I'm sitting here thinking, I wish I knew what her kids were thinking about now. I wonder if they were thinking about what I was thinking about at my mother's funeral—said all this grand stuff.I wonder if they're thinking about when she used to read books to them, or when she told them Bible stories, or what she said to them when their daddy got killed.We're here to honor a person.Fifty-four years ago, her about-to-be husband said that he was looking for a woman with character, intelligence, personality and beauty, and she sure fit the bill. And I have to say, when she was over 75, I thought she still fit the bill pretty good with all those categories.But I think that's important: this is a woman, as well as a symbol, as well as the embodiment of her husband's legacy and the developer of her own.The second point I want to make is the most important day in herlife for everyone of us here at this moment in this church except when she embraced her faith, the next most important day was April 5, 1968, the day after her husband was killed. She had to decide, "What am Igoing to do with the rest of my life?"We would have all forgiven her, even honored her if she said, "I have stumbled on enough stony roads. I have been beaten by enough bitter rods. I have endured enough dangers, toils and snares. I'm going homeand raising my kids. I wish you all well."None of us, nobody could have condemned that decision. But instead, she went to Memphis—the scene of the worst nightmare of her life—andled that march for those poor hard-working garbage workers that her husband...Now, that's the most important thing for us. Because what really matters if you believe all this stuff we've been saying is what are we going to do with the rest of our lives?So her children, they know they've got to carry the legacy of their father and their mother now. We all clap for that; they've got to go home and live with it. That's a terrible burden.That is a terrible burden. You should pray for them and support them and help them. That is a burden to bear. It's a lot harder to be them than it was for us to be us growing up. Don't you think it wasn't. It may have been a glory, it may have been wonderful, but it's not easy.So what will happen to the legacy of Martin Luther King and Coretta King? Will it continue to stand for peace and nonviolence and anti-poverty and civil rights and human rights?What will be the meaning of the King holiday every year? And even more important, Atlanta, what's your responsibility for the future of the King Center?What are you going to do to make sure that this thing goes on?I read in the newspaper today, I read in the newspaper coming down here that there's more rich black folks in this county than anyone in America except Montgomery County, Maryland.What are we going to do?This is the first day of the rest of our lives. And we haven't finished our long journey home.The one thing I always admired about Dr. King and about Coretta when I got to know her, especially, is how they embraced causes that were almost surely lost right alongside causes that they knew if they worked at hard enough, they could actually win.They understood that the difficulty of success does not relieve one of the obligation to try. So all of us have to remember that.What are we going to do with the rest of our lives? You want totreat our friend Coretta like a role model? Then model her behavior.And you know we're always going to have our political differences. We're always going to have things we can do. And this has been, I must say, a brilliantly executed and enormously both moving and entertaining moment.But we're in the house of the Lord. And most of us are too afraid to live the lives we ought to live because we have forgotten the promise that was made to Martin Luther King, to Coretta Scott King and to all of us, most beautifully for me stated in Isaiah."Fear not, I have redeemed thee. I have called thee by thy name. Thou art mine."We don't have to be afraid. We can follow in her steps. We can honor Dr. King's sacrifice. We can help his children fulfill their legacy.Everybody who believes that the promise of America is for every American, everybody who believes that all people in the world are caught up in what he so eloquently called the inescapable web of mutuality, everyone of us in a way are all the children of Martin Luther and Coretta Scott King. And I for one am grateful for her life and her friendship.Thank you.。

这部电影是我看过的最好的政治片之一，片长3个多小时，但是情节紧凑，每分钟都非常精彩，果然是斯通大牛的神作……最后30分钟的时候，检察官吉姆加里森在法庭上的总结陈词感情至深，让人热血沸腾，和《闻香识女人》中埃尔帕西诺的演讲有的一拼……在此添加了演讲内容中出现的人名及背景的相关详细注释，加粗的部分为讲稿内容，没有加粗的部分为注释，红色部分为本人认为非常精彩的语句。

