最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speeches

10篇著名的英语演讲1. Winston Churchill - "We shall fight on the beaches"Winston Churchill's iconic speech, "We shall fight on the beaches," delivered on June 4, 1940, was a powerful call to arms in the face of Nazi aggression. His words, describing the defiant spirit of the British people against overwhelming odds, remain a symbol of resilience and resolve. His powerful oratory style, with its simple yet profound message, has inspired countless individuals facing adversity.2. Martin Luther King Jr. - "I Have a Dream"Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech, delivered on August 28, 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., is one of the most famous in American history. It was a powerful testament to the dream of racial equality in America and a call for justice and freedom for all. His words, eloquently invoking the spirit of the nation's founding fathers, remain a cornerstone of the Civil Rights Movement.3. Barack Obama - "Yes, we can"Barack Obama's "Yes, we can" speech, delivered during his presidential campaign in 2008, was a powerful call to action for change. It captured the sentiment of a nation yearning for change and unity, emphasizing Obama's message of hope and reform. His confident delivery and inspiring message propelled him to victory and remains a symbol of the Obama presidency.4. Nelson Mandela - "I Am Prepared to Die"Nelson Mandela's "I Am Prepared to Die" speech, delivered at his 1964 trial for treason, is a testament to his unwavering commitment to the cause of South African liberation. It highlights his unwavering resolve in the face of oppression and imprisonment, embodying the spirit of the anti-apartheid movement. His words are a powerful reminder of the cost of freedom and justice.5. Mark Twain - "The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn"Mark Twain's "The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn" is a classic American novel that tells the story of a young boy's journey down the Mississippi River with Jim, a runaway slave. It is a profound exploration of race, class, and the complexities of human nature. Twain's unique voice and humor bring to life a world that remains relevant today.6. George W. Bush - "Terrorist Attack on the World Trade Center"George W. Bush's speech following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, marked a defining moment in American history. His words, delivered with a sense of resolve and patriotism, called upon the nation to stand united in the face of tragedy. His message of resilience and determination resonated with Americans and became a symbol of national unity in the face of adversity.7. John F. Kennedy - "Ask Not What Your Country Can Do for You"John F. Kennedy's inaugural address, delivered on January 20, 1961,contains one of the most famous lines in American political history: "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country." His message called upon citizens to embrace service and sacrifice for the greater good of the nation. It remains a powerful reminder of Kennedy's vision for America and the responsibilities citizens hold in building a better world.8. W.E.B. Dubois - "The Souls of Black Folk"W.E.B. Dubois's "The Souls of Black Folk" is a seminal work in African American literature that explores the unique experiences and challenges faced by black Americans. It offers a profound analysis of race and society in America and remains a foundational text in discussions about race relations and equality. Dubois's writing style is eloquent and thought-provoking, calling for a deeper understanding of black perspectives in American history and culture.9. Jane Addams - "The Value of Popular Government"Jane Addams's "The Value of Popular Government" is a landmark speech delivered in 1892 that highlights the role of government in promoting social welfare and justice. Addams, a social reformer and co-founder of Hull House, one of the first settlement houses in America, calls upon government to serve as an instrument for positive change in society. Her words remain relevant today as we grapple with issues of social justice and government responsibility in promoting the commongood。

Martin Luther King, Jr.: "I Have a Dream"delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down传下去被承受in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago一百年前, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree重要的发令came as a great beacon light 航标灯of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared 凋枯萎in the flames of withering injustice挖苦性的不公平. It came as a joyous 〔joy〕daybreak 黎明破晓to end the long night of their captivity囚禁.一百多年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放奴隶宣言。

对于在挖苦性的不公平中调谐枯萎的亿万黑奴来说，这条重要的法令犹如他们的航标灯。

它想令人预约的破晓，完毕了黑奴被囚禁的漫长黑夜。

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled使受残，使受伤，by the manacles 镣铐束缚of segregation种族隔离and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity物质繁荣. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in因受苦憔悴thecorners of American society and finds himself 意识到an e*ile放逐，流放in his own land. And so we've e here today to dramatize 将戏剧化a shameful condition.但是一百年后，黑人依旧并不自由。

全球著名英语演讲全球有许多著名的英语演讲，以下是一些著名的例子：1.Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech - Martin Luther King Jr.的演讲《我有一个梦想》是全球最著名的演讲之一，它在美国历史上留下了深刻的印记，并成为了美国民权运动的象征。

2.Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech - 温斯顿·丘吉尔的《我们将战斗在海滩上》演讲是二战时期最著名的演讲之一，它鼓舞了英国和盟军士兵的士气，并成为了二战历史的一部分。

3.John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address - 约翰·F·肯尼迪的就职演说《新边疆》是20世纪最著名的就职演说之一，它提出了美国的新方向和目标，成为了美国现代历史上最重要的演讲之一。

4.Ronald Reagan's "Tear Down This Wall" speech - 罗纳德·里根的《推倒这堵墙》演讲是冷战时期最著名的演讲之一，它呼吁苏联领导人拆除柏林墙，并成为了冷战结束的一部分。

