最新50篇经典英文演讲之3汇总

经典的英文演讲稿•相关推荐经典的英文演讲稿15篇演讲稿要求内容充实，条理清楚，重点突出。

在不断进步的社会中，演讲稿在我们的视野里出现的频率越来越高，那么一般演讲稿是怎么写的呢？下面是小编为大家整理的经典的英文演讲稿，希望对大家有所帮助。

经典的英文演讲稿1每个人都会避免犯错，但或许避免犯错本身就是一种错误?请看以下这篇“犯错家“凯瑟琳舒尔茨告诉我们，或许我们不只该承认错误，更应该大力拥抱人性中“我错故我在“的本质。

So it's 1995, I'm in college, and a friend and I go on a road trip from Providence, Rhode Island to Portland, Oregon.当时是95年我在上大学我和一个朋友开车去玩从罗得岛的普罗旺斯区出发到奥勒冈州的波特兰市And you know, we're young and unemployed, so we do the whole thing on back roads through state parks and national forests -- basically the longest route we can possibly take.我们年轻、无业，于是整个旅程都在乡间小道经过州立公园和国家保护森林我们尽可能绕着最长的路径And somewhere in the middle of South Dakota, I turn to my friend and I ask her a question that's been bothering me for 2,000 miles.在南达科塔州之中某处我转向我的朋友问她一个两千英里路途上一直烦恼我的问题"What's up with the Chinese character I keep seeing by the side of the road?""路边那个一直出现的中文字到底是什么?"My friend looks at me totally blankly.我的朋友露出疑惑的神情There's actually a gentleman in the front row who's doing a perfect imitation of her look.正如现在坐在第一排的这三位男士所露出的神情一样(Laughter) And I'm like, "You know, all the signs we keep seeing with the Chinese character on them."(笑声) 我说"你知道的` 我们一直看到的那个路牌写着中文的那个啊"She just stares at me for a few moments, and then she cracks up, because she figures out what I'm talking about.她瞪着我的脸一阵子突然笑开了因为她总算知道我所指为何And what I'm talking about is this.我说的是这个(Laughter) Right, the famous Chinese character for picnic area.(笑声) 没错，这就是代表野餐区的那个中文字(Laughter) I've spent the last five years of my life thinking about situations exactly like this -- why we sometimes misunderstand the signs around us,(笑声) 过去的五年我一直在思考刚刚我所描述的状况为什么我们会对身边的征兆产生误解and how we behave when that happens, and what all of this can tell us about human nature.当误解发生时我们作何反应以及这一切所告诉我们的人性In other words, as you heard Chris say, I've spent the last five years thinking about being wrong.换句话说，就像 Chris 刚才说的过去五年的时间我都在思考错误的价值This might strike you as a strange career move, but it actually has one great advantage: no job competition.你可能觉得这是个奇异的专业但有一项好处是不容置疑的：没有竞争者。

