英语演讲稿名人演讲：国会大厦告别演讲

《告别演说》 - 英文原稿GEORGE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL A DDRESS To the People of the United States . FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: The period for a new election of a citizen， to administer the executive government of the Un ited States， being not far distant， and the ti me actually arrived， when your thoughts mus t be employed designating the person， who is to be clothed with that important trust， it app ears to me proper， especially as it may condu ce to a more distinct expression of the public v oice， that I should now apprize you of the res olution I have formed， to decline being consi dered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you at the sa me time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a str ict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country； and that in withdrawing the tend er of service， which silence in my situationmight imply， I am influenced by no diminuti on of zeal for your future interest， no deficie ncy of grateful respect for your past kindness ， but am supported by a full conviction that t he step is compatible with both. The accept ance of， and continuance hitherto in， the of fice to which your suffrages have twice called me， have been a uniform sacrifice of inclinat ion to the opinion of duty， and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constant ly hoped， that it would have been much earli er in my power， consistently with motives，which I was not at liberty to disregard， to ret urn to that retirement， from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclinat ion to do this， previous to the last election，had even led to the preparation of an address t o declare it to you； but mature reflection on t he then perplexed and critical posture of our af fairs with foreign nations， and the unanimou s advice of persons entitled to my confidence i mpelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice， that the state of your concerns， external as well as internal， no longer renders the pursui t of inclination incompatible with the sentimen t of duty， or propriety； and am persuaded， whatever partiality may be retained for my ser vices， that， in the present circumstances of our country， you will not disapprove my dete rmination to retire. The impressions， wit h which I first undertook the arduous trust， w ere explained on the proper occasion. In the di scharge of this trust， I will only say， that I have， with good intentions， contributed to wards the organization and administration of t he government the best exertions of which a v ery fallible judgment was capable. Not uncons cious， in the outset， of the inferiority of my qualifications， experience in my own eyes， perhaps still more in the eyes of others， has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myse lf； and every day the increasing weight of ye ars admonishes me more and more， that the s hade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied， that， if any circu mstances have given peculiar value to my serv ices， they were temporary， I have the conso lation to believe， that， while choice and pru dence invite me to quit the political scene， pa triotism does not forbid it. In looking forw ard to the moment， which is intended to term inate the career of my public life， my feeling s do not permit me to suspend the deep ackno wledgment of that debt of gratitude， which I owe to my beloved country for the many hono rs it has conferred upon me； still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has support ed me； and for the opportunities I have thenc e enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attach ment， by services faithful and persevering，though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If be nefits have resulted to our country from these s ervices， let it always be remembered to your praise， and as an instructive example in our a nnals， that under circumstances in which the passions， agitated in every direction， were liable to mislead， amidst appearances someti mes dubious， vicissitudes of fortune often di scouraging， in situations in which not unfreq uently want of success has countenanced the s pirit of criticism， the constancy of your supp ort was the essential prop of the efforts， and a guarantee of the plans by which they were ef fected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea，I shall carry it with me to my grave， as a stro ng incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence； that your union and brotherly af fection may be perpetual； that the free constit ution， which is the work of your hands， ma y be sacredly maintained； that its administrat ion in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue； than， in fine， the hap piness of the people of these States， under th e auspices of liberty， may be made complete ， by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing， as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause， the affection， and adoption of every natio n， which is yet a stranger to it. Here， pe rhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life， a nd the apprehension of danger， natural to tha t solicitude， urge me， on an occasion like t he present， to offer to your solemn contempl ation， and to recommend to your frequent re view， some sentiments which are the result o f much reflection， of no inconsiderable obser vation， and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more fre edom， as you can only see in them the disint erested warnings of a parting friend， who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his c ounsel. Nor can I forget， as an encourageme nt to it， your indulgent reception of my senti ments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.Interwoven as is the love of liberty with e very ligament of your hearts， no recommend ation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirmthe attachment. The unity of Government ， which constitutes you one people， is also now dear to you. It is justly so； for it is a mai n pillar in the edifice of your real independenc e， the support of your tranquillity at home，your peace abroad； of your safety； of your prosperity； of that very Liberty， which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee， t hat， from different causes and from different quarters， much pains will be taken， many a rtifices employed， to weaken in your minds t he conviction of this truth； as this is the point in your political fortress against which the bat teries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often cov ertly and insidiously) directed， it is of infinit e