5.Barack Obama's "Yes, We Can" speech - 巴拉克·奥巴马的《是的，我们可以》演讲是21世纪最著名的演讲之一，它在美国历史上留下了深刻的印记，并成为了美国政治和社会变革的一部分。

这些演讲都是历史上非常重要的演讲，它们不仅对演讲者本人产生了深远的影响，而且对整个世界产生了重要的影响。

美国经典英文演讲100篇各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program byits chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Digyourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to bekilled, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves.In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built uponracism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that some negroes have been walking down adream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, theymust stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black.I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed,beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on weought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalizationfor Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to startstopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let themaddress themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not becausewe are lazy, not because we’re apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration,then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二：美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇！练口语和演讲的好材料，值得收藏！！！梁志埠的日志? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:WeShall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing MemorialAddress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor,Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg GateAddress篇三：美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spe nd too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the current director it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentativeof the graduate students andBut he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, appealed.Alr ight, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, the form of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Wou ld you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statementpublicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! D on’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! Youcan’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machine will be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up tothe 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films.Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’regoing to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Just one moment. We’ve had som e good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.《美国经典英文演讲100篇》各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢。

Malcolm X: "The Ballot or the Bullet"Mr. Moderator, Brother Lomax, brothers and sisters, friends and enemies: I just can't believe everyone in here is a friend, and I don't want to leave anybody out. The question tonight, as I understand it, is "The Negro Revolt, and Where Do We Go From Here?" or What Next?" In my little humble way of understanding it, it points toward either the ballot or the bullet.Before we try and explain what is meant by the ballot or the bullet, I would like to clarify something concerning myself. I'm still a Muslim; my religion is still Islam. That's my personal belief. Just as Adam Clayton Powell is a Christian minister who heads the Abyssinian Baptist Church in New York, but at the same time takes part in the political struggles to try and bring about rights to the black people in this country; and Dr. Martin Luther King is a Christian minister down in Atlanta, Georgia, who heads another organization fighting for the civil rights of black people in this country; and Reverend Galamison, I guess you've heard of him, is another Christian minister in New York who has been deeply involved in the school boycotts to eliminate segregated education; well, I myself am a minister, not a Christian minister, but a Muslim minister; and I believe in action on all fronts by whatever means necessary.Although I'm still a Muslim, I'm not here tonight to discuss my religion. I'm not here to try and change your religion. I'm not here to argue or discuss anything that we differ about, becauseit's time for us to submerge our differences and realize that it is best for us to first see that we have the same problem, a common problem, a problem that will make you catch hell whether you're a Baptist, or a Methodist, or a Muslim, or a nationalist. Whether you're educated or illiterate, whether you live on the boulevard or in the alley, you're going to catch hell just like I am. We're all in the same boat and we all are going to catch the same hell from the same man. He just happens to be a white man. All of us have suffered here, in this country, political oppression at the hands of the white man, economic exploitation at the hands of the white man, and social degradation at the hands of the white man.Now in speaking like this, it doesn't mean that we're anti-white, but it does mean we'reanti-exploitation, we're anti-degradation, we're anti-oppression. And if the white man doesn't want us to be anti-him, let him stop oppressing and exploiting and degrading us. Whether we are Christians or Muslims or nationalists or agnostics or atheists, we must first learn to forget our differences. If we have differences, let us differ in the closet; when we come out in front, let us not have anything to argue about until we get finished arguing with the man. If the late President Kennedy could get together with Khrushchev and exchange some wheat, we certainly have more in common with each other than Kennedy and Khrushchev had with each other.If we don't do something real soon, I think you'll have to agree that we're going to be forced either to use the ballot or the bullet. It's one or the other in 1964. It isn't that time is running out -- time has run out!1964 threatens to be the most explosive year America has ever witnessed. The most explosive year. Why? It's also a political year. It's the year when all of the white politicians will be back in the so-called Negro community jiving you and me for some votes. The year when all of the white political crooks will be right back in your and my community with their false promises, building up our hopes for a letdown, with their trickery and their treachery, with their false promises which they don't intend to keep. As they nourish these dissatisfactions, it can only lead to one thing, an explosion; and now we have the type of black man on the scene in America today -- I'm sorry, Brother Lomax -- who just doesn't intend to turn the other cheek any longer.Don't let anybody tell you anything about the odds are against you. If they draft you, they send you to Korea and make you face 800 million Chinese. If you can be brave over there, you can be brave right here. These odds aren't as great as those odds. And if you fight here, you will at least know what you're fighting for.I'm not a politician, not even a student of politics; in fact, I'm not a student of much of anything. I'm not a Democrat. I'm not a Republican, and I don't even consider myself an American. If you and I were Americans, there'd be no problem. Those Honkies that just got off the boat, they're already Americans; Polacks are already Americans; the Italian refugees are already Americans. Everything that came out of Europe, every blue-eyed thing, is already an American. And as long as you and I have been over here, we aren't Americans yet.Well, I am one who doesn't believe in deluding