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时间就是金钱的英语作文英文回答：Time is money is a popular proverb that is used to emphasize the importance of being efficient with our time. It reminds us that time is a valuable resource that we should not waste. In fact, time is often considered to be more valuable than money, because once it's gone, we can never get it back. If we don't use our time wisely, we may miss out on opportunities or we may not be able to achieve our goals.There are many ways to be more efficient with our time. One way is to plan ahead. If we know what we need to do and when we need to do it, we are less likely to waste time procrastinating or feeling overwhelmed. Another way to be more efficient is to delegate tasks. If we have too much on our plate, we can ask others to help us out. This can free up our time so that we can focus on the most important tasks.It's also important to avoid distractions. If we are constantly checking our email or social media, we are not going to be able to get anything done. We need to be able to focus on the task at hand and avoid anything that can take us off track.Finally, it's important to take breaks. If we try to work non-stop, we will eventually burn out. We need to take breaks throughout the day to rest and recharge. This will help us to stay focused and productive.中文回答：时间就是金钱，这句谚语强调了有效利用时间的重要性。
时间就是金钱优秀英语作文及译文•相关推荐时间就是金钱优秀英语作文及译文（通用6篇）在我们平凡的日常里，大家都经常接触到作文吧，作文是通过文字来表达一个主题意义的记叙方法。
你所见过的作文是什么样的呢？下面是小编帮大家整理的时间就是金钱优秀英语作文及译文，欢迎大家分享。
时间就是金钱优秀英语作文及译文篇1“Time is money.” This saying means that time is very valuable.But time is more valuable than money. The money we have lost can be gained again, but the time we have wasted cannot be regained. Moreover, sometimes persons can exist without money, but nothing can be done without time, just as no one can live without air.Despite being so valuable, time is often neglected by men. Since time is an invisible thing, men often waste their time unconsciously(无意地). Without anything to do, they may gossip from morning till night.Man can live only at most to about 100 years. It seems fairly long, but in fact it is rathershort. We often say “How quickly time flies!” How many things can a man accomplish in such a short period? Hence we should use the valuable time properly to do our work. We will race with it. We will study and work hard. Never waste a little bit of it.“时间就是金钱。
时间就是金钱效率就是生命——这句话听起来有点绕口，单从字面很难将其有所联系。
实则不然，时间如何来衡量？恐怕真的没有谁能具体说出衡量时间的办法，简单的理解时间就是生命运行轨迹的生息过程。
而在这过程里人生创造的价值（包括物质、精神等等）正是效率的体现。
首先，来说说时间就是“金钱”这个概念吧。
就个人而言，物质世界的产生正是个体的生存而满足需求的创造，而“金钱”只是物质的代名词，是一种为了生存而产生的可持续性流通的物质交换品，然而在个体满足需求的同时就需要去通过劳动和付出自己的时间才能够换得应有的物质与金钱。
每个人都有自己的需求，满足不同的需求所需要的时间也自然不同，对于企业来说，同样如此，更需要时间去研究，去创造满足个体所需要的物质，实现这个过程也正是企业存在的价值体现。
因此，不管是个体也好、企业也好，根源上都是为了满足个体生存的所需而进行的物质、精神价值的创造。
因此，时间与金钱就存在着必然的联系，时间等同于物质，而物质等同于金钱。
其次，效率就是生命又如何理解？这里我想大多数人和企业都知道效率的重要性，对个人而言没有效率就没有收获，没有收获面对生存的压力可想而知；对企业而言，没有效率就失去了企业存在的价值，自然企业的生命无从谈起。
前面提到，生命的运行过程就是时间，而在这个过程中没有效率就没有任何物质存在的条件，物质存在的条件决定生命的延续，对于企业，效率更是最基本最重要的生存条件。
企业有多个团队组成，团队有多个个体组成，充分发挥团队与每个个体的效率正是企业生命的体现。
在有效的时间内创造有效的价值，再通过创造的价值来满足自身的需求，但是如何发挥最高效率来创造更高价值才是关键。
一个企业生命力的强盛也正是由于高效运作和充分发挥每个成员的效率……待续——朱西2010-12-9。
对“时间就是金钱,效率就是生命”的再认识《时间就是金钱，效率就是生命》时间就是金钱，这句话深入人心，也深深影响着我们的生活。
每一分钟都是宝贵的，最好利用好每一分钟。
每一分钟都是珍贵的，要把握好每一分钟。
时间就是金钱，它能让我们有机会创造财富。
时间是有限的，一旦被浪费了，就不可挽回了。
我们要尽可能充分利用时间，把握好时机，利用好每一分钟，把时间变成金钱，让每一分钟都有价值。
效率就是生命，这句话也深深影响着我们的生活。
效率决定着一个人的成败，决定着一个人能否成功。
所以，我们要把握好每一刻，让自己的每一分钟都有所作为，在有限的时间里发挥出最大的效率，尽可能的发挥自己的潜能，把它变成生命，让每一刻都有价值。
时间就是金钱，效率就是生命，这句话让我们明白了，要想获得成功，就必须把握好每一分钟，把每一分钟变成金钱，把每一刻变成生命，让自己的每一分钟都有价值。
时间就是金钱，效率就是生命，这句话让我们明白了，要想发挥自己的最大潜力，就要把握好每一分钟，把时间变成金钱，把效率变成生命，让自己的每一分钟都有价值。
时间就是金钱，效率就是生命，这句话让我们懂得要想有所成就，就要把握好每一分钟，把时间变成金钱，把效率变成生命，让自己的每一分钟都有价值。
时间就是金钱，效率就是生命，它们都能让我们有机会取得成功。
所以，我们要把握好每一分钟，把每一分钟变成金钱，把每一刻变成生命，让自己的每一分钟都有价值。
总之，时间就是金钱，效率就是生命，这句话提醒我们，要想取得成功，就要把握好每一分钟，把时间变成金钱，把效率变成生命，让自己的每一分钟都有价值。
让我们把每一分钟都变成珍贵的，让每一刻都有价值，充分利用时间，发挥出最大的效率，把每一分钟都变成金钱，把每一刻都变成生命，让我们都能取得成功！。
