大宪章

大宪章名词解释
大宪章是一个历史上的重要文件，它于1215年在英国签署，成为世界上第一个具有普遍意义的宪法文件。

其内容涉及到许多重要的政治、法律和社会问题，因此需要对其中涉及的一些术语进行解释。

1. 宪章：宪章是一个国家或组织的基本法律文件，规定了其政治制度、权力机构和公民权利等方面。

大宪章是英国历史上的一个重要宪法文件。

2. 统治者：指拥有权力和掌握政权的人或组织，如国王、政府、政党等。

3. 贵族：指具有特权和社会地位的人，如英国的贵族阶层，包括公爵、伯爵、子爵等。

4. 地方官员：指在地方政府机构中担任官职的人，如镇长、县长、市长等。

5. 税收：指政府强制征收的财产和收入的一部分，用于维持国家机器运转及公共事业建设和发展。

6. 自由：指个人或集体在不受限制的情况下可以自由行使其权利和
自由，如言论自由、人身自由、信仰自由等。

7. 法律：指规范社会行为的规则和制度，是维护社会秩序和正常生活的基础。

总之，大宪章是一个具有重要历史价值的文件，为后世宪法制定和公民权利的发展奠定了基础。

对其中涉及的一些术语的理解，有助于我们更好地理解和研究这一历史文献。

九年级历史大宪章内容大宪章，也称为《忘川宪章》，是九年级历史中的重要内容之一。

它是我国政治体制变革的里程碑，标志着从封建制度向现代化的政治制度转变的重要历史事件。

下面将为大家详细介绍九年级历史大宪章的内容。

首先，大宪章共分为七个部分，分别是总则、国家根本制度、国家权力机关、国家领导制度、人民代表大会制度、国家监督制度和附则。

总则部分强调了宪法的根本地位和法律的约束力，以及维护国家统一和人民利益的原则。

其次，国家根本制度部分主要包括国家的性质、国家形式、国家机构和公民基本权利等内容。

其中，明确规定了我国是人民民主专政的社会主义国家，国家机构包括国家主席、国务院等；公民基本权利包括人身自由、言论自由等权利。

国家权力机关部分详细介绍了国家行政、立法、司法权力的机关设置和职责，包括国务院、全国人民代表大会及其常务委员会、最高人民法院和最高人民检察院等。

这些机关在执行国家事务、制定国家政策和维护社会稳定等方面扮演着重要角色。

国家领导制度部分着重阐述了党的领导地位和党和国家领导人的产生方式。

它强调了党的领导是我国政治制度的根本特征，明确规定了党和国家的领导人产生的程序和方式，确保党的正确领导。

人民代表大会制度部分是我国政治制度的重要组成部分，它详细说明了人民代表大会的性质、组织形式和职责，以及选举和任期等方面的规定。

人民代表大会作为最高国家权力机关，代表人民行使国家权力，保障人民的合法权益。

国家监督制度部分主要包括人民政府的监督、人大的监督、政协的监督和全民的监督等内容。

这些监督机制的建立旨在加强对国家权力的制约和监督，确保权力的合法行使。

最后，附则部分对宪法的修改、解释、施行和宪法的效力等问题进行了规定，确保宪法的权威性和适用性。

总的来说，九年级历史大宪章是我国政治制度变革的重要成果，对于维护国家政治稳定、保障人民权益具有重要意义。

通过仔细研读和理解宪章中的内容，我们可以更好地把握我国政治体制的发展脉络，增强对现代化政治制度的理性认知。

从《大宪章》到《权利法案》教案第一章：《大宪章》的背景与内容1.1 教学目标了解《大宪章》的历史背景掌握《大宪章》的主要内容理解《大宪章》对英国宪政发展的影响1.2 教学方法讲授法：讲解《大宪章》的背景、内容及其影响互动讨论：引导学生思考《大宪章》对现代宪政的启示1.3 教学内容《大宪章》的产生背景：英格兰国王约翰的统治及其问题《大宪章》的主要内容：保护教会自由、限制王权、保障贵族权益等《大宪章》的影响：对英国宪政发展的奠定基础第二章：《大宪章》的传承与发展2.1 教学目标理解《大宪章》的传承过程掌握《大宪章》在历史上的发展与演变分析《大宪章》对后世宪政的影响2.2 教学方法讲授法：介绍《大宪章》的传承过程及其发展比较分析法：分析不同历史时期的宪政制度与《大宪章》的关系2.3 教学内容《大宪章》的传承：从《大宪章》到《大抗议书》历史上的发展与演变：从《大抗议书》到《权利法案》《大宪章》对后世宪政的影响：民主、法治、人权保障等方面第三章：《权利法案》的制定与颁布3.1 教学目标了解《权利法案》的制定背景掌握《权利法案》的主要内容理解《权利法案》对英国宪政制度的影响3.2 