myself. I'm not going to sit at your table and watch you eat, with nothing on my plate, and call myself a diner. Sitting at the table doesn't make you a diner, unless you eat some of what's on that plate. Being here in America doesn't make you an American. Being born here in America doesn't make you an American. Why, if birth made you American, you wouldn't need any legislation; you wouldn't need any amendments to the Constitution; you wouldn't be faced with civil-rights filibustering in Washington, D.C., right now. They don't have to pass civil-rights legislation to make a Polack an American.No, I'm not an American. I'm one of the 22 million black people who are the victims of Americanism. One of the 22 million black people who are the victims of democracy, nothing but disguised hypocrisy. So, I'm not standing here speaking to you as an American, or a patriot, or a flag-saluter, or a flag-waver -- no, not I. I'm speaking as a victim of this American system. And I see America through the eyes of the victim. I don't see any American dream; I see an American nightmare.These 22 million victims are waking up. Their eyes are coming open. They're beginning to see what they used to only look at. They're becoming politically mature. They are realizing that there are new political trends from coast to coast. As they see these new political trends, it's possible for them to see that every time there's an election the races are so close that they have to have a recount. They had to recount in Massachusetts to see who was going to be governor, it was so close. It was the same way in Rhode Island, in Minnesota, and in many other parts of the country. And the same with Kennedy and Nixon when they ran for president.It was so close they had to count all over again. Well, what does this mean? It means that when white people are evenly divided, and black people have a bloc of votes of their own, it is left up to them to determine who's going to sit in the White House and who's going to be in the dog house.lt. was the black man's vote that put the present administration in Washington, D.C. Your vote, your dumb vote, your ignorant vote, your wasted vote put in an administration in Washington, D.C., that has seen fit to pass every kind of legislation imaginable, saving you until last, then filibustering on top of that. And your and my leaders have the audacity to run around clapping their hands and talk about how much progress we're making. And what a good president we have. If he wasn't good in Texas, he sure can't be good in Washington, D.C. Because Texas is a lynch state. It is in the same breath as Mississippi, no different; only they lynch you in Texas with a Texas accent and lynch you in Mississippi with a Mississippi accent. And these Negro leaders have the audacity to go and have some coffee in the White House with a Texan, a Southern cracker -- that's all he is -- and then come out and tell you and me that he's going to be better for us because, since he's from the South, he knows how to deal with the Southerners. What kind of logic is that? Let Eastland be president, he's from the South too. He should be better able to deal with them than Johnson.In this present administration they have in the House of Representatives 257 Democrats to only 177 Republicans. They control two-thirds of the House vote. Why can't they pass something that will help you and me? In the Senate, there are 67 senators who are of the Democratic Party. Only 33 of them are Republicans. Why, the Democrats have got the government sewed up, and you're the one who sewed it up for them. And what have they given you for it? Four years in office, and just now getting around to some civil-rights legislation. Just now, after everything else is gone, out of the way, they're going to sit down now and play with you all summer long -- the same old giant con game that they call filibuster. All those are in cahoots together. Don't you ever think they're not in cahoots together, for the man that is heading the civil-rights filibuster is a man from Georgia named Richard Russell. When Johnson became president, the first man he asked for when he got back to Washington, D.C., was "Dicky" -- that's how tight they are. That's his boy, that's his pal, that's his buddy. Butthey're playing that old con game. One of them makes believe he's for you, and he's got it fixed where the other one is so tight against you, he never has to keep his promise.So it's time in 1964 to wake up. And when you see them coming up with that kind of conspiracy, let them know your eyes are open. And let them know you -- something else that's wide open too. It's got to be the ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet. If you're afraid to use an expression like that, you should get on out of the country; you should get back in the cotton patch; you should get back in the alley. They get all the Negro vote, and after they get it, the Negro gets nothing in return. All they did when they got to Washington was give a few big Negroes big jobs. Those big Negroes didn't need big jobs, they already had jobs. That's camouflage, that's trickery, that's treachery, window-dressing. I'm not trying to knock out the Democrats for the Republicans. We'll get to them in a minute. But it is true; you put the Democrats first and the Democrats put you last.Look at it the way it is. What alibis do they use, since they control Congress and the Senate? What alibi do they use when you and I ask, "Well, when are you going to keep your promise?" They blame the Dixiecrats. What is a Dixiecrat? A Democrat. A Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat in disguise. The titular head of the Democrats is also the head of the Dixiecrats, because the Dixiecrats are a part of the Democratic Party. The Democrats have never kicked the Dixiecrats out of the party. The Dixiecrats bolted themselves once, but the Democrats didn't put them out. Imagine, these lowdown Southern segregationists put the Northern Democrats down. But the Northern Democrats have never put the Dixiecrats down. No, look at that thing the way it is. They have got a con game going on, a political con game, and you and I are in the middle. It's time for you and me to wake up and start looking at it like it is, and trying to understand it like it is; and then we can deal with it like it is.The Dixiecrats in Washington, D.C., control the key committees that run the government. The only reason the Dixiecrats control these committees is because they have seniority. The only reason they have seniority is because they come from states where Negroes can't vote. This is not even a government that's based on democracy. lt. is not a government that is made up of representatives of the people. Half of the people in the South can't even vote. Eastland is not even supposed to be in Washington. Half of the senators and congressmen who occupy these key positions in Washington, D.C., are there illegally, are there unconstitutionallyI was in Washington, D.C., a week ago Thursday, when they were debating whether or not they should let the bill come onto the floor. And in the back of the room where the Senate meets, there's a huge map of the United States, and on that map it shows the location of Negroes throughout the country. And it shows that the Southern section of the country, the states that are most heavily concentrated with Negroes, are the ones that have senators and congressmen standing up filibustering and doing all other kinds of trickery to keep the Negro from being able to