轻则失根躁则失君——解读《老子》二十六章原文：重为轻根，静为躁君。
是以君子终日行不离辎重。
虽有荣观，燕处超然。
奈何万乘之主，而以身轻天下？轻则失根，躁则失君。
[解读]（一）重为轻根，静为躁君。
孤立地来看这两句，并不使人明白它的道理。
从物理学的角度来看重与轻，只是重量大小不同而已；重者沉，轻者浮，并不存在有“重为轻的根本”的依托关系。
从人的情绪表露出来的形态来看，安静与浮躁并不存在有“静为躁的主宰”的依托关系。
重和轻还有其他的意思，重要与不重要，重视与轻视，贵重与不贵重等。
静与躁没有其他多的词义，就是安静与浮躁。
从这些词义来看，只有人才能作出判断：谁重要谁不重要，谁重视谁轻视，谁贵重谁不重；谁安静谁浮躁。
如果从这个意义出发，“重为轻根，静为躁君”还有点道理。
但是，不能说“重是轻的根本，静是躁的主宰”；正确的理解应该是“重与轻相比，重是根本；静与躁相比，静是主宰”。
因为“重是根本”、“静是主宰”是对人而言的，抛开人说“重是轻根”、“静是躁君”是毫无意义的。
还值得提出来的是，“重为轻根，静为躁君”这仅是本章提出来的一个命题，还有待于证明，不能先入为主把它看成具有客观规律性。
所以，下文就列举了一个例子用来证明这个命题。
（二）是以君子终日行，不离辎重；虽有荣观，燕处超然。
这一句就是叙事写实，按照君子、行、辎重的情节来理解：有一个君子者率随从一干人等带着生活用品辎重，乘车远巡。
轻车快行，重车压后，一路风餐露宿，君子日行，不离辎重。
路经有闹市，车水马龙，灯红酒绿，歌声绕梁；君子不止，处之泰然，催马扬鞭，继续前行。
这位君子本来可以轻车快行，到达闹市，住豪华宾馆，品佳肴美酒，解鞍马劳顿之疲。
可是，这位君子体察民情，不侵扰百姓，吃自带的食物，宿自带的帐篷，悠然自如，何乐而不为？这位君子认为，辎重比轻车重要，不然就要饿肚子、夜不能寐。
就是因为这位君子“虽有荣观，燕处超然”，所以这位君子才“终日行，不离辎重。
看来，这位君子是个有道之君。
关于时间的经典英文诗歌带翻译阅读时间往往是衡量人心的试金石，它就像滔滔的流水，一去不返。
今天店铺整理了关于时间的经典英文诗歌给大家，希望大家会喜欢这些英文诗歌!关于时间的经典英文诗歌篇一What Is Time? 时间是什么?Time is grain for peasants.对农民来说，时间就是粮食。
Time is wealth for workers.对工人来说，时间就是财富。
Time is life for doctors.对医生来说，时间就是生命。
Time is victory for strategists.对军事家来说，时间就是胜利。
Time is knowledge for entrepreneurs.对教育家来说，时间就是知识。
Time is speed for scientists.对科学家来说，时间就是速度。
Time is money for enterprisers.对企业家来说，时间就是金钱。
Time is everything for all of us.对我们大家来说，时间就是一切。
Therefore, seize this day!因此，把握今天!Begin now!现在就开始!Each day is a new life.每天都是一次新生。
Seize it. Live it.把握住它，好好生活。
For today already walks tomorrow.因为今天未逝时，明天已开始。
关于时间的经典英文诗歌篇二当时光已逝When Day Is Done当时光已逝If the day is done ,假如时光已逝，If birds sing no more .鸟儿不再歌唱，If the wind has fiagged tired ,风儿也吹倦了，Then draw the veil of darkness thick upon me ,那就用黑暗的厚幕把我盖上，Even as thou hast wrapt the earth with The coverlet of sleep and tenderly closed ,如同黄昏时节你用睡眠的衾被裹住大地，The petals of the drooping lotus at dusk.又轻轻合上睡莲的花瓣。
时间就是金钱英文作文英文回答：Time is a precious commodity, often equated with money. The adage "time is money" encapsulates the notion that time is a finite and valuable resource that can be traded or exchanged for goods and services. This concept has been embedded in economic and societal structures for centuries, shaping our understanding of productivity, efficiency, and the allocation of resources.Throughout history, humans have sought ways to measure and quantify time, recognizing its importance in daily life and commercial transactions. The development of clocks, calendars, and standardized timekeeping systems enabled the precise measurement and allocation of time. This led to the emergence of time-based labor practices, such as hourly wages and salaried employment, which tied compensation directly to the amount of time worked.In modern economies, time has become increasingly intertwined with financial value. Businesses operate on schedules, deadlines, and production targets, where every minute counts in terms of potential revenue or loss. Time management has become a crucial skill, with individuals and organizations employing various techniques to maximize productivity and efficiency.The concept of "time is money" also extends beyond the workplace. In personal contexts, individuals often make decisions based on the value of their time. For instance, they may choose to pay for convenience services such as food delivery or ride-sharing to save time, even though these services may cost more than doing it themselves.However, it is important to recognize that the equation of time with money has its limitations. While time can be a valuable asset, it is not solely defined by its economic worth. Time also encompasses moments of leisure, personal fulfillment, and experiences that cannot be easily quantified in monetary terms.中文回答：时间就是金钱。
时间就是金钱效率就是生命作者：林荣光来源：《学校教育研究》2020年第01期各位领导，各位老师，大家早上好！我今天发言的题目是：“时间就是金钱，效率就是生命”当今社会，我们要想获得更多自由时间，不断的提升跟上时代发展的脚步，在工作中不能光是埋头苦干，更要想办法巧干，下面是我就如何提高工作效率的几点看法，与诸位共享：一、确定目标，先建立系统我们做任何事都要有个目标，例如读书就想着获得好的成绩，运动就期盼获得一个健康的体魄，工作后就希望获得好评，得到领导的重用，甚至是升职......但是很多目标其实超出了我们的控制范围，要想达到目标，不仅要人和，还要天时地利。