有谁会为埋在廉价墓地里的奥斯瓦多（注：Lee Harvey Oswald，美籍古巴人，被认为是肯尼迪遇刺案的主凶。

案发两日后，奥斯瓦尔德在警察的严密戒备中当众被杰克·鲁比（Jack Ruby）开枪击毙，美国人在电视直播中也能目睹经过。

而鲁比最后也因癌症死于狱中，临死前称被人下毒才得到癌症，连番事件使肯尼迪遇刺案变得更曲折离奇）感到伤心呢？没有。

几分钟之内，关于奥斯瓦多的不实报道就传遍了全球。

传说出自政府，新闻界的消息来自政府。

当局在撒谎，史诗般壮观的肯尼迪葬礼迷惑了我们的双眼和我们的头脑。

希特勒说过：越大的谎言就越有人相信。

李哈维奥斯瓦多，一个疯狂的孤独的无名之辈，想出风头而暗杀总统，只是一长串名单中的第一个替罪羊。

而近年来，罗伯特肯尼迪（注：Robert Francis Kennedy，美国前总统约翰·肯尼迪的弟弟，1964年当选为纽约州参议员。

1968年6月初，他刚赢得了民主党加利福尼亚预选的胜利，便于6月5日早晨在洛杉矶一家旅馆内遭到枪击而死亡），马丁路德金，凡是想改革想和平的人都是渴望战争的权贵们的眼中钉。

这些人也都被疯狂的孤独的个人杀害了。

这些没有意义的个人愚蠢行为使我们毫无内疚。

我们都成了哈姆雷特，认杀父仇人为亲人，让凶手占据着皇位。

肯尼迪和他被害的秘密与我们在我们的美国梦中相遇，他向我们提出这样的问题：我们的宪法核心是什么？我们的生命价值又是什么？一个国家的总统被杀害，在诸多疑问面前，它的司法机构只会发抖，那么这个国家的民主还有希望吗？还有多少政治谋杀，将会说成是心脏病发作，将会说成是自杀、癌症和药物过量。

丁路德金演讲稿（通用5篇）丁路德金篇1我有一个梦想一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。

它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。

一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。

一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。

今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。

你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。

坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。

我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种.种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。