教学方法讲授法：讲解《权利法案》的制定过程、内容及其影响案例分析法：分析《权利法案》在实际中的应用和效果3.3 教学内容《权利法案》的制定背景：英国资产阶级革命及其影响《权利法案》的主要内容：限制王权、保障议会主权、规定选举权等《权利法案》的影响：确立英国宪政制度的基础第四章：《权利法案》的实践与完善4.1 教学目标理解《权利法案》在实践中的运行情况掌握《权利法案》在历史发展中的不断完善过程分析《权利法案》对现代宪政的启示4.2 教学方法讲授法：介绍《权利法案》的实践情况及其完善过程比较分析法：分析不同历史时期的宪政制度与《权利法案》的关系4.3 教学内容《权利法案》的实践：运行情况及其面临的挑战《权利法案》的完善：历史发展中的修正案和改革《权利法案》对现代宪政的启示：法治、人权保障、分权制衡等方面第五章：《大宪章》与《权利法案》对现代宪政的影响5.1 教学目标分析《大宪章》与《权利法案》对现代宪政的影响理解现代宪政的基本原则及其来源探讨《大宪章》与《权利法案》在现代社会的意义5.2 教学方法讲授法：讲解现代宪政的基本原则及其来源互动讨论法：引导学生探讨《大宪章》与《权利法案》在现代社会的意义5.3 教学内容现代宪政的基本原则：民主、法治、人权保障、分权制衡等《大宪章》与《权利法案》在现代社会的影响：法治观念、政治制度、公民权益等方面第六章：英国宪政的演进与全球影响6.1 教学目标掌握英国宪政制度从《大宪章》到现代的发展历程了解英国宪政对全球宪政发展的影响分析英国宪政制度的优势与局限性6.2 教学方法讲授法：讲解英国宪政制度的发展历程及其全球影响比较分析法：分析英国宪政制度与其他国家宪政制度的异同6.3 教学内容英国宪政制度的演进：从《大宪章》到现代的历程英国宪政对全球的影响：民主、法治、人权保障等方面的推广英国宪政制度的优势与局限性：政治稳定性、社会公正性、改革灵活性等第七章：《大宪章》与《权利法案》在我国的启示7.1 教学目标分析《大宪章》与《权利法案》对我国宪政发展的启示理解我国宪政制度的特色与不足探讨我国宪政制度的发展方向7.2 教学方法讲授法：讲解《大宪章》与《权利法案》对我国宪政发展的启示比较分析法：分析我国宪政制度与英国宪政制度的异同7.3 教学内容《大宪章》与《权利法案》对我国宪政发展的启示：法治观念、政治体制改革等方面我国宪政制度的特色与不足：社会主义制度、人民代表大会制度等我国宪政制度的发展方向：完善法治体系、推进政治体制改革等第八章：《大宪章》与《权利法案》在当代社会的意义8.1 教学目标理解《大宪章》与《权利法案》在当代社会的价值分析当代社会面临的宪政挑战探讨《大宪章》与《权利法案》对当代社会的启示8.2 教学方法讲授法：讲解《大宪章》与《权利法案》在当代社会的价值互动讨论法：引导学生探讨当代社会面临的宪政挑战及其应对策略8.3 教学内容《大宪章》与《权利法案》在当代社会的价值：法治观念、人权保障等方面当代社会面临的宪政挑战：政治腐败、权力滥用、社会不公等《大宪章》与《权利法案》对当代社会的启示：完善宪政制度、推进法治建设等第九章：《大宪章》与《权利法案》的历史地位与评价9.1 教学目标掌握《大宪章》与《权利法案》的历史地位了解不同历史时期对《大宪章》与《权利法案》的评价分析《大宪章》与《权利法案》对英国及全球宪政发展的影响9.2 教学方法讲授法：讲解《大宪章》与《权利法案》的历史地位及其评价比较分析法：分析不同历史时期对《大宪章》与《权利法案》的评价异同9.3 教学内容《大宪章》与《权利法案》的历史地位：英国宪政发展的重要里程碑不同历史时期对《大宪章》与《权利法案》的评价：政治、法律、社会等方面的看法《大宪章》与《权利法案》对英国及全球宪政发展的影响：民主、法治、人权保障等方面第十章：总结与展望10.1 教学目标总结《大宪章》与《权利法案》对英国及全球宪政发展的影响展望未来宪政制度的发展趋势思考如何借鉴《大宪章》与《权利法案》的经验推动我国宪政发展10.2 教学方法讲授法：总结《大宪章》与《权利法案》对英国及全球宪政发展的影响互动讨论法：引导学生展望未来宪政制度的发展趋势，思考如何借鉴经验推动我国宪政发展10.3 教学内容总结《大宪章》与《权利法案》对英国及全球宪政发展的影响展望未来宪政制度的发展趋势：民主、法治、人权保障等方面的挑战与机遇借鉴《大宪章》与《权利法案》的经验推动我国宪政发展：完善法治体系、推进政治体制改革等方面重点和难点解析本文主要介绍了从《大宪章》到《权利法案》的历史背景、内容、传承与发展，以及它们对现代宪政的影响。