现实中有太多我们控制不了的因素，所以比目标更重要的是建立工作系统，在系统之中，你关注的是所有自己能掌握的那部分。
“系统”指的是“可重复的过程”，如让自己的博客增加300个粉丝是目标，而一天码三百个字就是可重复的过程。
跑完一场马拉松是一个目标，每周一至周五，每天坚持跑45分钟，就是一个可以重复的过程，减轻体重十斤是目标。
每天坚持适量运动再辅以健康的饮食习惯则是系统，每每一次小进步长期积累。
积沙成塔，积水成渊。
二、积累优势越多，回报就会越多复利现象不仅是金融领域，生活中的方方面面都会涉足，如果你每天在工作中都是关注你的系统，每天都努力做得更好，那么随着时间流逝，你的努力就会换来指数式的增长，你的优势越多，你获得的下一个优势就会带来更多的回报，每天只要有一点进步，日积月累，就会带来成百上千的增长。
假如我们督促学生每天熟记十个英语单词，三年下来就是一万多个单词啊！三、追踪自己的“输出量”，把精力放在关键之处想要提高效率，第三个黄金法则就是关注自己的输出，注意是输出而不是输入。
如每天坚持写日记，如果不带任何目标，那就只是练习，如果真想做成事，就需要让自己達到一定的输出量。
量变是质变的基础，质变是量变的必然结果。
工作得到升职是个目标，但你不能控制老板，让她给你升职，你能做的就是让自己变得更加出色。
《十大观念》心得序：一个城市以“观念”为主题来开展评选活动，他是另类的，但他的观念唱响了改革开放时代最有力的音符。
通过学习就以下点来谈一下个人的体会一、时间就是金钱、效率就是生命“时间就是金钱、效率就是生命”，袁老在30年前提出的口号，贯穿了整个改革开放过程，从计划经济过渡到目前市场经济，它经历了30年的考验、事实说明这个口号指引的方向是正确的。
为什么说“时间就是金钱，效率就是生命”？用马克思政治经济学的角度去看，主要分为以下两点：1.商品价值规律：商品的价值量是由生产商品的社会必要劳动时间决定的，商品交换以价值量为基础，实行等价交换。
2.剩余价值生产：如果某个商品生产者率先使用先进技术，提高个别劳动生产率，那么在其产生商品的个别劳动时间就会低于社会必要劳动时间，个别价值量低于其社会价值量，在一定时间里能够生产出比其他商品生产者更多的商品，那么他在竞争中处于有利的地位，就能能够获得额外的收益。
所以说时间就是金钱，效率就是生命。
二、空谈误国、实干兴邦“空谈误国，实干兴邦”。
这是千百年来人们从历史经验教训中总结出来的治国理政的一个重要结论。
古人曰：“道虽迩，不行不至；事虽小，不为不成”，“为政贵在行”，“以实则治，以文则不治”。
历史上有许多空谈误国的教训，比如战国时期的赵括，只会“纸上谈兵”，以致40万赵军全军覆没，赵国从此一蹶不振直至灭亡。
此类误国之鉴，发人深省。
对于深圳人而言，这八个字是一种态度，一种立场——对“空谈”的拒绝态度，对“争议”的清醒立场，又是一种激励，一种期望——面向“实干”的自我激励，面对“兴邦”的热切期望。
对于工作而言空谈误事的情况多些，说的好不如做的好，当然做事不是漫无目的去埋头苦干，更不是空想，而是有目的，有计划的去逐步实施，有效沟通是前提，这样才能把工作做好，自己才会有更好的发展。
三、鼓励创新、宽容失败“鼓励创新、宽容失败”，曾是深圳发出的一声召唤，它所激荡出的悠远回声我们在今天还听得清清楚楚。
time is money的意思time is money，这句话是一句谚语，你们知道什么意思吗?下面店铺为大家整理了time is money谚语翻译，欢迎大家阅读。
time is money的意思时间就是金钱时间就是金钱的出处马克斯·韦伯的《新教伦理与资本主义精神》，就是专门为资本主义及其精神正名的。
尽管这部著作分别于1904年和1905年两次发表，距今已有一个世纪之多，但当我读到其中的有些思想观点，仍觉得是那么新鲜，那么有理性，甚至有振聋发聩之感。
而时间就是金钱，对于像我这样的中国人，就是从这本书中看到原始出处的。
我们看到，韦伯在《新教伦理与资本主义精神》第二章“资本主义精神”中首先“考察”的是几乎在18世纪生活了一个世纪的美国早期的政治家、科学家、作家本杰明·富兰克林，还引了他两篇文章中的数段话，并认为尽管他的这些话受到某些人“尖刻讽刺”，但“毫无疑问，这些话所表现的正是典型的资本主义精神”，尽管这并不表明“资本主义精神已全部包含在这些话里了”。
那么，本杰明·富兰克林又说了些什么呢?我们且来看他的几个“切记”。
富兰克林在写于1748年的《给一个年轻商人的忠告》中说：切记，时间就是金钱。
假如一个人凭自己的劳动一天能挣十先令，那么，如果他这天外出或闲坐半天，即使这期间只花了六便士，也不能认为这就是他全部的耗费;他其实花掉了，或应说是白扔了另外五个先令。
切记，信用就是金钱。
如果有人把钱借给我，到期之后又不取回，那么，他就是把利息给了我，或者说是把我在这段时间里可用这笔钱获得的利息给了我。
假如一个人信用好，借贷得多并善于利用这些钱，那么他就会由此得来相当数目的钱。
切记，金钱具有孳生繁衍性。
金钱可生金钱。
孳生的金钱又可再生，如此生生不已。
五先令经周转变成六先令，再周转变成七先令三便士，如此周转下去变到一百英镑。
金钱越多，每次周转再生的钱也就越多，这样，收益也就增长得越来越快。
对英汉语中的时间隐喻为金钱的对比和评价董广坤1，肖小敏1，陈惠芬2（1．井冈山大学外语学院2．吉安市第二中学，江西吉安，343009）摘要：英汉语中都有时间隐喻为金钱，这是一种真实的社会存在。
并且，这种思维已控制了社会大众。
它是一种意识形态。
根隐喻理论认为时间就是金钱只是一个狭隘的世界观，已给人类社会带来巨大的灾难，在经济危机肆虐全球的形势下，对它进行反思是极其必要的。
关键词：时间隐喻、金钱、意识形态、反思中图分类号：G04 文献标识码：A一、引言1980年，莱考夫和约翰逊发表了《我们赖以生存的隐喻》（Metaphors We Live By）。
它是隐喻研究的里程碑，是当代隐喻研究的奠基之作。
从那以后，隐喻受到了不同寻常的关注，多种学科都将其纳入其研究范围。
（束定芳，2000：4）随着研究的深入，隐喻主要是一种认知方式的观念已为学界广泛接受。
莱考夫和约翰逊（1980：7-9，41-44）归纳出英语有三类时间隐喻：时间是运动的物体，时间是我们从中穿过的空间，时间是金钱。
（见郝辉，2007）这是中外研究时间隐喻的理论基础。
中个学者对时间隐喻和论述极大地拓宽了我们的视野，使我们对语言和思维的理解大大前进了。
众所周知，汉语里也有把时间隐喻为金钱。
而且，在“现代化”的语境下，时间隐喻为金钱在英汉语中渐趋一致。
从语言结构上来看，英语中的“Time is Money”和汉语中的“时间就是金钱”是一致性隐喻。
它们的源域和目的域相同，一般被理解为两种文化所共享的概念隐喻。
但是，它们毕竟是两种语言体系和两种文化语境下的不同的表述，在文化内涵方面仍有差异（李天紫，2008）。
时间隐喻为金钱是真实的社会存在，但它只是一个狭隘的世界观。
在经济危机肆虐全球的情势下，对其反思是极其必要的。
这种重新审视必定对人类社会的进化和生活方式的变革带来深远的影响。
二、对时间隐喻为金钱的深化认识1．英汉文化中时间隐喻为金钱的共性在1980年，莱考夫和约翰逊归纳出“Time is Money”是时间概念隐喻之一。
中国近现代史上册第五六章选择题练习含答案1．新文化运动时期的西学同以前相比，内容最大的变化是A．学习西方伦理意识B．引进西方的科技C．强调民主与科学D．学习西方政治制度2．“德先生和赛先生……我们现在认定只有这两先生，可以救治中国政治上、学术上和思想上一切的黑暗。
”对这一口号的下列理解不正确的是A．坚持以民主和科学为救国理论 B．有利于中国科技的发展C．体现了中国近代资产阶级的愿望D．正确指明了当时中国人民的斗争出路3．新文化运动中提出的“民主”与“科学”口号的进步意义体现在①促进中国的富强②促进中国社会主义思潮的研究③反对封建专制制度④学习西方的民主政治和科学思想A．①② B.②③C．③④D．①②③④4．新文化运动的“新”发展主要体现在A．提出“打倒孔家店”的口号 B．“民主”和“科学”逐步深入人心C．俄国十月社会主义革命的影响D．马克思主义开始传入中国5．前期新文化运动不能给灾难深重的中国人民指出真正的出路，最主要的原因是A．没能彻底动摇封建正统思想的统治B．对东西文化的看法存在绝对化C．思想领域的尊孔复古存在绝对化D．没有同群众运动相结合6．鲁迅在《狂人日记》中说，“将来容不得吃人的人活在世上”，表现了A．无产阶级的反压迫思想B．无产阶级反对资产阶级剥削的思想C．资产阶级的反封建意识D．无产阶级的反封建斗争7．五四前后，新文化运动的不同点①背景不同②内容不同③代表人物的世界观不同④作用不同A．①②③B．②③④C．②③D．①②③④8．辛亥革命后，先进的中国人继续探索救国救民的道路和真理，其社会根源在于A．俄国十月革命的影响 B．西方民主和科学思想的传入C．中国社会性质和社会矛盾依旧 D．陈独秀等人的积极努力9．陈独秀说：“主张尊孔，势必立君；主张立君，势必复辟。