vote. This is pitiful. But it's not pitiful for us any longer; it's actually pitiful for the white man, because soon now, as the Negro awakens a little more and sees the vise that he's in, sees the bag that he's in, sees the real game that he's in, then the Negro's going to develop a new tactic.These senators and congressmen actually violate the constitutional amendments that guarantee the people of that particular state or county the right to vote. And the Constitution itself has within it the machinery to expel any representative from a state where the voting rights of the people are violated. You don't even need new legislation. Any person in Congress right now, who is there from a state or a district where the voting rights of the people are violated, that particular person should be expelled from Congress. And when you expel him, you've removed one of the obstacles in the path of any real meaningful legislation in this country. In fact, when you expel them, you don't need new legislation, because they will be replaced by black representatives from counties and districts where the black man is in the majority, not in the minority.If the black man in these Southern states had his full voting rights, the key Dixiecrats in Washington, D. C., which means the key Democrats in Washington, D.C., would lose their seats. The Democratic Party itself would lose its power. It would cease to be powerful as aparty. When you see the amount of power that would be lost by the Democratic Party if it were to lose the Dixiecrat wing, or branch, or element, you can see where it's against the interests of the Democrats to give voting rights to Negroes in states where the Democrats have been in complete power and authority ever since the Civil War. You just can't belong to that Party without analyzing it.I say again, I'm not anti-Democrat, I'm not anti-Republican, I'm not anti-anything. I'm just questioning their sincerity, and some of the strategy that they've been using on our people by promising them promises that they don't intend to keep. When you keep the Democrats in power, you're keeping the Dixiecrats in power. I doubt that my good Brother Lomax will deny that. A vote for a Democrat is a vote for a Dixiecrat. That's why, in 1964, it's time now for you and me to become more politically mature and realize what the ballot is for; what we're supposed to get when we cast a ballot; and that if we don't cast a ballot, it's going to end up in a situation where we're going to have to cast a bullet. It's either a ballot or a bullet.In the North, they do it a different way. They have a system that's known as gerrymandering, whatever that means. It means when Negroes become too heavily concentrated in a certain area, and begin to gain too much political power, the white man comes along and changes the district lines. You may say, "Why do you keep saying white man?" Because it's the white man who does it. I haven't ever seen any Negro changing any lines. They don't let him get near the line. It's the white man who does this. And usually, it's the white man who grins at you the most, and pats you on the back, and is supposed to be your friend. He may be friendly, but he's not your friend.So, what I'm trying to impress upon you, in essence, is this: You and I in America are faced not with a segregationist conspiracy, we're faced with a government conspiracy. Everyone who's filibustering is a senator -- that's the government. Everyone who's finagling in Washington, D.C., is a congressman -- that's the government. You don't have anybody putting blocks in your path but people who are a part of the government. The same government that you go abroad to fight for and die for is the government that is in a conspiracy to deprive you of your voting rights, deprive you of your economic opportunities, deprive you of decent housing, deprive you of decent education. You don't need to go to the employer alone, it is the government itself, the government of America, that is responsible for the oppression and exploitation and degradation of black people in this country. And you should drop it in their lap. This government has failed the Negro. This so-called democracy has failed the Negro. And all these white liberals have definitely failed the Negro.So, where do we go from here? First, we need some friends. We need some new allies. The entire civil-rights struggle needs a new interpretation, a broader interpretation. We need to look at this civil-rights thing from another angle -- from the inside as well as from the outside. To those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, the only way you can get involved in the civil-rights struggle is give it a new interpretation. That old interpretation excluded us. It kept us out. So, we're giving a new interpretation to the civil-rights struggle, an interpretation that will enable us to come into it, take part in it. And these handkerchief-heads who have beendillydallying and pussy footing and compromising -- we don't intend to let them pussyfoot and dillydally and compromise any longer.How can you thank a man for giving you what's already yours? How then can you thank him for giving you only part of what's already yours? You haven't even made progress, if what's being given to you, you should have had already. That's not progress. And I love my Brother Lomax, the way he pointed out we're right back where we were in 1954. We're not even as far up as we were in 1954. We're behind where we were in 1954. There's more segregation now than there was in 1954. There's more racial animosity, more racial hatred, more racial violence today in 1964, than there was in 1954. Where is the progress?And now you're facing a situation where the young Negro's coming up. They don't want to hear that "turn the-other-cheek" stuff, no. In Jacksonville, those were teenagers, they were throwing Molotov cocktails. Negroes have never done that before. But it shows you there's a new deal coming in. There's new thinking coming in. There's new strategy coming in. It'll be Molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades next month, and something else next month. It'll be ballots, or it'll be bullets. It'll be liberty, or it will be death. The only difference about this kind of death -- it'll be reciprocal. You know what is meant by "reciprocal"? That's one of Brother Lomax's words. I stole it from him. I don't usually deal with those big words because I don't usually deal with big people. I deal with small people. I find you can get a whole lot of small people and whip hell out of a whole lot of big people. They haven't got anything to lose, and they've got every thing to gain. And they'll let you know in a minute: "It takes two to tango; when I go, you go."The black nationalists, those whose philosophy is black nationalism, in bringing about this new interpretation of the entire meaning of civil rights, look upon it as meaning, as Brother Lomax has pointed out, equality of opportunity. Well, we're justified in seeking civil rights, if it means equality of opportunity, because all we're doing there is trying to collect for our investment. Our mothers and fathers invested sweat and blood. Three hundred and ten years we worked in this country without a dime in return -- I mean without a dime in return. You let the white man walk around here talking about how rich this country is, but you never stop to think how it got rich so quick. It got rich because you made it rich.You take the people who are in this audience right now. They're