英国的法治发展史一、《大宪章》开启法治的新篇（一）《大宪章》的产生1199年，无地王约翰担任国王。

约翰担任国王后进行专制统治，践踏一切习惯与成例，破坏亨利宪章的内容，引起教会和贵族的不满。

当时英国正在进行对法战争，约翰的军队节节失利，为了维持战争的经费，约翰增加了贵族的赋税。

同时，约翰由于干涉选举坎特伯雷大主教的工作，被教皇英诺森三世下令革除教籍。

这使得国王约翰在英国威信扫地。

贵族和教士乘机联合骑士和市民，掀起了反对国王约翰的斗争，提出了一系列限制王权的要求。

为了保住王位，国王约翰被迫妥协，接受了这些要求，并于1215年6月签署了由英国贵族起草的限制王权、保障臣民权利的文件，这个文件史称“大宪章”。

（二）《大宪章》的影响虽然第一次发布的大宪章只维持了数星期，但是约翰死后的多次重新发布，使它成为了永久的法律；大宪章亦成为了日后英国宪法的基石。

之后亨利三世及他的继承人曾多次避开破坏大宪章的规定，但事实上中世纪英国王室的王权在大宪章之下，仍然是有增无减。

不过，中世纪时期的英国国王亦曾三十次重新发布大宪章，证明国王始终不能忽视它的存在，然而实际上大宪章发布之后大多数英国国王并不遵守，这也是英国没有成文宪法的原因。

到了十七世纪，随着国王与国会之间争执的增加，大宪章的作用亦变得更为重要。

根据宪章的内容多次修订而成的法律，保障更多的权利和涵盖更多的人民，最后演化成现代的君主立宪。

虽然只有开始的数句、中间三条条文以及结束语仍然有效，其余三十四条都已被废除，1297年发布的大宪章至今仍是英国法律的一部分。

今天，大宪章的实际法律效用已很微小，只在司法过程中偶而被控辩双方和法官引用。

但不少日后编成的政府宪法，包括美国宪法，都是起源自大宪章。

以前每次英王发布大宪章，都会抄送多份到各地，这些抄本部分被带到北美殖民地，保存至今。

《大宪章》是一个英国统治阶级内部权力争斗的产物，是一个封建性的政治文件，在当时的历史条件下国王的让步也是暂时的，因此它当时发挥的实际效力也可想而知。

800年前的今天，1215年6月15日，内忧外患、走投无路的英格兰国王约翰（King John，1167-1216）在泰晤士河旁兰尼米德（Runny Mede）的一片美丽宁静的草地上被迫答应25位贵族代表的要求，签署《大宪章》（Magna Carta）。

因为这份世界上第一个宪法性文件，这位英国历史上最不得人心的国王之一得以永载史册。

（为了庆祝大宪章800周年，伦敦大英图书馆首次展出四份幸存的1215年大宪章（Magna Carta）的原稿。

）这份用拉丁文书写在一张差不多A3大小的羊皮纸上的文件的主要内容是限制国王权力，保障贵族和自由民的权利。

后来的历史演进证明，《大宪章》所创造的“法治”（rule of law）理念不仅是英国君主立宪制度的基石，也是人类民主宪政的源头。

【一】迄今有关《大宪章》的各种学术研究可谓汗牛充栋，我并不是这方面的专家，因而无意在这里画蛇添足。

我只想指出一点，这也是古往今来关于它的共识：就《大宪章》的文本来看，它的最大突破在于对“绝对王权”的否定。

《大宪章》承认，英格兰国王的权力是上帝授予的，但却拒绝承认这一“神圣权力”是绝对的、不受限制的。

相反，它声称，国王只是贵族“同等中的第一个”，没有更多的权力。

而在总共63条、4000多字的《大宪章》中，最重要的第61条（即所谓“安全法”）规定，由25名贵族组成的委员会可以随时召开会议，具有否决国王命令的权力；如果国王的行为违背了《大宪章》，必要时还可以使用武力，剥夺国王权力和财产。

在信奉“君权神授”的中世纪政治合法性框架内，这种加诸王权身上“契约”是史无前例的。

绝对权力终结的地方，就是法治开始的地方。

然而，如同人类历史上的所有里程碑事件一样，《大宪章》的意义并不仅在于其文本所传递的精神本身，更在于以后的历史发展幸运地让它的价值得到了凸显。

如果遍查世界各个文明的史籍，我们一定能够搜寻到许多类似于《大宪章》这样限制王权的事件和文献。

就拿中国来说，史载，早在殷商初年即发生过贤臣伊尹“放太甲于桐”、7年后还权给这位已经改过自新的殷王的重大政治变故，这也是历代儒生津津乐道的故事，在性质上与英格兰贵族胁迫约翰国王签署《大宪章》如出一辙；儒家经典《尚书•泰誓中》有“天视自我民视，天听自我民听”的名言，它几乎已经将“受命于天”的统治者的政治合法性建立在被统治者的同意之上；甚至直到传统专制集权达到顶峰的明清时期，仍然有黄宗羲这样的学者对绝对王权发起强有力的批判……但恐怕没有人会认为，这些历史事件为中国的法治和宪政奠定了基础。