……孔教与共和乃相对不相容之物，存其一必废其一。
”在这里陈独秀从政治上揭露了A．北洋军阀与民主政治的尖锐对立B．尊孔复古与民主共和的绝不相容C．传统道德与君主专制的相互依存D．尊孔思潮与帝制复辟的内在联系10．新文化运动前期的领导者与同一时期的孙中山等革命家相比，其共同的缺点是A忽视人民群众的作用B对封建主义势力妥协C对帝国主义分子妥协 D未同封建军阀作斗争11．与辛亥革命相比较，五四运动的特点有①反帝反封建斗争②具有彻底不妥协反帝反封建的态度③具有广泛的社会性④具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子起了领导作用A．①②③④B．②③④C．②④ D.③④12．五四运动的伟大功绩在于A．罢免了三个亲日派卖国贼的职务 B．迫使北洋军阀政府拒绝在凡尔赛和约上签字C．启导广大人民的觉悟，准备了革命力量的团结D．使一批先进青年成为马克思主义者13．1918年12月，《每周评论》在发刊词中说：一战的结果是“公理战胜了强权”，这一论点反映了知识分子在当时A号召人民为真理而斗争B对帝国主义抱有幻想C认识到了一战的实质 D向巴黎和会致意14．1922年6月，中共发表声明指出：“无产阶级目前最迫切最重要的工作，还是联络资产阶唯有惜时才能成功，唯有努力方可成就！级民主派对付封建军阀的革命，以达到军阀覆灭能够建设民主政治为止”。
蛇口春雷：“时间就是金钱，效率就是生命”作者：杨阳腾来源：《党员文摘》2018年第09期广东省深圳市蛇口工业区，“时间就是金钱效率就是生命”标语深圳经济特区作为改革开放的“试验田”和“窗口”，曾诞生过许许多多突破思想束缚、催人奋进革新的口号，“时间就是金钱，效率就是生命”就是其中之一。
这句口号折射出的“发展就是硬道理”和“追求效率”理念，是经济特区突破重重阻力、杀出一条血路精神的集中体现。
“时间就是金钱，效率就是生命”的提出者，是被称为“蛇口之父”的袁庚。
这句口号是袁庚在创建蛇口工业区的过程中长期积累、长期思考的结果。
最早让袁庚受到启发的，是他在香港上的“第一课”。
1978年10月，袁庚调任交通部香港招商局常务副董事长。
当时，为了业务发展，招商局要在香港购买一栋大楼。
袁庚与卖主谈妥后，约定在星期五下午2时预付定金2000万港元。
袁庚和卖主都准时到达律师楼，可卖主的汽车停在门外却没熄火，只等双方在律师楼办完交易手续拿到支票，就立即安排专人坐汽车直奔银行。
原来，第二天就是星期六，银行不上班。
如果星期五下午3点之前支票不能交给银行，卖主就要损失三天的存款利息。
袁庚后来回忆这段往事时曾感叹，当时在内地的很多人完全没有时间观念、理财观念。
可以说，一堂生动的现场教学课，让“时间就是金钱”的观念在袁庚脑海中萌芽。
招商局历经百年沧桑，身为香港招商局第29代掌门人，时年61岁的袁庚希望将招商局发展成为一个多元化的大型跨国公司。
根据当时国际市场特点，袁庚认准了两条：一是必须扩大船舶修造业务；二是必须增加中流作业能量。
前者需要增设浮船坞，后者需要增加驳船仓库，兴建集装箱码头，两者都需要场地。
袁庚带领招商局同事四处奔走，可在万商云集、寸土皆金的香港寻找一块物美价廉的地皮谈何容易。
最后，袁庚想到了与香港隔水相望的广东省宝安县。
蛇口工业区的最终选址就在宝安县蛇口南头半岛。
1978年11月下旬，袁庚在香港向时任交通部部长叶飞汇报了想在蛇口筹建工业区的构想，叶飞当场表态：起草报告，与广东省联合上报中央。
.精品文档 .2018 高考满分作文：时间就是金钱效率就是生命 , 高考作文2018 高考分作：就是金效率就是生命当我品完《效率家爸爸》一篇，得心情开朗了多，仿佛一下子大了似的，我下决心要跟“拖沓” 个坏朋友交，跟“效率” 个好朋友建立友。
一篇写了作者的爸爸看了几本效率的，就常做。
他一家有比穿衣服，有比穿鞋子⋯⋯作者的爸爸了很多的好法：扣扣子从面开始扣；衣服、袜子、帽子都放在固定的地方；把鞋系松一点⋯⋯作者向爸爸学，在周五晚上就安排好周六周日的工作。
笫二天，按有条理地做事，省下的做自己喜做的事情，所以作者成很好，而且第二堂又特出色，真我羡慕不已！篇告我，做任何事都要效率，拖拖拉拉就会失。
回想我以前写作，不心，写一篇写几句，就和人聊几句，一篇下，用去两个小有多。
而且用去了，可作却没写好，有要被老我重新写一遍呢。
常批我做事不效率，但我却是“意接受，行照旧” 。
所以不我有什么事是成功的，就拿次的数算比吧，比前跟同学夸下海口，一定会他。
.精品文档 .比赛时，我发现他早就口算完，在仔细复查了，我却还有很多题没写完呢。
成绩出后，跟那个同学一比，真是望尘莫及啊，羞愧得我真想找个洞钻进出呢！嗨，都是拖沓这家伙拖后腿，我必须扔掉它！记得周老师常鼓励我说：“快！快！快！不要像个老太太！”她讲课时还说，现在的社会是个讲求效率的社会，快人一步，理想达到。
她不批准我参加学校的篮球训练是因为我做事拖沓，连作业也不能按时完成，要是我能合理安排时间，学会快速把事情办好，就一定能挤出时间去参加学校的训练。
我听了，就像加满油的车子，充满了动力。
我想，既然中的小作者能学习训练两不误，为什么我就不行呢？我也能行！我就向他学习，事事讲求效率，一定能跟我的挚爱——篮球天天在操场上并肩作战的。
作者： 黄鹤飞
作者机构： 武汉市十五中高二(六)班
出版物刊名： 思想政治课教学
主题词： 社会财富;发展社会;实践证明;国际贸易中心;一百五;美国圣地亚哥;经济发展水平;十字街;中国青年报;事业成败
摘要：<正> 党的十二届三中全会《决定》指出:“社会主义的根本任务就是发展社会生产力,就是要使社会财富越来越多地涌现出来,不断地满足人民日益增长的物质和文化需要。
”深圳青年提出了:“时间就是金钱,效率就是生命”这个口号。
经过实践证明,这个口号是完全符合党的《决定》的。
过去,人们把“时间就是金钱,效率就是生命”,视为资本主义的特产,似乎社会主义可以不讲时间,不讲效率。
因此,“上班磨洋工,下班打冲锋。
”成了一种通病。
诚然,资本家提出了类似的口号,但他们是为了从工人身上榨取血汗,攫取更多的剩余价值。
我们社会主义却是要创造出比资本主义更高的劳动生产率,使生。
精心整理
时间是财富，效率是生命
时间就是财富，效率就是生命。
面对“快鱼吃慢鱼”的时代，组织运行效率，高于
行业平均水平，就可获得强速成长，领先发展；与行业持平，只能维持生存，举步
维艰；低于平均水平，就将面临淘汰出局，惨败收场。
是突出，竞争力越是强大。
“高效”是衡量实战素质、竞争水平和决胜能力的尺度。
如果没有“高效”的素质，就生存面临危机；如果没有“高效”的水平，就永将不敌对手；如果没有“高效”
的能力，就将惨败出局。
“高效”是不容忽视的能力。
“高效”代表着智慧。
高效率地想事、干事和成事，体现了潜力开发、知识运用的能力。
所谓高效，就是用最短的时间，把工作落实到位，而且产出最佳的结果（即产生单位时间的最高利用价值）。
执行高效，不仅领先地、保质保量地完成任务，抢占先机，而且赢来了时间资源，在单位时间里，能够执行更多的工作，创造更多的价值，甚至节约大量的人力与财力。
这就是一种竞争能力。
因此，人们应尽心尽
学者说：“盗贼利用时间，谋士创造时间。
有效率的成功人士既是谋士又是盗贼，他们能从无关紧要的事或休闲活动中窃取时间，创造精彩人生”。
因此，作为现代人，一方面须科学管理好自己的时间，诚惶诚恐，战战兢兢，如临深渊，提高时间
利用率；另一方面，则须科学展开工作，准确找出工作的突破点和重点，以避免盲目工作、重复工作与无用工作，提高办事效率。
他轻轻钻出蚊帐，蹑手蹑脚取下阿爸挂在墙上的长刀、竹弩、箭囊和那副古老的捕兽铁夹，然后悄悄拨开门栓，像猫一样悄然无声地溜下竹楼，溜出寨子。
连狗都没有惊动。
没有月亮，只有一片模糊的星光。
他顺着被猎人、野兽和淘金者踩出来的牛毛细径，朝山谷后面的南温河走去。
树林的地上铺着厚厚一层落叶腐草，松软而富有弹性，像踩在海绵上，一脚一个凹坑，清凉的汁液从脚、R缝冒出来，漫过脚背。
附近不时传来野兽怪声怪调的吼叫，不知是虎啸还是狼嚎，令人毛骨悚然。
他有点紧张，将竹弩拉满弦，扣好竹箭，端在手里，随时准备击发。
他对这片树林很熟，对这条山路也很熟，经常来捡蘑菇采木耳。
要是在白天，他才不会害怕呢，太阳能给人壮胆。
他还是第一次在树林里走夜路，想不到白天看起来那么迷人的山谷和树林，在夜里会变得这样阴森可怖。
树上猫头鹰在尖啸，还有一只怪鸟发出婴儿啼哭声。
草丛传来大蛇吞吐信子的咝咝声，连迎面刮来的风都带着一股使人心惊胆颤的阴气。
夜的树林是野兽的世界。
他咬着牙一步一步往前走。
突然，漆黑的树丛里闪出一对绿莹莹的眼睛，摇摇晃晃朝他逼来。
他急忙躲到一棵大树背后，将竹弩对准绿光。
星光太暗，看不清究竟是什么东西。
他吓得心咚咚乱跳，屏住呼吸，怕轻微的喘息声传过去会招来灾祸。
他虽然握着竹弩，却不敢贸然出箭；要是前面是条豺狗，竹箭只会招来豺群疯狂的报复；要是前面是头凶残的山豹，竹箭即使射中豹眼也无济于事。
那对绿莹莹的眼睛越逼越近，他的心快跳到嗓子眼了，手也哆嗦得快抓不住竹弩……谢天谢地，那东西在离他两步远的地方突然一拐弯，消失在浓浓的夜色中。