poor. We're all poor as individuals. Our weekly salary individually amounts to hardly anything. But if you take the salary of everyone in here collectively, it'll fill up a whole lot of baskets. It's a lot of wealth. If you can collect the wages of just these people right here for a year, you'll be rich -- richer than rich. When you look at it like that, think how rich Uncle Sam had to become, not with this handful, but millions of black people. Your and my mother and father, who didn't work an eight-hour shift, but worked from "can't see" in the morning until "can't see" at night, and worked for nothing, making the white man rich, making Uncle Sam rich. This is our investment. This is our contribution, our blood.Not only did we give of our free labor, we gave of our blood. Every time he had a call to arms, we were the first ones in uniform. We died on every battlefield the white man had. We havemade a greater sacrifice than anybody who's standing up in America today. We have made a greater contribution and have collected less. Civil rights, for those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, means: "Give it to us now. Don't wait for next year. Give it to us yesterday, and that's not fast enough."I might stop right here to point out one thing. Whenever you're going after something that belongs to you, anyone who's depriving you of the right to have it is a criminal. Understand that. Whenever you are going after something that is yours, you are within your legal rights to lay claim to it. And anyone who puts forth any effort to deprive you of that which is yours, is breaking the law, is a criminal. And this was pointed out by the Supreme Court decision. It outlawed segregation.Which means segregation is against the law. Which means a segregationist is breaking the law. A segregationist is a criminal. You can't label him as anything other than that. And when you demonstrate against segregation, the law is on your side. The Supreme Court is on your side.Now, who is it that opposes you in carrying out the law? The police department itself. With police dogs and clubs. Whenever you demonstrate against segregation, whether it is segregated education, segregated housing, or anything else, the law is on your side, and anyone who stands in the way is not the law any longer. They are breaking the law; they are not representatives of the law. Any time you demonstrate against segregation and a man has the audacity to put a police dog on you, kill that dog, kill him, I'm telling you, kill that dog. I say it, if they put me in jail tomorrow, kill that dog. Then you'll put a stop to it. Now, if these white people in here don't want to see that kind of action, get down and tell the mayor to tell the police department to pull the dogs in. That's all you have to do. If you don't do it, someone else will.If you don't take this kind of stand, your little children will grow up and look at you and think "shame." If you don't take an uncompromising stand, I don't mean go out and get violent; but at the same time you should never be nonviolent unless you run into some nonviolence. I'm nonviolent with those who are nonviolent with me. But when you drop that violence on me, then you've made me go insane, and I'm not responsible for what I do. And that's the way every Negro should get. Any time you know you're within the law, within your legal rights, within your moral rights, in accord with justice, then die for what you believe in. But don't die alone. Let your dying be reciprocal. This is what is meant by equality. What's good for the goose is good for the gander.When we begin to get in this area, we need new friends, we need new allies. We need to expand the civil-rights struggle to a higher level -- to the level of human rights. Whenever you are in a civil-rights struggle, whether you know it or not, you are confining yourself to the jurisdiction of Uncle Sam. No one from the outside world can speak out in your behalf as long as your struggle is a civil-rights struggle. Civil rights comes within the domestic affairs of this country. All of our African brothers and our Asian brothers and our Latin-American brotherscannot open their mouths and interfere in the domestic affairs of the United States. And as long as it's civil rights, this comes under the jurisdiction of Uncle Sam.But the United Nations has what's known as the charter of human rights; it has a committee that deals in human rights. You may wonder why all of the atrocities that have been committed in Africa and in Hungary and in Asia, and in Latin America are brought before the UN, and the Negro problem is never brought before the UN. This is part of the conspiracy. This old, tricky blue eyed liberal who is supposed to be your and my friend, supposed to be in our corner, supposed to be subsidizing our struggle, and supposed to be acting in the capacity of an adviser, never tells you anything about human rights. They keep you wrapped up in civil rights. And you spend so much time barking up the civil-rights tree, you don't even know there's a human-rights tree on the same floor.When you expand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights, you can then take the case of the black man in this country before the nations in the UN. You can take it before the General Assembly. You can take Uncle Sam before a world court. But the only level you can do it on is the level of human rights. Civil rights keeps you under his restrictions, under his jurisdiction. Civil rights keeps you in his pocket. Civil rights means you're asking Uncle Sam to treat you right. Human rights are something you were born with. Human rights are yourGod-given rights. Human rights are the rights that are recognized by all nations of this earth. And any time any one violates your human rights, you can take them to the world court.Uncle Sam's hands are dripping with blood, dripping with the blood of the black man in this country. He's the earth's number-one hypocrite. He has the audacity -- yes, he has -- imagine him posing as the leader of the free world. The free world! And you over here singing "We Shall Overcome." Expand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights. Take it into the United Nations, where our African brothers can throw their weight on our side, where our Asian brothers can throw their weight on our side, where our Latin-American brothers can throw their weight on our side, and where 800 million Chinamen are sitting there waiting to throw their weight on our side.Let the world know how bloody his hands are. Let the world know the hypocrisy that's practiced over here. Let it be the ballot or the bullet. Let him know that it must be the ballot or the bullet.When you take your case to Washington, D.C., you're taking it to the criminal who's responsible; it's like running from the wolf to the fox. They're all in cahoots together. They all work political chicanery and make you look like a chump before the eyes of the world. Here you are walking around in America, getting ready to be drafted and sent abroad, like a tin soldier, and when you get over there, people ask you what are you fighting for, and you have to stick your tongue in your cheek. No, take Uncle Sam to court, take him before the world.By ballot I only mean freedom. Don't you know -- I disagree with Lomax on this issue -- that the ballot is more important than the dollar? Can I prove it? Yes. Look in the UN. There are poor nations in the UN; yet those poor nations can get together with their voting power and keep the。