moment， that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to y our collective and individual happiness； that you should cherish a cordial， habitual， and immovable attachment to it； accustoming yo urselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity；watching for its preservation with jealous anxi ety； discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion， that it can in any event be a bandoned； and indignantly frowning upon th e first dawning of every attempt to alienate an y portion of our country from the rest， or to e nfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every i nducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens ， by birth or choice， of a common country ， that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american， which bel ongs to you， in your national capacity， mus t always exalt the just pride of Patriotism， m ore than any appellation derived from local dis criminations. With slight shades of difference ， you have the same religion， manners， ha bits， and political principles. You have in a c ommon cause fought and triumphed together ； the Independence and Liberty you possess a re the work of joint counsels， and joint efforts， of common dangers， sufferings， and su ccesses. But these considerations， howev er powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility， are greatly outweighed by those ， which apply more immediately to your inte rest. Here every portion of our country finds th e most commanding motives for carefully guar ding and preserving the Union of the whole.The North， in an unrestrained intercourse wit h the South， protected by the equal laws of a common government， finds， in the producti ons of the latter， great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and preci ous materials of manufacturing industry. The S outh， in the same intercourse， benefiting by the agency of the North， sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North ， it finds its particular navigation invigorated ； and， while it contributes， in different wa ys， to nourish and increase the general massof the national navigation， it looks forward t o the protection of a maritime strength， to w hich itself is unequally adapted. The East， in a like intercourse with the West， already find s， and in the progressive improvement of inte rior communications by land and water， will more and more find， a valuable vent for the c ommodities which it brings from abroad， or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and co mfort， and， what is perhaps of still greater consequence， it must of necessity owe the se cure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight， influence， a nd the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union， directed by an indissolubl e community of interest as one nation. Any oth er tenure by which the West can hold this esse ntial advantage， whether derived from its ow n separate strength， or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power， must be intrinsically precarious. While， then， every part of our country thus feels an i mmediate and particular interest in Union， al l the parts combined cannot fail to find in the u nited mass of means and efforts greater strengt h， greater resource， proportionably greater security from external danger， a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ； and， what is of inestimable value， they must derive from Union an exemption from th ose broils and wars between themselves， whi ch so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments，which their own rivalships alone would be suff icient to produce， but which opposite foreign alliances， attachments， and intrigues woul d stimulate and embitter. Hence， likewise， t hey will avoid the necessity of those overgrow n military establishments， which， under an y form of government， are inauspicious to lib erty， and which are to be regarded as particul arly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sens e it is， that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty， and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the pres ervation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind， and exhibit the continu ance of the union as a primary object of Patriot ic desire. Is there a doubt， whether a commo n government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere spec ulation in such a case were criminal. We are a uthorized to hope， that a proper organization of the whole， with the auxiliary agency of go vernments for the respective subdivisions， wi ll afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With suc h powerful and obvious motives to Union， af fecting all parts of our country， while experie nce shall not have demonstrated its impractica bility， there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those， who in any quarter m ay endeavour to weaken its bands. In conte mplating the causes， which may disturb ourUnion， it occurs as matter of serious concern ， that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical dis criminations， Northern and Southern， Atla ntic and Western； whence designing men ma y endeavour to excite a belief， that there is a real difference of local interests and views. On e of the expedients of party to acquire influenc e， within particular districts， is to misrepres ent the opinions and aims of other districts. Yo u cannot shield yourselves too much against th e jealousies and heart-burnings， which spring from these misrepresentations； they tend to r ender alien to each other those， who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The i nhabitants of our western country have lately h ad a useful lesson on this head； they have see n， in the negotiation by the Executive， and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate，of the treaty with Spain， and in the universal satisfaction at that event， throughout the Unit ed States， a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in r egard to the mississippi； they have been witn esses to the formation of two treaties， that wi th Great Britain， and that with Spain， whic h secure to them every thing they could desire ， in respect to our foreign relations， toward s confirming their prosperity. Will it not be the ir wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were p rocured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to th ose advisers， if such there are， who would sever them from their brethren， and connect t hem with aliens? To the efficacy and perm anency of your Union， a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances， howev er strict， between the parts can be an adequat e