他长长吐了一口气，这才发现自己出了一身冷汗，把单薄的衣衫都弄潮了。
西双版纳虽然没有大雪纷飞的冬天，但正月的夜晚，却也寒气袭人，料峭的山风刮来，冷得他像筛糠似的瑟瑟发抖。
他真的害怕了。
他毕竟只是一个14岁的少年，没有成年猎手那种在多年的血腥生涯中磨炼出来的胆魄。
他想转身跑回家去，竹楼里有温暖的火塘，有温馨的被窝，还有一种安全感。
本科毕业论文（设计）外文翻译题目某公司员工关系问题研究学院商学院专业人力资源管理班级学号学生姓名指导教师外文题目" Time is Money, Efficiency is Life”: The Transformation of Labor Relations in China外文出处Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID) 外文作者Mary E. Gallagher原文："Time is Money, Efficiency is Life”: The Transformationof Labor Relations in ChinaMary E. GallagherThe past twenty-five years of economic reform have seen the transformation of labor relations in China, with the widespread adoption of capitalist labor practices by firms of all ownership types. This transformation has occurred in the absence of both large-scale privatization and political change, but was part of a gradual yet dynamic liberalization and "opening up" to foreign trade and investment that occurred across both regions and across types of firms. The first half of this paper details this process of dynamic liberalization that has spawned competition and change in labor practices, including marked increases in managerial autonomy and labor flexibility.This explanation goes beyond the regional emphasis to also examine changes across types of ownership; the gradual liberalization of labor policies and convergence with capitalist practices can only be understood as part of a more general trend of ownership expansion, through the introduction of new types of firms, and ownership recombination, which is the fusing of the public and non-state sectors through novel forms of organization. The much-needed panacea to this shift to capitalism--a state regulatory and legal regime that is capable of mitigating its excesses and effective organizations to represent labor is not yet well established. The second half of this paper explores two institutions, the labor contract system and the official trade union organization, to show how labor relations have shifted dramatically toward flexibility, insecurity, and managerial control.At the Beijing headquarters of the Chinese Enterprise Managers Association, the representative complained bitterly that the unfair advantages granted to foreign firms made it impossible for state firms to compete. State Finns needed the autonomy to hire workers, fire workers, raise salaries to retain skilled workers, and cut benefits to reduce the social welfare burden. How would Chinese industry survive without a level playing field against the foreign investors.At a state-owned enterprise (SOE) in Tangshan, Hebei Province, a managermade this general concern very specific: "After the Sino-Japanese joint venture opened in Qinhuangdao, we lost a large number of managers who were attracted by the higher salaries of foreign firms. After that we began to pay attention to the problem of retaining talent". This firm's solution was to open up the wage differentials, paying top managers benefits that exceeded ten times the monthly wage of a production worker and guaranteeing housing even as it cut welfare benefits to the vast majority. Another manager in the same firm explained the firm's staff reduction policies this way: "we want to look more and more like foreign firms". A manager at a small rural collective producing DVDs in Hebei had no foreign investment and little likelihood of attracting any. But the absence of foreign investment can sometimes be just as influential as large infusions: "We need to compete with joint ventures and wholly foreign-owned companies, competition is very fierce in this sector and so our management is very strict; for example, wages and bonuses were scrupulously tied to small errors in the workers' performance. He proudly explained how each worker was encouraged to report the mistakes of others in exchange for "bonus points." A sign hung over the