Ronald ReaganRemarks at the Brandenburg Gatedelivered 12 June 1987, West BerlinThank you. Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I st ill have a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on aburnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Wherethere was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you."But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative -- research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authoritycan be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose theEast-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love."Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.。

著名英语演讲稿（通用18篇）著名英语篇1ladies and gentlemen, boys and girls,i am chinese. i am proud of being a chinese with five thousand years of civilization behind. i've learned about the four great inventions made by our forefathers. i've learned about the great wall and the yangtze river. i've learned about zhang heng(张衡)and i've learned about zheng he(郑和).who says the yellow river civilization has vanished(消失)?i know that my ancestors have made miracles(奇迹)on this fertile land and we're still making miracles. who can ignore the fact that we have established ourselves as a great state in the world, that we have devised our own nuclear weapons, that we have successfully sent our satellites into space, and that our gnp ranks no. 7 in the world? we have experienced the plunders (掠夺) by other nations, and we have experienced the war. yet, based on such ruins, there still stands our nation----china, unyielding and unconquerable!i once came across an american tourist. she said, “china has a history of five thousand years, but the us only has a history of 200 years. five thousand years ago, china took the lead in the world, and now it is the us that is leading.”my heart was deeply touched by these words. it is true that we're still a developing nation, but it doesn't mean that we can despise (鄙视) ourselves. we have such a long-standing history, we have such abundant resources, we have such intelligent and diligent people, and we have enough to be proud of. we have reasons to say proudly：we are sure to take the lead in the world in the future again, for our problems are big, but our ambition (雄心) is even bigger, our challenges (挑战) are great, but our will is even greater.i am chinese. i have inherited (继承) black hair and black eyes.i have inherited the virtues of my ancestors. i have also taken over responsibility. i am sure, that wherever i go, whatever i do, i shall never forget that i am chinese!著名英语演讲稿篇2since the quality of honesty applies to all behaviors, one cannot refuse to consider factual information, for example, in an unbiased manner and still claim that one's knowledge, belief or position is an attempt to be truthful. such a belief is clearly a product of one's desires and simply has nothing to do with the human ability to know. basing one's positions on what one wants — rather than unbiased evidence gathering — is dishonest even when good intentions can be cited — after all even hitler could cite good intentions and intended glory for a select group of people. clearly then, an unbiased approach to the truth is a requirement of honesty.human beings are inherently biased about what they believe to be good due to individual tastes & backgrounds, but once one understands that a decidedly biased approach to what is true —is inherently dishonest, one can also understand how idealism and ideology have poorly served the quest for an honest, moral society. both honesty and morality require that we base our opinions about what is good — upon unbiased ideas of what is true — rather than vice versa(determining what is true based on what we feel is good) —the way all ideologies would have us believe.著名英语演讲稿篇3It’s beyond reproach that we will come across all kinds of difficulties andchallenges in our life time .Some will be subjected to frequent sadness .Somewill lose their way to moveon .Thus,only when we equip ourselves with hope andcourage can we finally succeed in the uncertain future.Forrest Gump showed so great courage in the movie that he touched me a lot. For one thing,no matter when and where Jenny got into trouble ,Forrest Gumpwould bring her out of it without thinking how dangerous the situation would be.Maybe we should all fell ashamed that we love ourselves more than we love love,but Forrest showed great courage in love .For another,Forrest gump risked hislife to save Bubba in the war.It’s courage that helped Forrest gain a series ofhonor after war .Forrest Gump is beautiful for his perseverance and touchesothers with his courage.A per son can’t do without courage in terms of love and friendship ,letalone life . A weak person may avoid the difficulties ,but a person with couragewill face up to it head-on. Therefore,let’equip ourselves with greatcourage.【参考译文】我们一生中遇到各种困难和挑战是无可指责的，有些人会经常悲伤，有些人将失去前进的道路，只有当我们有希望和勇气时，我们才能在不确定的将来取得成功。