大宪章（Magna Carta）是英国历史上具有重要意义的法律文件，于1215年签署，被视为现代宪政的基石之一。

它对国王的权力进行了限制，确立了一些基本的法律原则和个人权利。

本文将从不同的角度介绍大宪章的相关知识点。

一、历史背景大宪章的签署是英国历史上重要的里程碑，并对后来的宪政发展产生了深远影响。

1215年，英国国王约翰（John）在与贵族和教会的权力斗争中陷入困境。

贵族们对约翰的专制统治感到不满，要求他接受一份文件，约束其权力。

在这样的背景下，大宪章诞生了。

二、大宪章的内容大宪章共有63条，其中包括一些重要的条款。

其中最著名的条款是第39条，它规定了个人的权利，包括对非法拘留的禁止和对司法程序的保护。

此外，大宪章还规定了国王对贵族的责任和义务，以及财政和司法方面的改革措施。

三、大宪章的影响大宪章的签署标志着国王统治的限制开始得到确立，对后来英国宪政的发展产生了深远影响。

它奠定了国王权力受制于法律的基础，并保护了个人的权利。

此外，大宪章的思想也对其他国家的宪政演变起到了激励作用。

四、大宪章在英美法律中的地位大宪章的思想对于后来宪政国家的法律体系产生了广泛的影响。

虽然大宪章本身在法律上已经废止，但它的许多原则被吸收并成为英美法律体系的一部分。

例如，对个人权利的保护、法律程序的公正性以及政府权力的制约原则等，这些都体现了大宪章的精神。

五、大宪章的现代意义尽管大宪章的时代背景与现代社会存在很大的差异，但它的核心价值观仍然具有重要意义。

大宪章提出了对个人权利和公正法律的保护，这是现代民主社会所追求的核心目标。

因此，大宪章仍然被视为宪政原则和人权保护的基石之一。

六、总结大宪章是英国历史上具有重大意义的法律文件，它限制了国王的权力，并确立了一些基本的法律原则和个人权利。

它标志着国王统治受制于法律的开始，并对后来的宪政发展产生了深远影响。

尽管大宪章的时代背景与现代社会存在差异，但它的核心价值观仍然具有重要意义，并在英美法律体系中发挥着重要作用。

magna carta名词解释《大宪章》（Magna Carta），又称《英王大宪章》、《伦敦大宪章》等，是英国历史上的一份重要文件。

它于1215年由英格兰的贵族和教会领导人与国王约翰（John）签署，成为君主权力制约的范例，体现了个人权利和法律的原则。

以下是对《大宪章》的名词解释。

1. 大宪章（Magna Carta）：指《大宪章》本身，是一份具有法律效力的文件，规定了英国国王的权力受到限制，保护了贵族和教会的权益。

2. 君主制约（Monarchical Restraint）：指《大宪章》对国王权力的限制。

根据《大宪章》，国王必须遵守一定的法律和程序，不能随意剥夺贵族和教会的权益，也不能滥用权力。

3. 个人权利（Individual Rights）：指《大宪章》保护的个人权利。

其中最重要的是禁止任意逮捕和拘留，确保人民的自由不受侵犯。

《大宪章》还规定了其他一些权利，如不得违法征收税收、自由买卖等。

4. 法治原则（Principle of Rule of Law）：指《大宪章》确立的法治原则。

根据《大宪章》，国王不得随意制定法律，而必须遵循一定的程序和原则。

这为后来的法治理念奠定了基础。

5. 限制国王权力（Restriction of Royal Power）：指《大宪章》规定的对国王权力的限制。

根据《大宪章》，国王不能随意征收税收、剥夺贵族和教会的权益，也不能单方面修改法律。

6. 致敬节制（Salvo Jure）：指《大宪章》中一个重要的原则。

根据这个原则，国王可以在某些特定情况下暂时违反《大宪章》的规定，但必须将违反的行为报告给贵族和教会，以免被视为是一种恶意的行为。

7. 罢免国王（Deposition of the King）：指《大宪章》规定的贵族和教会有权罢免国王的权力。

这是对国王滥用权力的制约措施，确保国王不得不遵守《大宪章》的规定。

8. 法律正义（Justice）：指《大宪章》追求的法律公正和正义。

英国是一个没有成文宪法的国家。

他们的宪法是由一系列的文件和法案组成，其中具有奠基意义的一份，就是在1215年6月15日，由英国国王与贵族们签订的《大宪章》。

这张书写在羊皮纸卷上的文件在历史上第一次限制了封建君主的权力，日后成为了英国君主立宪制的法律基石。

大宪章（拉丁文Magna Carter, 英文Great Charter）是英国于1215年订立的宪法，用来限制英国国王（主要是当时的约翰）的绝对权力。

订立大宪章的主要原因是因为教皇、英王约翰及封建贵族对皇室权力出现不同的意见。

大宪章要求皇室放弃部分权力，及尊重司法过程，接受王权受法律的限制。

大宪章是英国在建立宪法政治这长远历史过程的开始。

历史诺曼人于1066年开始入侵英格兰，在诺曼人成为英国的国王后，于十一及十二世纪逐渐强大。

他们建立的集权政府，加上本地盎格鲁—撒克逊人原来的统治方法，还有盎格鲁人和诺曼人在诺曼第所拥有的土地，使英国国王在1199年成为欧洲最有权力国王。

当英王约翰在十三世纪初即位之后，一连串的事件却令英格兰的封建贵族起来反抗他，并要求限制绝对的王权。

当时英王约翰受到的压力来自三个方面：首先是他夺得王位的手法遭人非议，前任英王狮心王理察在1199年死后，出现两名继承人。

约翰将他的对手，亦即他的侄子不列颠尼亚瑟囚禁，之后亚瑟便失去音讯。

很多人认为约翰是将他的亲人暗杀以取得王位；第二当时法国国王占领了英国在诺曼第大部份的土地。

英国的贵族要求国王取回失去的领土，约翰即在1214年发动对法国作战，却遭逢大败。

此外，约翰与教皇就坎特伯雷大主教的任命出现争执，于是教庭向英格兰施以绝罚，约翰被迫于1213年向教皇屈服。

1215年6月10日，英格兰的封建贵族在伦敦聚集，挟持英格兰国王约翰。

约翰被迫赞成贵族提出的“男爵法案”(Articles of the Barons)。

同年6月15日，约翰在兰尼美德（RunnyMede）为法案盖上皇室的盖章。

而贵族则在6月19日重申对约翰效忠。

英国⼤宪章原⽂及其中⽂译⽂The Magna Carta (The Great Charter)1215(Clauses marked (+) are still valid under the charter of 1225, but with a few minor amendments. Clauses marked (*) were omitted in all later reissues of the charter. In the charter itself the clauses are not numbered, and the text reads continuously. The translation sets out to convey the sense rather than the precise wording of the original Latin.)JOHN, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his officials and loyal subjects, Greeting.KNOW THAT BEFORE GOD, for the health of our soul and those of our ancestors and heirs, to the honour of God, the exaltation of the holy Church, and the better ordering of our kingdom, at the advice of our reverend fathers Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry archbishop of Dublin, William bishop of London, Peter bishop of Winchester, Jocelin bishop of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh bishop of Lincoln, Walter Bishop of Worcester, William bishop of Coventry, Benedict bishop of Rochester, Master Pandulf subdeacon and member of the papal household, Brother Aymeric master of the knighthood of the Temple in England, William Marshal earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Alan de Galloway constable of Scotland, Warin Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poitou, Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip Daubeny, Robert de Roppeley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and other loyal subjects: + (1) FIRST, THAT WE HAVE GRANTED TO GOD, and by this present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs in perpetuity, that the English Church shall be free, and shall have its rights undiminished, and its liberties unimpaired. That we wish this so to be observed, appears from the fact that of our own free will, before the outbreak of the present dispute between us and our barons, we granted and confirmed by charter the freedom of the Church's elections - a rightreckoned to be of the greatest necessity and importance to it - and caused this to be confirmed by Pope Innocent III. This freedom we shall observe ourselves, and desire to be observed in good faith by our heirs in perpetuity.TO ALL FREE MEN OF OUR KINGDOM we have also granted, for us and our heirs for ever, all the liberties written out below, to have and to keep for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs:(2) If any earl, baron, or other person that holds lands directly of the Crown, for military service, shall die, and at his death his heir shall be of full age and owe a `relief', the heir shall have his inheritance on payment of the ancient scale of `relief'. That is to say, the heir or heirs of an earl shall pay ￡100 for the entire earl's barony, the heir or heirs of a knight l00s. at most for the entire knight's `fee', and any man that owes less shall pay less, in accordance with the ancient usage of `fees'(3) But if the heir of such a person is under age and a ward, when he comes of age he shall have his inheritance without`relief' or fine.