shop floor with the admonition,” time is money, efficiency is life." This famous slogan first appeared in the 1980s amid the foreign manufacturing plants of Shenzhen, across the border from Hong Kong. Now, more than fifteen years later, it reappeared in a small, rural factory in central China.A harried manager in an urban collective in Tianjin, a city with a long legacy of state ownership and a growing unemployment problem, talked about the collective's attempt to get rid of its many small enterprises: "We contract the enterprises out to managers or when possible try to find an overseas Chinese investor to turn these companies around”. When asked how management and labor changes af ter these kinds of changes, he shrugged and said：If the manager takes over, we still make sure that they abide by certain regulations regarding wages and benefits. We let them reduce the staff but we take the laid-off workers back. Then they wait for more work. With foreigners, we give over complete management autonomy. We figure that they must know how to do things right to turn the company around. And we take the workers that they don't want.In the past twenty-five years of economic reform, labor relations in China have been transformed, with the widespread adoption of capitalist labor practices by firms of all ownership types. This transformation has occurred in the absence of large-scale privatization and with the continued existence of large public and collective sectors, particularly if measured by number of employees. In most analyses of transitional economies, these characteristics are usually associated with a lack of reform, continued soft budget constraints, and barriers to efficiency and productivity. Just as with economic growth, a successful transformation of labor relations from socialist "traditionalism" to capitalism is usually associated with radical changes in property rights and political control. Yet China's transformation, in defiance of the standard knowledge on transition, has come under the steady, uninterrupted rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).The distinction between public and private firms in labor practices has blurred in tandem with continuous economic deregulation, increased competition within the domestic economy, and China's continued economic integration with the global economy. Public ownership as a core characteristic of socialism is increasingly irrelevant for the determination of labor relations. To paraphrase Ric hard Nixon,” we are all capitalists now. '' China's slow and piecemeal movement toward privatization has not impeded the transformation of labor relations; Chinese labor practices have shifted overwhelmingly toward favoring firm autonomy, flexibility, and managerial control of worker organization. Attempts by the central government to retain some aspects of socialism, including greater employment stability, longer-term employment relations, and active worker organizations; have not met with much success. Earlier research did find significant variation between firms based on ownership. For example, Jonathan Unger and Anita Chan wrote in 1996: The economic reforms have led to a bifurcation of Chinese industry: a non-state sector of private Chinese firms, foreign-managed enterprises, and the so-called collective firms that come under very local control; and the state-owned and large collective enterprises. Depending on the sector they participate in, Chinese industrial workers enter into very different kinds of relationships with their respective management, work under quite different conditions,and enjoy different benefits and levels of job security.Dorothy Solinger found a similar bifurcation in the workforce between migrants and the regular employees of the state and collective sectors. However, her analysis of the sustainability of this bifurcation presciently