Richard M. Nixon: "The Great Silent Majority"Good Evening, my fellow Americans.Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?What choices do we have if we are to end the war?What are the prospects for peace?Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the nextgeneration, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet Union, launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result ina collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts.I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements.I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet Union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.“Dear Mr. President:“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully acrossthe gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulfI wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity mydesire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war inVietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end canbenefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has cometo move forward at the conference table toward an early resolutionof this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded ina common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave peopleof Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture bothsides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict andwar."I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, South Korea and other nations which might be threatened by Communist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy.The defense of freedom is everybody’s business -- not just America’s business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened. In the previous Administration, we Americanized the war in Vietnam. In this Administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for peace.The policy of the previous Administration not only resulted in our assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more significant did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Laird’s visit to Vietnam in March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training and equipment of South Vietnamese forces.In July, on my visit to Vietnam, I changed General Abrams’s orders so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policies.Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the South Vietnamese forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of South Vietnam. Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 per cent.And now we have begun to see the results of this long-overdue change in American policy in Vietnam.After five years of Americans going into Vietnam we are finally bringing American men home. By Dec. 15 over 60,000 men will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam, including 20 percent of all of our combat forces.The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a result, they have been able to take over combat responsibilities from our American troops.Two other significant developments have occurred since this Administration took office. Enemy infiltration, infiltration which is essential if they are to launch a major attack over the last three months, is less than 20 percent of what it was over the same period last year.And most important, United States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years.Let me now turn to our program for the future. We have adopted a plan which we have worked out in cooperation with the South Vietnamese for the complete withdrawal of all United States combat ground forces and their replacement by South Vietnamese forces on an orderly scheduled timetable.This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. As SouthVietnamese forces become stronger, the rate of American withdrawal can become greater.I have not, and do not, intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision which I’m sure you will understand. As I’ve indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on developments on three fronts. One of these is the progress which can be, or might be, made in the Paris talks.An announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotiate an agreement. They would simply wait until our forces had withdrawn and then move in.The other two factors on which we will base our withdrawal decisions are the level of enemy activity and the progress of the training programs of the South Vietnamese forces.And I’m glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in June for withdrawal.As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in June.Now this clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen in on a fixed timetable. We must retain the flexibility to base each withdrawal decision on the situation as it is at that time, rather than on estimates that are no longer valid.Along with this optimistic estimate, I must in all candor leave one note of caution. If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly. However, I want the record to be completely clear on one point.At the time of the bombing halt just a year ago there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy that if we stopped the bombing of North Vietnam, they would stop the shelling of cities in South Vietnam.I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program. We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors.If the level of infiltration or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy. Hanoi could make no greater mistake than to assume that an increase in violence will be to its advantage.If I conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in Vietnam, I shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation.This is not a threat. This is a statement of policy which as commander in chief of our armed forces I am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American fighting men wherever they may be.My fellow Americans, I am sure you can recognize from what I have said that we really have only two choices open to us if we want to end this war.I can order an immediate precipitate withdrawal of all Americans from Vietnam without regard to the effects of that action.Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a negotiated settlement, if possible, or through continued implementation of our plan for Vietnamization, if necessary. A plan in which we will withdraw all of our forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program as the South Vietnamese become strong enough to defend their own freedom.I have chosen this second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in Vietnam but in the Pacific and the world.In speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in America. For more dangerous, we would lose confidence in ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.We have faced other crises in our history and we have become stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right.I recognize that some of my fellow Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved. Honest and patriotic citizens disagree with the plan for peace I have chosen.In San Francisco a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying sign s reading, “Lost in Vietnam, bring the boys home.”Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any American has as right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of view.But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of office to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the street.For almost 200 years, the policy of this nation has been under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and the White House elected by all the people.If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society.And now I would like to address a word, if I may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and I understand why they are concerned about this war.I respect your idealism. I share your concern for peace. I want peace as much as you do. There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war. This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives and loved ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam.It is very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when I do not have to write any of those letters.I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam. I want to end it in a way which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam some place in the world.And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this earth.I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed. If it does not succeed, what the critics say now won’t matter. Or if it does succeed, what the critics say now won’t matter. If it does not succeed, anything I say then won’t matter.I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or national destiny these days, but I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion.Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor. But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world.Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and thecourage to meet the challenge of free-world leadership.Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism.So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. I pledged in my campaign for the Presidency to end the war in a way that we could win the peace.I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. The more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be redeemed. For the more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate in Paris.Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat. Because let us understand -- North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that.Fifty years ago, in this room, and at this very desk, President Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war-weary world. He said: “This is t he war to end wars.” His dream for peace after World War I was shattered on the hard reality of great power politics. And Woodrow Wilson died a broken man.Tonight, I do not tell you that the war in Vietnam is the war to end wars, but I do say this:I have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which Woodrow Wilson and every American President in our history has been dedicated -- the goal of a just and lasting peace.As President I hold the responsibility for choosing the best path for that goal and then leading the nation along it.I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.Thank you.。