(4) The guardian of the land of an heir who is under age shall take from it only reasonable revenues, customary dues, and feudal services. He shall do this without destruction or damage to men or property. If we have given the guardianship of the land to a sheriff, or to any person answerable to us for the revenues, and he commits destruction or damage, we will exact compensation from him, and the land shall be entrusted to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee', who shall be answerable to us for the revenues, or to the person to whom we have assigned them. If we have given or sold to anyone the guardianship of such land, and he causes destruction or damage, he shall lose the guardianship of it, and it shall be handed over to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee', who shall be similarly answerable to us.(5) For so long as a guardian has guardianship of such land, he shall maintain the houses, parks, fish preserves, ponds, mills, and everything else pertaining to it, from the revenues of the land itself. When the heir comes of age, he shall restore the whole land to him, stocked withplough teams and such implements of husbandry as the season demands and the revenues from the land can reasonably bear.(6) Heirs may be given in marriage, but not to someone of lower social standing. Before a marriage takes place, it shall be' made known to the heir's next-of-kin.(7) At her husband's death, a widow may have her marriage portion and inheritance at once and without trouble. She shall pay nothing for her dower, marriage portion, or any inheritance that she and her husband held jointly on the day of his death. She may remain in her husband's house for forty days after his death, and within this period her dower shall be assigned toher.(8) No widow shall be compelled to marry, so long as she wishes to remain without a husband. But she must give security that she will not marry without royal consent, if she holds her lands of the Crown, or without the consent of whatever other lord she may hold them of.(9) Neither we nor our officials will seize any land or rent in payment of a debt, so long as the debtor has movable goods sufficient to discharge the debt. A debtor's sureties shall not be distrained upon so long as the debtor himself can discharge his debt. If, for lack of means, the debtor is unable to discharge his debt, his sureties shall be answerable for it. If they so desire, they may have the debtor's lands and rents until they have received satisfaction for the debt that they paid for him, unless the debtor can show that he has settled his obligations to them.* (10) If anyone who has borrowed a sum of money from Jews dies before the debt has been repaid, his heir shall pay no interest on the debt for so long as he remains under age, irrespective of whom he holds his lands. If such a debt falls into the hands of the Crown, it will take nothing except the principal sum specified in the bond.* (11) If a man dies owing money to Jews, his wife may have her dower and pay nothing towards the debt from it. If he leaves children that are under age, their needs may also be provided for on a scale appropriate to the size of his holding of lands. The debt is to be paid out of the residue, reserving the service due to his feudal lords. Debts owed to persons other than Jews are to be dealt with similarly.* (12) No `scutage' or `aid' may be levied in our kingdom without its general consent, unless it is for the ransom of our person, to make our eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry our eldest daughter. For these purposes ouly a reasonable `aid' may be levied. `Aids' from the city of London are to be treated similarly.+ (13) The city of London shall enjoy all its ancient liberties and free customs, both by land and by water. We also will and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall enjoy all their liberties and free customs.* (14) To obtain the general consent of the realm for the assessment of an `aid' - except in the three cases specified above -or a `scutage', we will cause the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons to be summoned individually by letter. To those who hold lands directly of us we will cause a general summons to be issued, through the sheriffs and other officials, to come together on a fixed day (of which at least forty days notice shall be given) and at a fixed place. In all letters of summons, the cause of the summons will be stated. When a summons has been issued, the business appointed for the day shall go forward in accordance with the resolution of those present, even if not all those who were summoned have appeared.* (15) In future we will allow no one to levy an `aid' from his free men, except to ransom his person, to make his eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry his eldest daughter. For these purposes only a reasonable `aid' may be levied.(16) No man shall be forced to perform more service for a knight's `fee', or other free holding of land, than is due from it.(17) Ordinary lawsuits shall not follow the royal court around, but shall be held in a fixed place.