concludes with a prediction that the then-current conditions of migrants in China's non-state sectors signaled the future for workers in the public sectors. It is highly possible, following the argument laid out here, that the divergence noted in earlier research was simply capturing the lag between reform's effects in the non-state sector and the then-more protected public sectors.Transformation of labor relations in the absence of large-scale privatization and political change was part of a gradual but dynamic liberalization and opening up to foreign trade and investment that occurred across both regions and across types of firms. The first half of this paper details this process of dynamic liberalization that has spawned competition and change in labor practices, including marked increases in managerial autonomy and labor flexibility. The "segmented" or gradual nature of this process, however, reduced its political threat to the ruling Communist Party leadership. This explanation builds on previous analyses of the success of China's reform that have focused on the effects of regional decentralization (sometimes associated with Chinese-style federalism), but goes beyond the regional emphasis to also examine changes across types of ownership. The gradual liberalization of labor policies and convergence with capitalist practices can only be understood as part of a more general trend of ownership expansion, through the introduction of new types of firms, and ownership recombination, which is the fusing of the public and non-state sectors through novel forms of organization.These effects have been magnified by the way in which liberalization and openness occurred as a gradual process of uneven application and selective regional benefits. Thus competition for investment in China was regional as well as a part of a larger global phenomenon. China and India compete for foreign direct investment (FDI), but so do Shanghai and Tianjin. The transformation to capitalist labor practices at the firm level has been achieved with the help of globalization and "opening up" aslocal firms and local governments have struggled to meet the demands of foreign investors and global markets. The much-needed antidote to this shift to capitalism--a state regulatory and legal regime that is capable of mitigating its excesses and effective organizations to represent labor--is not yet well established. The latter half of this paper explores two institutions, the labor contract system and the official trade union organization, to show how labor relations have shifted so dramatically toward flexibility, insecurity, and managerial control. In practice, these two institutions have not fulfilled protective or representative roles; rather, they have worked to further buttress management flexibility and management control.The question of possible divergence from capitalist labor practices in China is important not only to our understanding of China's reform process, which unlike other post-socialist countries has maintained communist rule, but also to the general literature on contemporary global capitalism. The literature on national divergence and "varieties of capitalism" has overwhelmingly focused on the advanced industrialized world, in particular the continuing differences betweenAnglo-American liberal capitalism and the more regulated and state-dominated patterns seen in much of Western Europe and Japan .Variation in labor and social welfare policies has been central to this ongoing debate. Globalization theorists argue that increased economic globalization, especially the globalization of production with increasing capital mobility, has weakened the bargaining power of labor. Not only is labor constrained by its relative lack of mobility, different countries are in competition for the jobs that investment brings, and the impulse to protect