经典的英文演讲稿（精选9篇）经典的英文演讲稿篇11.An aim in life is the only fortune worth finding.生活的目标，是唯一值得寻找的财富。

2.Do not,for one repulse,forgo the purpose that you resolved to effort.不要因一次挫败，就放弃你原来决心想达到的目的。

3.Do you love life Then do not squander time;for thats the stuff life is made of.你热爱生命吗?那么，别浪费时间，因为生命是由时间组成的。

4.Dont try so hard,the best things come when you least expect them to.不要着急，最好的总会在最不经意的时候出现。

5.Fear not that the life shall come to an end,but rather fear that it shall never have a beginning.不要害怕你的生活将要结束,应该担心你的生活永远不会真正开始.6.Forever friend gets you through the hard times, the sad times,and the confused times.真正的朋友会与你一同度过困难、伤心和烦恼的时刻。

7.Gods determine what youre going to be.生的奋斗目标决定你将成为怎样的人。

8.However mean your life is,meet it and live it;do not shunit and call it hard names.不论你的生活如何悲凉,你都要面对它好好过,不要躲避它，更别用恶言咒骂它。

9.I am a slow walker,but I never walk backwards.我走得很慢，但是我从来不会后退。

热爱生活英文演讲稿（通用16篇）喜爱生活英文演讲稿篇1喜爱生活英文演讲稿篇3If by life you were deceived,Don’t be dismal, don’t be wild!In the day of grief, be mild.Merry days will come, believe.Heart is living in tomorrow;Present is dejected here;In a moment, passes sorrow;That which passes will be dear.喜爱生活英文演讲稿篇4If I’ll be able to succeed.Since I leave for a farawayplace,I’ll do nothing but trek night and day.I don’t want to consider.If I will be able to obtain love.Since I’m deep in love with roses,I’ll show my sincerity boldly.I don’t want to consider If I’ll meet with cold wind and rain.Since the horizon is the destination I want to reach,I’ll leave nothing but a figure on the Earth indeed.I don’t want to consider.If my future will be smooth or bumpy.If only I love life, love life,Everything is to be done in good time.喜爱生活英文演讲稿篇5Life is like a cup of boiled water, neither sweet nor bitter. Only those who are good at tasting can appreciate its taste. Some people taste very sweet because they know how to put spices. Some people have tasted the bitter fruit, because he messed up and put the wrong sauce, so he has tasted the bitter fruit. Can sweet represent success and bitter represent failure? Only those who can really bring out the flavor of life understand.Life is like darkness. It was dark all around, and no oneresponded. Who will open the light? Who will drive away the darkness? Only those who have a heart that loves life can open their light, drive away their darkness and welcome the new sun?Life is like an endless forest, you will be lonely, you will be afraid. But some people dont. He has a kind heart. He helps animals, cares about animals and understands animals. The sun will reappear before him.Life is like a package of spices, full of ups and downs. If you are a bit absent-minded, the seasoning will change its taste, and only the wholehearted person will bring out the flavor they want.Life is like a symphony. If you cant keep up with or miss a note, the whole symphony will become a mess. Only smart people know how to play music. No one has time to observe and play well.Life is likeLife is always changeable, and God is indifferent. As long as we have a pair of bright eyes and a thinking brain to observe and explore life, life will be better.喜爱生活英文演讲稿篇6友爱的老师和同学们：大家好！我们生活在一个和谐的社会里，我们身边存在着很多和谐的事物。