substitute； they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions， which all al liances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth， you have improvedupon your first essay， by the adoption of a C onstitution of Government better calculated th an your former for an intimate Union， and fo r the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government， the offspring of our own choice， uninfluenced and unawed ， adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation， completely free in its principles ， in the distribution of its powers， uniting s ecurity with energy， and containing within it self a provision for its own amendment， has a just claim to your confidence and your suppo rt. Respect for its authority， compliance with its laws， acquiescence in its measures， are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter t heir Constitutions of Government. But the Con stitution which at any time exists， till change d by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people， is sacredly obligatory upon all. The v ery idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the dut y of every individual to obey the established G overnment. All obstructions to the executio n of the Laws， all combinations and associati ons， under whatever plausible character， wi th the real design to direct， control， counter act， or awe the regular deliberation and actio n of the constituted authorities， are destructiv e of this fundamental principle， and of fatal t endency. They serve to organize faction， tog ive it an artificial and extraordinary force； to put， in the place of the delegated will of the nation， the will of a party， often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the commu nity； and， according to the alternate triump hs of different parties， to make the public ad ministration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction， rather than t he organ of consistent and wholesome plans di gested by common counsels， and modified b y mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends， they are li kely， in the course of time and things， to be come potent engines， by which cunning， a mbitious， and unprincipled men will be enab led to subvert the power of the people， and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ； destroying afterwards the very engines， w hich have lifted them to unjust dominion. T owards the preservation of your government， and the permanency of your present happy sta te， it is requisite， not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its ack nowledged authority， but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its princ iples， however specious the pretexts. One me thod of assault may be to effect， in the forms of the constitution， alterations， which will impair the energy of the system， and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown . In all the changes to which you may be invite d， remember that time and habit are at least a s necessary to fix the true character of governments， as of other human institutions； that experience is the surest standard， by which t o test the real tendency of the existing constitu tion of a country； that facility in changes， u pon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion ， exposes to perpetual change， from the end less variety of hypothesis and opinion； and re member， especially， that， for the efficient management of our common interests， in a c ountry so extensive as ours， a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty its elf will find in such a government， with pow ers properly distributed and adjusted， its sure st guardian. It is， indeed， little else than a n ame， where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction， to confi ne each member of the society within the limit s prescribed by the laws， and to maintain all i n the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the righ ts of person and property. I have already in timated to you the danger of parties in the state， with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view， and w arn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party， general ly. This spirit， unfortunately， is insepar able from our nature， having its root in the st rongest passions of the human mind. It exists u nder different shapes in all governments， mo re or less stifled， controlled， or repressed； but， in those of the popular form， it is seen in its greatest rankness， and is truly their wo rst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another， sharpened by the spirit of revenge， natural to party dissension， wh ich in different ages and countries has perpetra ted the most horrid enormities， is itself a frig htful despotism. But this leads at length to a m ore formal and permanent despotism. The diso rders and miseries， which result， gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and r epose in the absolute power of an individual；and sooner or later the chief of some prevailin g faction， more able or more fortunate than h is competitors， turns this disposition to the p urposes of his own elevation， on the ruins of Public Liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind， (which neverthele ss ought not to be entirely out of sight，) the c ommon and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrai n it. It serves always to distract the Public Councils， and enfeeble the Public Administr ation. It agitates the Community with ill-found ed jealousies and false alarms； kindles the an imosity of one part against another， foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption， whi ch find a facilitated access to the government i tself through the channels of party passions. T hus the policy and the will of one country are s ubjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion， that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government， and serve to keep alive t he spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits i s probably true； and in Governments of a Mo narchical cast， Patriotism may look with ind ulgence， if not with favor， upon the spirit o f party. But in those of the popular character， in Governments purely elective， it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tende ncy， it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And， there being constant danger of excess， the ef fort ought to be， by force of public opinion ， to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be q uenched， it demands a uniform vigilance to p revent its bursting into a flame， lest， instea d of warming， it should consume. It is im portant， likewise， that the habits of thinkin g in a