labor rights and job security has declined accordingly. Thus national divergences will wane over time as labor policies are adjusted in favor of mobile capital.However, this literature, with its focus on comparisons between advanced industrialized states, should also be extended to examining trends in the countries to which capital is increasingly flowing. Production in many industries is not shifting between Germany and the United States or the United States and Japan but rather from these countries to the developing world, including China and other countries in Southeast Asia, Latin American, and Central Europe. How these countries respond tothe pressures of globalization, in particular competition for the flows of foreign investment, also informs us about the ability of particular places to diverge from common free-market practices or even to choose from the varieties of capitalism practiced in the advanced industrialized world. Moreover, what variety of capitalism will evolve in these developing countries is likely to impact the global balance of power between labor and capital, particularly as manufacturing jobs move in large number to these low-cost areas.Given the many varieties of capitalism and the great regional diversity of China, is it possible to generalize about the emerging picture of labor relations there. Our focus here on the decline in importance of ownership and the rise of capitalist practices in both public and private firms does not conclude that there is one single version of capitalism emerging in China. Differences in industrial sector, region, and nationality still matter in determining the particular characteristics of firms. Some of these differences are highlighted below in the discussions on labor contracts and worker organizations. Moreover, the research on which this paper is based was conducted in China's urban industrial coastal cities, mainly Tianjin, Tangshan in Hebei Province, and Shanghai and its surrounding areas. The processes detailed here, especially as the result of large inflows of foreign investment and a rapid development of a domestic private sector may have different consequences in areas wherestate-sector employment still dominates and alternative sources of investment and connections to global markets are sorely lacking. As the articles in this volume by Hurst and Won show, these regions have experienced reform largely as a process of being left behind rather than the process described here of greater integration and convergence with global labor practices.The declining saliency of public ownership in determining labor practices is not a surprising outcome in reforming post-communist economies, where privatization means exactly that: the decline or death of state industry and socialist labor practices and the adoption of capitalist labor practices. But China is a socialist state---or at least, it is still ruled by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Moreover, a large portion of Chinese industry is still classified as publicly or collectively owned. Up to this point,public ownership of industry has been critical for two reasons. First, it represented national strength and national autonomy, an ability to control the nation's destiny and not be dependent on stronger, more powerful economies in the advanced industrial world. Second, there was a strong moral dimension to state-owned industry; it was industry "owned by the whole people." In state firms, workers were not employees, but the "masters of the factory." State firms took care of their employees, and employees were told to view their contribution to the firm as a patriotic gesture. Low wages and less than comfortable working conditions were sacrifices not for management or for profits, but for the nation.译文：“时间就是金钱，效率就是生命”：转型中的中国劳动关系玛丽加拉格尔过去二十五年的经济改革已经看到了中国的劳动关系的变革，随着资本主义的劳动实践由所有制类型的企业广泛采用。