经典的英文演讲稿（精选5篇）经典的英文篇1my definition of successtoday i am very glad to be here to share with you my ideas of success. what is success? it is what everyone is longing for.sometimes success would be rather simple. winning a game is success; getting a high grade in the exam is success; making a new friend is success; even now i amstanding here giving my speech is somehow also success.however, as a person’s whole life is concerned, su ccess becomes verycomplicated. is fortune success? is fame success? is high social status success? no, i don’t think so. i believe success is the realization of people’s hopes and ideals.nowadays, in the modern society there are many peoplewho are regarded as the successful. and the most obvious characteristics of hem are money, high position and luxurious life. so most people believe that s success and all that they do is for this purpose. but the problem is wether it is real success. we all know there are always more money, higher position and better condition in front of us. if we keep chasing them, where is the end? what will satisfy us at last? therefore, we can see, to get the real success we must need something inside, which is the realization ofp eople’ hopes and ideals.different people have different ideas about success; cause people’s hopes and ideas vary from one another. but i am sure every success is dear to everybody, cause it is not easy to comeby, cause in the process of our striving for success, we got both our body and soul tempted, meanwhile we are enlightened by the most valuable qualities of human beings: love, patient, courage and sense of responsibility. these are the best treasures. so now i am very proud that i have this opportunity to stand here speaking to all of you. it is my success, cause i raise up to challenge my hope.what is success? everyone has his own interpretation as i do. but i am sureevery success leads to an ever-brighter future. so ladies and gentlemen, believe in our hopes, believe in ourselves, we, every one of us, can make asuccessful life!i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed-we hold theses truths to be self-oevident, that all men are created equal. i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave owners will be able to sit together at the table of brotherhood. i have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. i have a dream today! when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of god’s children-black men and white men , jews and gentiles, catholics and protestants-will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, “free at least ,free at last . thank god almighty, we are free at last.”经典的英文演讲稿篇21.An aim in life is the only fortune worth finding.生活的目标，是唯一值得寻找的财富。