这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的;人人生而平等。

”我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

【名人演讲】罗伯特肯尼迪:在马丁路德金遇刺后的演说篇一：肯尼迪在马丁路德金被暗杀后的讲话(英文版)RobertF.Kennedy RemarksontheassassinationofmartinLutherKing,Jr.delivered4april1968,indianapolis,inLadiesandGentlemen,i'monlygoingtotalktoyoujustforaminuteorsothisevening,becauseihav esome--someverysadnewsforallofyou--couldyoulowerthosesigns,please?--ihavesomeverysadnewsforallofyou,and,ithink,sadnewsforallofourfellowc itizens,andpeoplewholovepeaceallovertheworld;andthatisthatmartinLuthe rKingwasshotandwaskilledtonightinmemphis,Tennessee. martinLutherKingdedicatedhislifetoloveandtojusticebetweenfellowhuman beings.Hediedinthecauseofthateffort.inthisdifficultday,inthisdifficulttimef ortheUnitedStates,it'sperhapswelltoaskwhatkindofanationweareand whatdirectionwewanttomovein.Forthoseofyouwhoareblack--consideringt heevidenceevidentlyisthattherewerewhitepeoplewhowereresponsible--you canbefilledwithbitterness,andwithhatred,andadesireforrevenge. wecanmoveinthatdirectionasacountry,ingreaterpolarization--blackpeoplea mongstblacks,andwhiteamongstwhites,filledwithhatredtowardoneanother.orwecanmakeaneffort,asmartinLutherKingdid,tounderstand,andtocompre hend,andreplacethatviolence,thatstainofbloodshedthathasspreadacrossourl and,withanefforttounderstand,compassion,andlove. Forthoseofyouwhoareblackandaretemptedtofillwith--befilledwithhatredan dmistrustoftheinjusticeofsuchanact,againstallwhitepeople,iwouldonlysayt haticanalsofeelinmyownheartthesamekindoffeeling.ihadamemberofmyfa milykilled,buthewaskilledbyawhiteman. ButwehavetomakeaneffortintheUnitedStates.wehavetomakeanefforttound erstand,togetbeyond,orgobeyondtheseratherdifficulttimes.myfavoritepoe m,my--myfavoritepoetwasaeschylus.andheoncewrote:Eveninoursleep,pai nwhichcannotforgetfallsdropbydropupontheheart,until,inourowndespair,againstourwill,comeswisdomthroughtheawfulgraceofGod. whatweneedintheUnitedStatesisnotdivision;whatweneedintheUnitedStates isnothatred;whatweneedintheUnitedStatesisnotviolenceandlawlessness,bu tislove,andwisdom,andcompassiontowardoneanother,andafeelingofjustice towardthosewhostillsufferwithinourcountry,whethertheybewhiteorwhethe rtheybeblack.Soiaskyoutonighttoreturnhome,tosayaprayerforthefamilyofmartinLutherKing--yeah,it'strue--but聽moreimportantlytosayaprayerforourowncountry,whichallofuslove--apraye rforunderstandingandthatcompassionofwhichispoke. wecandowellinthiscountry.wewillhavedifficulttimes.we'vehaddiffic ulttimesinthepast,butwe--andwewillhavedifficulttimesinthefuture.itisnotth eendofviolence;itisnottheendoflawlessness;and()it'snottheendofdiso rder. Butthevastmajorityofwhitepeopleandthevastmajorityofblackpeopleinthisc ountrywanttolivetogether,wanttoimprovethequalityofourlife,andwantjusti ceforallhumanbeingsthatabideinourland.andlet'sdedicateourselvestowhattheGreekswrotesomanyyearsago:tot amethesavagenessofmanandmakegentlethelifeofthisworld.Letusdedicateo urselvestothat,andsayaprayerforourcountryandforourpeople. Thankyouverymuch.篇二：马丁路德金演讲赏析马丁·路德·金--《我有一个梦想》赏析最近，我在受老师上课的影响下细读了一篇演说稿，题目是《我有一个梦想》，让我感触非常深。

肯尼迪总统就职演说篇一：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日）inauguraladdressofJohnF.KennedyJanuary20,1961 VicePresidentJohnson,mr.Speaker,mr.chiefJustice,President Eisenhower,VicePresidentnixon,PresidentTruman,Reverendclergy,fellowc itizens:约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：weobservetodaynotavictoryofpartybutacelebrationoffreedom,symbolizing anendaswellasabeginning,signifyingrenewalaswellaschange.Forihaveswor nbeforeyouandalmightyGodthesamesolemnoathourforebearsprescribedne arlyacenturyandthree-quartersago.我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。

它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。

因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。

Theworldisverydifferentnow.Formanholdsinhismortalhandsthepowertoab olishallformsofhumanpovertyandallformsofhumanlife.andyetthesamerevo lutionarybeliefsforwhichourforebearsfoughtarestillatissuearoundtheglobe--thebeliefthattherightsofmancomenotfromthegenerosityofthestatebutfromthehandofGod.世界已然今非昔比，因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困，亦可用以毁灭人类社会。

First Inaugural Address(John F. Kennedy)Jan. 2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker:John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) John F. Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S. senator for most of the 1950s. in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F. he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States. on Nov. 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify- ing renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival andsuccess of libertyThis much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Dividedthere is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save thefew who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s. Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where theinstruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encouragethe arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e thestrong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned togive testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilightstruggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itselfCan we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historiceffort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility Iwelcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor,will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已经传给新一代美国人（约翰.肯尼迪）1961.1.20演讲者简介：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。