跟读100篇名人演讲跟读100篇名人演讲可以帮助提高口语表达能力和演讲技巧。

以下是一些著名的演讲，你可以选择其中的100篇进行跟读练习：1. Martin Luther King Jr. - "I Have a Dream"2. John F. Kennedy - Inaugural Address3. Abraham Lincoln - Gettysburg Address4. Winston Churchill - "We Shall Fight on the Beaches"5. Nelson Mandela - "I Am Prepared to Die"6. Barack Obama - Inaugural Address7. Malala Yousafzai - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech8. Steve Jobs - Stanford University Commencement Address9. Bill Gates - Harvard University Commencement Address10. Oprah Winfrey - Golden Globe Awards Acceptance Speech11. J.K. Rowling - Harvard University Commencement Address12. Ellen DeGeneres - Tulane University Commencement Address13. Michelle Obama - Democratic National Convention Speech14. Emma Watson - UN Women's HeForShe Campaign Speech15. George W. Bush - Address to the Nation on 9/1116. Ronald Reagan - "Tear Down This Wall"17. Franklin D. Roosevelt - Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation18. Hillary Clinton - Women's Rights are Human Rights19. Elon Musk - TED Talk on Tesla, SpaceX, and the Future of Humanity20. Mark Zuckerberg - Harvard University Commencement Address21. Steve Jobs - iPhone Introduction Keynote Address22. Mahatma Gandhi - Speech at Asian Relations Conference23. Sheryl Sandberg - TED Talk on Why We Have Too Few Women Leaders24. Michelle Obama - Time to Build a Nation of Fit Kids25. Martin Luther King Jr. - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech26. Desmond Tutu - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech27. Albert Einstein - Acceptance Speech for the Nobel Prize in Physics28. Greta Thunberg - United Nations Climate Action Summit Speech29. Serena Williams - TED Talk on Equality and Empowerment30. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi - Quit India Speech31. Emma Gonzalez - March for Our Lives Speech32. Malala Yousafzai - Address to the United Nations Youth Assembly33. Tim Cook - Stanford University Commencement Address34. Michelle Obama - Beating the Odds, Becoming a Success35. Barack Obama - Speech on the Death of Osama bin Laden36. John F. Kennedy - "We Choose to Go to the Moon"37. Shonda Rhimes - Dartmouth College Commencement Address38. Dalai Lama - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech39. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech40. Bill Gates - TED Talk on Mosquitoes, Malaria, and Education41. Winston Churchill - "Their Finest Hour"42. Kamala Harris - Democratic National Convention Speech43. Ruth Bader Ginsburg - Supreme Court Nomination Acceptance Speech44. Tim Cook - Acceptance Speech for the Anti-Defamation League Courage Against Hate Award45. Oprah Winfrey - Harvard University Commencement Address46. Richard Branson - TED Talk on Life at 30,000 Feet47. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie - TED Talk on The Danger of a Single Story48. Angela Merkel - Address to the Bundestag on the Eurozone Debt Crisis49. Pope Francis - Address to the United Nations General Assembly50. Aung San Suu Kyi - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech51. Justin Trudeau - Address to the United Nations General Assembly52. Michelle Obama - Democratic National Convention Speech53. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf - Inaugural Address54. Indira Gandhi - Independence Day Speech55. Steve Jobs - Stanford University Commencement Address56. Kamala Harris - Vice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech57. Jeff Bezos - Princeton University Commencement Address58. Meghan Markle - United Nations Women's Conference Speech59. Sheryl Sandberg - Harvard Business School Class Day Speech60. Greta Thunberg - Climate Action Now Speech at the United Nations61. Ernesto Che Guevara - Address to the United Nations General Assembly62. Elon Musk - TED Talk on The Future We're Building -- and Boring63. Oprah Winfrey - Golden Globe Awards Acceptance Speech64. Kamala Harris - United States Senate Floor Speech on Immigration65. Malala Yousafzai - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech66. Aung San Suu Kyi - Address to the Nation on Democracy and Human Rights (1995)67. Dalai Lama - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech68. Desmond Tutu - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech69. Ruth Bader Ginsburg - Supreme Court Nomination Acceptance Speech70. Shonda Rhimes - Dartmouth College Commencement Address71. Martin Luther King Jr. - "I Have a Dream"72. Barack Obama - Inaugural Address73. John F. Kennedy - Inaugural Address74. Abraham Lincoln - Gettysburg Address75. Winston Churchill - "We Shall Fight on the Beaches"76. Nelson Mandela - "I Am Prepared to Die"77. Bill Gates - Harvard University Commencement Address78. Steve Jobs - Stanford University Commencement Address79. Emma Watson - UN Women's HeForShe Campaign Speech80. Elon Musk - TED Talk on Tesla, SpaceX, and the Future of Humanity81. Michelle Obama - Democratic National Convention Speech82. Barack Obama - Address to the Nation on 9/1183. Franklin D. Roosevelt - Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation84. Tim Cook - Stanford University Commencement Address85. Michelle Obama - Time to Build a Nation of Fit Kids86. Mahatma Gandhi - Speech at Asian Relations Conference87. Serena Williams - TED Talk on Equality and Empowerment88. Desmund Tutu - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech89. Sheryl Sandberg - TED Talk on Why We Have Too Few Women Leaders90. Kamala Harris - Democratic National Convention Speech91. Malala Yousafzai - Address to the United Nations Youth Assembly92. Dalai Lama - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech93. Michelle Obama - Beating the Odds, Becoming a Success94. Barack Obama - Speech on the Death of Osama bin Laden95. John F. Kennedy - "We Choose to Go to the Moon"96. Kamala Harris - Vice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech97. Greta Thunberg - Climate Action Now Speech at the United Nations98. Elon Musk - TED Talk on The Future We're Building -- and Boring99. Oprah Winfrey - Golden Globe Awards Acceptance Speech 100. Martin Luther King Jr. - Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech这些演讲涵盖了不同领域的名人，包括政治家、科技企业家、人权倡导者、体育家和文化艺术家等。