经典英文演讲稿精选范文三篇演讲稿一：《We Shall Overcome》Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to share a powerful message of hope and resilience. I believe that each one of us has the ability to overcome any obstacle that comes our way. This belief is epitomized in the timeless song, “We Shall Overcome.”“We Shall Overcome” has been a rallying cry for social justice and equality for decades. It first emerged as a gospel hymn during the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, and has since become an anthem for oppressed individuals around the world. The lyrics speak to the indomitable human spirit and the unwavering belief that we can triumph over adversity.The song reminds us that we are not alone in our struggles. It unites us in our shared experiences of injustice and discrimination. It empowers us to stand together, shoulder to shoulder, and fight for a better future. “We Shall Overcome” teaches us that change is possible, and that we have the power to make that change a reality.In the face of adversity, it can be easy to lose hope and succumb to despair. But “We Shall Overcome” reminds us that we are stronger than we think. It encourages us to dig deep within ourselves and find the strength to persevere. It reminds us that even in the darkest of times, there remains a glimmer of hope.History has shown us time and time again that change is possible. From the abolition of slavery to the civil rights movement,ordinary individuals have risen up and made their voices heard. They refused to be silenced by fear or intimidation. They embraced the message of “We Shall Overcome” and fought tirelessly for a more just and equal society.As we face the challenges of our own time, let us remember the power of “We Shall Overcome.” Let us come together, united in our common humanity, and work towards a world where everyone is treated with dignity and respect. Let us never lose sight of the fact that change begins with each one of us.In conclusion, “We Shall Overcome” is not just a song; it is a declaration of our shared humanity and our unwavering belief in a better future. It is a reminder that we have the power to overcome any obstacle, no matter how daunting it may seem. So let us embrace the message of this timeless anthem and work together to create a world where everyone can thrive.Thank you.演讲稿二：《The Power of Education》Good morning, ladies and gentlemen,Today, I want to talk to you about the power of education. Education is not just about acquiring knowledge; it is about empowering individuals to reach their full potential and create a better world for themselves and others.Education is the key that unlocks the door to opportunity. It provides individuals with the tools they need to succeed in life. It equips them with critical thinking skills, problem-solving abilities,and a thirst for lifelong learning. Education opens doors to new possibilities and empowers individuals to pursue their dreams.Education is also a powerful tool for social change. It has the ability to break the cycle of poverty and inequality. When individuals are given access to quality education, they have the opportunity to improve their economic status and create a better future for themselves and their families. Education empowers individuals to become active citizens and contribute to the development of their communities.Furthermore, education promotes tolerance, understanding, and empathy. It exposes individuals to different cultures, perspectives, and ideas. It fosters a sense of global citizenship and encourages individuals to work towards a more inclusive and harmonious society. Education is the bridge that connects individuals from diverse backgrounds and helps build a more united world. Unfortunately, not everyone has equal access to education. Millions of children around the world are denied this fundamental right. Inequality, poverty, and discrimination continue to be barriers to education for many. As global citizens, it is our responsibility to advocate for equal access to education and work towards a world where every child has the opportunity to learn and thrive.In conclusion, education is a powerful tool that has the ability to transform lives and create a better world. It empowers individuals to reach their full potential, promotes social change, and fosters understanding and empathy. Let us recognize the power of education and work together to ensure that everyone has equal access to this fundamental right.Thank you.演讲稿三：《The Importance of Mental Health》Good evening, ladies and gentlemen,Today, I want to talk to you about an issue that affects us all: mental health. Mental health is just as important as physical health, yet it is often overlooked and stigmatized. It is time for us to prioritize mental health and create a world where everyone can thrive.Mental health is not something that only affects a small percentage of the population; it affects us all. According to the World Health Organization, one in four people will experience a mental health issue at some point in their lives. It can manifest in various forms, such as anxiety, depression, or stress. Mental health issues can have a profound impact on individuals and their ability to lead fulfilling lives.We must recognize that mental health is not a personal failure or weakness. It is a natural part of the human experience. Just as we take care of our physical health, we must also prioritize our mental well-being. This means seeking help when needed, practicing self-care, and creating a supportive environment for those who are struggling.Stigma and discrimination continue to be major barriers to mental health care. Many individuals are afraid to seek help due to fear of judgment or misunderstanding. This needs to change. We must challenge the stigma surrounding mental health and create a society where individuals feel safe and supported in seeking the help they need.Furthermore, we must prioritize mental health in all aspects of our lives. This includes in schools, workplaces, and communities. We need to provide resources and support for individuals struggling with mental health issues, and promote mental well-being as a core component of overall health and happiness.In conclusion, mental health is a fundamental aspect of our well-being that deserves our attention and care. By prioritizing mental health, we can create a world where everyone has the opportunity to thrive. Let us challenge stigma, provide support, and create a society that values and promotes mental well-being.Thank you.。