free country should inspire caution， in those intrusted with its administration， to con fine themselves within their respective constitu tional spheres， avoiding in the exercise of thepowers of one department to encroach upon a nother. The spirit of encroachment tends to co nsolidate the powers of all the departments in one， and thus to create， whatever the form of government， a real despotism. A just esti mate of that love of power， and proneness to abuse it， which predominates in the human h eart， is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of t his position. The necessity of reciprocal check s in the exercise of political power， by dividi ng and distributing it into different depositorie s， and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others，has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern； some of them in our country and un der our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If， in the opin ion of the people， the distribution or modific ation of the constitutional powers be in any par ticular wrong， let it be corrected by an amen dment in the way， which the constitution des ignates. But let there be no change by usurpation； for， though this， in one instance， ma y be the instrument of good， it is the customa ry weapon by which free governments are dest royed. The precedent must always greatly over balance in permanent evil any partial or transie nt benefit， which the use can at any time yiel d. Of all the dispositions and habits， whic h lead to political prosperity， Religion and M orality are indispensable supports. In vain wou ld that man claim the tribute of Patriotism， w ho should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness， these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politicia n， equally with the pious man， ought to res pect and to cherish them. A volume could not t race all their connexions with private and publi c felicity. Let it simply be asked， Where is th e security for property， for reputation， for li fe， if the sense of religious obligation desert t he oaths， which are the instruments of investi gation in Courts of Justice? And let us with ca ution indulge the supposition， that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined ed ucation on minds of peculiar structure， reaso n and experience both forbid us to expect， th at national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true ， that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule， indeed， e xtends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who， that is a sincere fr iend to it， can look with indifference upon att empts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?Promote， then， as an object of primary imp ortance， institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion，it is essential that public opinion should be enli ghtened. As a very important source of stre ngth and security， cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is， to use it as sparin gly as possible； avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace， but remembering als o that timely disbursements to prepare for dan ger frequently prevent much greater disbursem ents to repel it； avoiding likewise the accumu lation of debt， not only by shunning occasion s of expense， but by vigorous exertions in ti me of peace to discharge the debts， which un avoidable wars may have occasioned， not un generously throwing upon posterity the burthe n， which we ourselves ought to bear. The exe cution of these maxims belongs to your repres entatives， but it is necessary that public opini on should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty， it is essential that you should practically bear in mind， that tow ards the payment of debts there must be Reven ue； that to have Revenue there must be taxes ； that no taxes can be devised， which are no t more or less inconvenient and unpleasant； t hat the intrinsic embarrassment， inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties)， ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it ， and for a spirit of acquiescence in the meas ures for obtaining revenue， which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observ e good faith and justice towards all Nations；cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct； and can it be， that good policy does not equally enjoini t? It will be worthy of a free， enlightened， a nd， at no distant period， a great Nation， t o give to mankind the magnanimous and too n ovel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can dou bt， that， in the course of time and things，the fruits of such a plan would richly repay an y temporary advantages， which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be， that Providence has not connected the permanent f elicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experi ment， at least， is recommended by every se ntiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! isit rendered impossible by its vices ? In the execution of such a plan， nothing is more es sential， than that permanent， inveterate anti pathies against particular Nations， and passio nate attachments for others， should be exclud ed； and that， in place of them， just and a micable feelings towards all should be cultivat ed. The Nation， which indulges towards anot her an habitual hatred， or an habitual fondnes s， is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection， either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and i ts interest. Antipathy in one nation against ano ther disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury， to lay hold of slight causes of um brage， and to be haughty and intractable， w hen accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions， obstinate， envenomed， and bloody contests. The Natio n， prompted by ill-will and resentment， so metimes impels to war the Government， cont rary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity， and adopts through passion what reason would reject； at other times， it mak es the animosity of the nation subservient to pr ojects of hostility instigated by pride， ambiti on， and other sinister and pernicious motives . The peace often， sometimes perhaps the lib erty， of Nations has been the victim. So li kewise， a passionate attachment of one Natio n for another produces a variety of evils. Symp athy for the favorite Nation， facilitating the il lusion of an imaginary common interest， in c ases where no real common interest exists， a nd infusing into one the enmities of the other ， betrays the former into a participation in th e quarrels and wars of the latter， without ade quate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privile ges denied to others， which is apt doubly to i njure the Nation making the concessions； by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained； and by exciting jealousy， ill-。