(18) Inquests of novel disseisin, mort d'ancestor, and darrein presentment shall be taken only in their proper county court. We ourselves, or in our absence abroad our chief justice, will send two justices to each county four times a year, and these justices, with four knights of thecounty elected by the county itself, shall hold the assizes in the county court, on the day and in the place where the court meets.(19) If any assizes cannot be taken on the day of the county court, as many knights and freeholders shall afterwards remain behind, of those who have attended the court, as will suffice for the administration of justice, having regard to the volume of business to be done.(20) For a trivial offence, a free man shall be fined only in proportion to the degree of his offence, and for a serious offence correspondingly, but not so heavily as to deprive him of his livelihood. In the same way, a merchant shall be spared his merchandise, and a husbandman the implements of his husbandry, if they fall upon the mercy of a royal court. None of these fines shall be imposed except by the assessment on oath of reputable men of the neighbourhood.(21) Earls and barons shall be fined only by their equals, and in proportion to the gravity of their offence.(22) A fine imposed upon the lay property of a clerk in holy orders shall be assessed upon the same principles, without reference to the value of his ecclesiastical benefice.(23) No town or person shall be forced to build bridges over rivers except those with an ancient obligation to do so.(24) No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other royal officials are to hold lawsuits that should be held by the royal justices.* (25) Every county, hundred, wapentake, and tithing shall remain at its ancient rent, without increase, except the royal demesne manors.(26) If at the death of a man who holds a lay `fee' of the Crown, a sheriff or royal official produces royal letters patent of summons for a debt due to the Crown, it shall be lawful for themto seize and list movable goods found in the lay `fee' of the dead man to the value of the debt, as assessed by worthy men. Nothing shall be removed until the whole debt is paid, when the residue shall be given over to the executors to carry out the dead man s will. If no debt is due to the Crown,all the movable goods shall be regarded as the property of the dead man, except the reasonable shares of his wife and children.* (27) If a free man dies intestate, his movable goods are to be distributed by his next-of-kin and friends, under the supervision of the Church. The rights of his debtors are to be preserved.(28) No constable or other royal official shall take corn or other movable goods from any man without immediate payment, unless the seller voluntarily offers postponement of this.(29) No constable may compel a knight to pay money for castle-guard if the knight is willing to undertake the guard in person, or with reasonable excuse to supply some other fit man to do it.A knight taken or sent on military service shall be excused from castle-guard for the period of this servlce.(30) No sheriff, royal official, or other person shall take horses or carts for transport from any free man, without his consent.(31) Neither we nor any royal official will take wood for our castle, or for any other purpose, without the consent of the owner.(32) We will not keep the lands of people convicted of felony in our hand for longer than a year and a day, after which they shall be returned to the lords of the `fees' concerned.(33) All fish-weirs shall be removed from the Thames, the Medway, and throughout the whole of England, except on the sea coast.(34) The writ called precipe shall not in future be issued to anyone in respect of any holding of land, if a free man could thereby be deprived of the right of trial in his own lord's court.(35) There shall be standard measures of wine, ale, and corn (the London quarter), throughout the kingdom. There shall also be a standard width of dyed cloth, russett, and haberject, namely two ells within the selvedges. Weights are to be standardised similarly.(36) In future nothing shall be paid or accepted for the issue of a writ of inquisition of life or limbs. It shall be given gratis, and not refused.(37) If a man holds land of the Crown by `fee-farm', `socage', or `burgage', and also holds land of someone else for knight's service, we will not have guardianship of his heir, nor of the land that belongs to the other person's `fee', by virtue of the `fee-farm', `socage', or `burgage', unless the `fee-farm' owes knight's service. We will not have the guardianship of a man's heir, or of land that he holds of someone else, by reason of any small property that he may hold of the Crown for a service of knives, arrows, or the like.(38) In future no official shall place a man on trial upon his own unsupported statement, without producing credible witnesses to the truth of it.+ (39) No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or deprived of his standing in any other way, nor will we proceed with force against him, or send others to do so, except by the lawful judgement of his equals or by the law of the land.+ (40) To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice.(41) All merchants may enter or leave England unharmed and without fear, and may stay or travel within it, by land or water, for purposes of trade, free from all illegal exactions, in accordance with ancient and lawful customs. This, however, does not apply in time of war to merchants from a country that is at war with us. Any such merchants found in our country at the outbreak of war shall be detained without injury to their persons or property, until we or our chief justice have discovered how our own merchants are being treated in the country at war with us. If our own merchants are safe they shall be safe too.* (42) In future it shall be lawful for any man to leave and return to our kingdom unharmed and without fear, by land or water, preserving his allegiance to us, except in time of war, for some short period, for the common benefit of the realm. People that have been imprisoned or outlawedin accordance with the law of the land, people from a country that is at war with us, and merchants - who shall be dealt with as stated above - are excepted from this provision.(43) If a man holds lands of any `escheat' such as the `honour' of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other `escheats' in our hand that are baronies, at his death his heir shall give us only the `relief' and service that he would have made to the baron, had the barony been in the baron's hand. We will hold the `escheat' in the same manner as the baron held it.(44) People who live outside the forest need not in future appear before the royal justices of the forest in answer to general summonses, unless they are actually involved in proceedings or are sureties for someone who has been seized for a forest offence.* (45) We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or other officials, only men that know the law of the realm and are minded to keep it well.(46) All barons who have founded abbeys, and have charters of English kings or ancient tenure as evidence of this, may have guardianship of them when there is no abbot, as is their due.(47) All forests that have been created in our reign shall at once be disafforested.River-banks that have been enclosed in our reign shall be treated similarly.* (48) All evil customs relating to forests and warrens, foresters, warreners, sheriffs and their servants, or river-banks and their wardens, are at once to be investigated in every county by twelve sworn knights of the county, and within forty days of their enquiry the evil customs are to be abolished completely and irrevocably. But we, or our chief justice if we are not in England, are first to be informed.* (49) We will at once return all hostages and charters delivered up to us by Englishmen as security for peace or for loyal service.* (50) We will remove completely from their offices the kinsmen of Gerard de Athée, and in future they shall hold no offices in England. The people in question are Engelard de Cigogné',Peter, Guy, and Andrew de Chanceaux, Guy de Cigogné, Geoffrey de Martigny and his brothers, Philip Marc and his brothers, with Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers.* (51) As soon as peace is restored, we will remove from the kingdom all the foreign knights, bowmen, their attendants, and the mercenaries that have come to it, to its harm, with horses and arms.* (52) To any man whom we have deprived or dispossessed of lands, castles, liberties, or rights, without the lawful judgement of his equals, we will at once restore these. In cases of dispute the matter shall be resolved by the judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§ 61). In cases, however, where a man was deprived or dispossessed of something without the lawful judgement of his equals by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once render justice in full.* (53) We shall have similar respite in rendering justice in connexion with forests that are to be disafforested, or to remain forests, when these were first a-orested by our father Henry or our brother Richard; with the guardianship of lands in another person's `fee', when we have hitherto had this by virtue of a `fee' held of us for knight's service by a third party; and with abbeys founded in another person's `fee', in which the lord of the `fee' claims to own a right. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice to complaints about these matters.(54) No one shall be arrested or imprisoned on the appeal of a woman for the death of any person except her husband.* (55) All fines that have been given to us unjustiy and against the law of the land, and all fines that we have exacted unjustly, shall be entirely remitted or the matter decided by a majority judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§ 61) together with Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as hewishes to bring with him. If the archbishop cannot be present, proceedings shall continue without him, provided that if any of the twenty-five barons has been involved in a similar suit himself, his judgement shall be set aside, and someone elsechosen and sworn in his place, as a substitute for the single occasion, by the rest of the twenty-five.(56) If we have deprived or dispossessed any Welshmen of lands, liberties, or anything else in England or in Wales, without the lawful judgement of their equals, these are at once to be returned to them. A dispute on this point shall be determined in the Marches by the judgement of equals. English law shall apply to holdings of land in England, Welsh law to those in Wales, and the law of the Marches to those in the Marches. The Welsh shall treat us and ours in the same way.