经典英文演讲稿（推荐12篇）经典英文演讲稿第1篇大学，是许多中学生向往的殿堂，是国家培育社会栋梁的场所。

它是学术组织、教育机构，但它又不只是传播知识，而是以其独特的方式服务于社会。

对于我来说，大学就像一个“人格塑造器”，它使进入其中的大学生得到塑造，最终蜕变。

在我心目中，每一个大学都应该有它自己的精神，并且这种精神能以其独特的魅力感染身在其中的学子，让他们牢记在心，受益终身。

一个没有精神的大学，不能给学生带来什么内在的影响，也难让社会对一个简单的教学机构留有什么印象。

所谓校风、学风，就是以学校精神为基础，创建出能为学生提供强大动力的环境氛围。

在我心目中，大学的课程虽然不满，但学生们能有很高的自主性，会充分地利用课余时间做自己想做的事，锻炼自己的体格，培养自己的兴趣爱好。

他们都知道时间的宝贵，会和时间赛跑。

在我心目中，大学拥有很多制度完善，运作正常的组织，里面有很多岗位供学生竞争，让他们在组织中学会团体作战，学会思考，并为组织出谋划策。

在这些组织的竞选中，从来都是能者、得人心者胜之，不存在靠关系、靠利益的`不公平竞争。

在我心目中，大学的图书馆藏书丰富多样，学生能从群书中找到解决问题的方法、开拓视野的途径、建立个人的目标、信念、价值观。

从比较中学习得更多，懂得更多。

同时，图书馆又是一个大家一起学习、共勉的地方。

在那里，不需要言语，只需细微的翻书声，也能成为人奋发的动力。

在我心目中，大学不只是传授知识，还是培养学生的思维方法，带给他们新的视野，更高一层的精神世界。

虽然说起来很抽象，但大学就应该有这样的能力，这样的魅力，它在有形无形中都能带给学生灵感和启发，让学生学习到专业课本以外的不可或缺的东西，是他们的思想得到质的飞跃。

在我心目中，大学会常开梦想交流会，大家一起讨论梦想，然后拥有同一个目标的人，能一起向同一个方向努力。

除了大学本身，还有它吸引来的许多资深的老师教授，志同道合的同学朋友。

在迈向社会的朦胧旅途中，能有他们作伴，能与他们共同奋斗，是一件非常美好的事情。

疯狂外号：“穿针引线长衣音”，简称“长衣音”。

发音时，上下唇微开，嘴唇扁平。

嘴角尽量往两边移动，边微笑边说“衣服”的“衣”。

拉得越长越地道，一定要超过两秒钟！每天坚持练！因为这是第一个音，希望你全力以赴！我请客！It’s on me!Thank you for inviting me to eat.It’s my treat this time.Please let me pay the bill.You can treat me next time we eat.It has been my dream to meet you.I really enjoyed this meal.I really enjoyed speaking with you.Thank you for your time.We should meet every week and eat dinner together.谢谢你请我吃饭。

这次我请客。

请让我来买单，下次我们吃饭你再请吧。

我做梦都想见到你。

这顿饭真的吃得很开心。

和你谈话我觉得很惬意。

谢谢你花时间来陪我。

我们应该每周见面，在一起吃饭。

疯狂外号: “经典收小腹减肥短衣音” 简称”短衣音”.该音发音部位与/i/基本相同，口形扁平，但嘴唇稍松开。

收小腹，越短越好！每天坚持练习，一旦收小腹形成习惯，你的英语就会与众不同。

英语和汉语Chinese and EnglishLadies and Gentlemen, today I want to talk about the differencesbetween English and Chinese.English is very different from Chinese.The sounds are different, the grammar is different,and the writing is totally different.it’s very difficult to speak English well.If you want to speak English well, you must forget about the differences.Just practice correct sentences until you’re used to them.The more sentences you can blurt out,the better you can express yourself.If you believe in yourself and practice crazily every day,you will make it.You will conquer English.Chinese is the most difficult language in the world.If you can speak Chinese, you can speak English.女士们，先生们，今天，我想谈谈英文和中文之间的差异。

2023年中国崛起的英文演讲稿带翻译（精选多篇）演讲稿1：China's Rise in 2023Dear all,Good afternoon. It is my honor to speak to you today about China's rise in 2023.Over the past few years, China has experienced tremendous growth in various aspects, including economy, technology, and culture. By 2023, it is predicted that China will have surpassed the United States as the world's largest economy.China's high technology industry has also been growing rapidly, especially in the development of 5G, artificial intelligence, and quantum computing. These advancements will greatly benefit society through enhancing communication and increasing efficiency in a variety of fields.Moreover, China's cultural influence has been spreading globally through the popularity of Chinese music, movies, and television shows. This trend will continue to increase as China's soft power grows stronger.However, with great power comes great responsibility. As China becomes a global leader, there are also challenges that need to be addressed, such as inequality, environmental issues, and global security.In conclusion, China's rise in 2023 will undoubtedly bring greatopportunities as well as challenges. It is our responsibility as a global community to work together to ensure that the benefits are shared among all countries and that challenges are addressed through collaboration and cooperation.Thank you for attention.亲爱的各位，下午好。