TED演讲稿100篇1. 演讲稿1演讲主题：改变世界的力量演讲者：Bill Gates时间：2010年摘要在这个演讲中，Bill Gates介绍了他对改变世界的力量的看法。

他探讨了技术的发展如何为解决全球问题提供了巨大的机会，包括贫困、疾病和教育。

他鼓励年轻人积极参与解决这些问题，并提出了一些具体的行动建议。

2. 演讲稿2演讲主题：创新和创造力的力量演讲者：Sir Ken Robinson时间：2006年摘要在这个演讲中，肯·罗宾逊爵士讨论了创新和创造力对于教育的重要性。

他强调了现有的教育系统如何限制了学生们的发挥创造力的自由，并提出了一些方法来改善教育系统，以激发学生的创造力和创新能力。

3. 演讲稿3演讲主题：激励他人的力量演讲者：Simon Sinek时间：2009年摘要在这个演讲中，西蒙·西尼克探讨了如何激励他人的力量。

他解释了人类行为背后的生物学原理，特别是为什么一些人能够激励他人并取得成功。

他提出了一个被称为“黄金圈”的概念，以帮助人们理解如何激励他人并建立成功的组织。

…100. 演讲稿100演讲主题：人工智能和未来的挑战演讲者：Elon Musk时间：2017年摘要在这个演讲中，埃隆·马斯克讨论了人工智能对于未来的挑战。

他强调了人工智能的发展可能会带来的潜在风险，包括失业和人类生存的威胁。

他呼吁政府和机构加大对人工智能的监管，并提出了一些确保人工智能安全的建议。

以上是TED演讲稿100篇的简短摘要，每篇演讲都涉及了不同的主题和观点，从改变世界的力量到人工智能的未来挑战。

这些演讲鼓舞人心，帮助我们更好地理解世界，并激发了我们对知识和创新的渴望。

无论你是学生、工作者还是教育者，这些演讲都值得一看。

通过思考这些演讲中的观点，我们可以更好地理解世界的复杂性，并积极参与解决全球的问题。

经典英文演讲100篇第一篇：经典英文演讲100篇Robert F.Kennedy: Remarks on the Assassination of Martin LutherKing, Jr.“Ladies and Gentlemen...Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee”Ladies and Gentlemen: I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you--Could you lower those signs, please?--I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world;and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings.He died in the cause of that effort.In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black--considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible--you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization--black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another.Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heartthe same kind of feeling.I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus.And he once wrote: “Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of God.”What we need in the United States is not division;what we need in the United States is not hatred;what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King--yeah, it's true--but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love--a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country.We will have difficult times.We've had difficult times in the past.And we will have difficult times in the future.It is not the end of violence;it is not the end of lawlessness;and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world.Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.Thank you very much.第二篇：经典英文演讲美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance..·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage•••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presi dential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address第三篇：英文演讲范文Serial News Broadcast, USA美国新闻广播,系列Male: 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