* (57) In cases where a Welshman was deprived or dispossessed of anything, without the lawful judgement of his equals, by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. But on our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice according to the laws of Wales and the said regions.* (58) We will at once return the son of Llywelyn, all Welsh hostages, and the charters delivered to us as security for the peace.* (59) With regard to the return of the sisters and hostages of Alexander, king of Scotland, his liberties and his rights, we will treat him in the same way as our other barons of England, unless it appears from the charters that we hold from his father William, formerly king of Scotland, that he should be treated otherwise. This matter shall be resolved by the judgement of his equals in our court.(60) All these customs and liberties that we have granted shall be observed in our kingdomin so far as concerns our own relations with our subjects. Let all men of our kingdom, whether clergy or laymen, observe them similarly in their relations with their own men.* (61) SINCE WE HAVE GRANTED ALL THESE THINGS for God, for the better ordering of our kingdom, and to allay the discord that has arisen between us and our barons, and since we desire that they shall be enjoyed in their entirety, with lasting strength, for ever, we give and grant to the barons the following security:The barons shall elect twenty-five of their number to keep, and cause to be observed with all their might, the peace and liberties granted and confirmed to them by this charter.If we, our chief justice, our officials, or any of our servants offend in any respect against any man, or transgress any of the articles of the peace or of this security, and the offence is made known to four of the said twenty-five barons, they shall come to us - or in our absence from the kingdom to the chief justice - to declare it and claim immediate redress. If we, or in our absence abroad the chiefjustice, make no redress within forty days, reckoning from the day on which the offence was declared to us or to him, the four barons shall refer the matter to the rest of the twenty-five barons, who may distrain upon and assail us in every way possible, with the support of the whole community of the land, by seizing our castles, lands, possessions, or anything else saving only our own person and those of the queen and our children, until they have secured such redress as they have determined upon. Having secured the redress, they may then resume their normal obedience to us.Any man who so desires may take an oath to obey the commands of the twenty-five barons for the achievement of these ends, and to join with them in assailing us to the utmost of his power. We give public and free permission to take this oath to any man who so desires, and at no time will we prohibit any man from taking it. Indeed, we will compel any of our subjects who are unwilling to take it to swear it at our command.If-one of the twenty-five barons dies or leaves the country, or is prevented in any other way from discharging his duties, the rest of them shall choose another baron in his place, at their discretion, who shall be duly sworn in as they were.In the event of disagreement among the twenty-five barons on any matter referred to them for decision, the verdict of the majority present shall have the same validity as a unanimousverdict of the whole twenty-five, whether these were all present or some of those summoned were unwilling or unable to appear.The twenty-five barons shall swear to obey all the above articles faithfully, and shall cause them to be obeyed by others to the best of their power.We will not seek to procure from anyone, either by our own efforts or those of a third party, anything by which any part of these concessions or liberties might be revoked or diminished. Should such a thing be procured, it shall be null and void and we will at no time make use of it, either ourselves or through a third party.* (62) We have remitted and pardoned fully to all men any ill-will, hurt, or grudges that have arisen between us and our subjects, whether clergy or laymen, since the beginning of the dispute. We have in addition remitted fully, and for our ownpart have also pardoned, to all clergy and laymen any offences committed as a result of the said dispute between Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215) and the restoration of peace.In addition we have caused letters patent to be made for the barons, bearing witness to this security and to the concessions set out above, over the seals of Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, Henry archbishop of Dublin, the other bishops named above, and Master Pandulf.* (63) IT IS ACCORDINGLY OUR WISH AND COMMAND that the English Church shall be free, and that men in our kingdom shall have and keep all these liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably in their fulness and entirety for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all things and all places for ever.Both we and the barons have sworn that all this shall be observed in good faith and without deceit. Witness the abovementioned people and many others.Given by our hand in the meadow that is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June in the seventeenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215: the new regnal year began on 28 May).英国⼤宪章1215年受命于天的英格兰国王兼领爱尔兰宗主，诺曼第与阿奎丹公爵、安茹伯爵约翰，谨向⼤主教，主教，住持，伯爵，男爵，法官，森林宫，执⾏吏，典狱官，差⼈，及其管家吏与忠颇的⼈民致候。