Richard M. Nixon: Resignation SpeechGood evening:This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office, where so many decisions have been made that shape the history of this nation. Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matter that I believe affected the national interest. In all the decisions I have made in my public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere -- to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me. In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion; that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process, and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future. But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served. And there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interests of the nation must always come before any personal considerations. From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the nation will require.I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interests of America first.America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad. To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow.Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.As I recall the high hopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a great sadness that I will not be here in this office working on your behalf to achieve those hopes in the next two and a half years. But in turning over direction of the Government to Vice President Ford I know, as I told the nation when I nominated him for that office ten months ago, that the leadership of America would be in good hands.In passing this office to the Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weight of responsibility that will fall on his shoulders tomorrow, and therefore of the understanding, the patience, the cooperation he will need from all Americans. As he assumes that responsibility he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look to the future, the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this nation. To put the bitterness and divisions of the recent past behind us and to rediscover those shared ideals that lie at the heart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.By taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healing which is so desperately needed in America. I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only that if some of my judgments were wrong -- and some were wrong -- they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interests of the nation.To those who have stood with me during these past difficult months, to my family, my friends, the many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I will be eternally grateful for your support. And to those who have not felt able to give me your support, let me say I leave with no bitterness toward those who have opposed me, because all of us in the final analysis have been concerned with the good of the country, however our judgments might differ.So let us all now join together in affirming that common commitment and in helping our new President succeed for the benefit of all Americans. I shall leave this office with regret at not completing my term but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for the past five and a half years. These years have been a momentous time in the history of our nation and the world. They have been a time of achievement in which we can all be proud, achievements that represent the shared efforts of the administration, the Congress and the people. But the challenges ahead are equally great. And they, too, will require the support and the efforts of the Congress and the people, working in cooperation with the new Administration.We have ended America's longest war. But in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world, the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult. We must complete a structure of peace, so that it will be said of this generation -- our generation of Americans -- by the people of all nations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented future wars.We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood between the United States and the People's Republic of China. We must now insure that the one-quarter of the world's people who live in the People's Republic of China will be and remain, not our enemies, but our friends.In the Middle East, 100 million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have considered us their enemy for nearly 20 years, now look on us as their friends. We must continue to build on that friendship so that peace can settle at last over the Middle East and so that the cradle of civilization will not become its grave. Together with the Soviet Union we have made the crucial breakthroughs that have begun the process of limiting nuclear arms. But, we must set as our goal, not just limiting, but reducing and finally destroying these terrible weapons, so that they cannot destroy civilization. And so that the threat of nuclear war will no longer hang over the world and the people. We have opened a new relation with the Soviet Union. We must continue to develop and expand that new relationship, so that the two strongest nations of the world will live together in cooperation rather than confrontation.Around the world -- in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America, in the Middle East -- there are millions of people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation. We must keep as our goal turning away from production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere on this earth can at last look forward, in their children's time, if not in our own time, to having the necessities for a decent life. Here, in America, we are fortunate that most of our people have not only the blessings of liberty but also the means to live full and good, and by the world's standards even abundant lives.We must press on, however, toward a goal not only of more and better jobs but of full opportunity for every American, and of what we are striving so hard right now to achieve -- prosperity without inflation.For more than a quarter of a century in public life, I have shared in the turbulent history of this evening. I have fought for what I believe in. I have tried, to the best of my ability, to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me. Sometimes I have succeeded. And sometimes I have failed. But always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and with the worst if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly.I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to which I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, Vice Presidentand President, the cause of peace -- not just for America but among all nations -- prosperity, justice and opportunity for all of our people.There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.When I first took the oath of office as President five and a half years ago, I made this sacred commitment: to consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations. I've done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the people of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war.This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency.This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.To have served in this office is to have felt a very personal sense of kinship with each and every American.In leaving it, I do so with this prayer: May God's grace be with you in all the days ahead.。