布什演讲稿第一篇：布什演讲稿presidential farewell address to the nation by george w. bushthank you. fellow citizens, for eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your president. the first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence, a time set apart.tonight, with a thankful heart, i have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey we have traveled together and the future of our nation.five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of american democracy. in a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidencywill pass to a successor chosen by you, the american people. standing on the steps of the capitol will be a man whose history reflects the enduring promise of our land.this is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation. and i join all americans in offering best wishes to president-elect obama, his wife, michelle, and their two beautiful girls.tonight, i am filled with gratitude to vice president cheney and members of the administration; to laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life; to our wonderful daughters, barbara and jenna; to my parents, whose examples have provided strength for a lifetime.and above all, i thank the american people for the trust you have given me. i thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits. and i thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity and grace that i have witnessed these past eight years.this evening, my thoughts return to the first night i addressed you from this house, september 11, 2014. that morning, terrorists tooknearly 3,000 lives in the worst attack on america since pearl harbor.i remember standing in the rubble of the world trade center three days later, surrounded by rescuers who had been working around the clock.i remember talking to brave souls who charged through smoke- filled corridors at the pentagon and to husbands and wives whose loved ones became heroes aboard flight 93中文翻译：各位同胞：在过去的八年间作为你们的总统，是我的荣幸。

奥巴马国会告别演讲稿英文Ladies and gentlemen,。

It's been a long and eventful journey, but as my time as President comes to an end, I stand before you today to bid farewell to the United States Congress and the American people. It has been the honor of a lifetime to serve as the 44th President of this great nation, and I am grateful for the trust and support that you have given me over the past eight years.When I first took office, our country was facing one of the greatest economic crises in history. The financial system was on the brink of collapse, millions of Americans were losing their homes, and the unemployment rate was soaring. But through hard work and determination, we were able to turn the tide and set our nation on a path to recovery. Today, our economy is stronger than ever, with over 15 million new jobs created and the unemployment rate cut in half.But our accomplishments go beyond just economic recovery. We have made great strides in healthcare, with the passage of the Affordable Care Act, which has provided millions of Americans with access to affordable, quality healthcare. We have also taken significant steps in the fight against climate change, with the historic Paris Agreement and the Clean Power Plan. And we have worked tirelessly to promote equality and justice for all, regardless of race, religion, gender, or sexual orientation.Of course, our work is far from finished. There are still many challenges facing our nation, from the threat of terrorism to the need for comprehensive immigration reform. But I am confident that, with the same spirit of unity and determination that has brought us this far, we will continue to make progress and build a better future for our children and grandchildren.As I reflect on my time in office, I am reminded of the words of President Abraham Lincoln, who once said, "The best way to predict your future is to create it." Together, we have created a future that is brighter and more hopeful than ever before. And as I prepareto pass the baton to my successor, I am filled with optimism and confidence in the resilience and strength of the American people.In closing, I want to express my deepest gratitude to all of you for your support and dedication. It has been the privilege of my life to serve as your President, and I will carry the memories and lessons of these past eight years with me always. Thank you, and may God bless the United States of America.。

特拉斯告别演讲英文版Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed guests, and fellow citizens,。

Today, I stand before you to bid farewell. As my time in office comes to an end, I am filled with a mix of emotions gratitude, nostalgia, and a sense of accomplishment. It has been an honor and privilege to serve as your leader for the past years.During my tenure, we have faced numerous challenges and overcome them together. We have witnessed moments of triumph and moments of despair. But through it all, we have remained resilient and united. Together, we have achieved remarkable progress and made significant strides towards a better future.First and foremost, I want to express my deepest gratitude to the citizens of this great nation. Your unwavering support and trust in me have been the drivingforce behind our accomplishments. It is your resilience, determination, and unwavering spirit that have propelled us forward, even in the face of adversity.I also want to acknowledge the hard work and dedication of my colleagues in government. Together, we have tackled complex issues, implemented necessary reforms, and worked tirelessly to improve the lives of our citizens. It is through our collective efforts that we have been able to achieve meaningful change and make a positive impact on society.As I reflect on our journey, I am proud of the progress we have made in various sectors. Our economy has grown steadily, creating new opportunities and improving the standard of living for our citizens. We have invested in education, healthcare, and infrastructure, laying a solid foundation for future generations. We have also prioritized environmental sustainability, taking steps to protect our planet and mitigate the effects of climate change.However, we must acknowledge that there is still workto be done. Challenges lie ahead, and it is crucial that we continue to work together to address them. We must strive for social equality, ensuring that every citizen has access to the same opportunities and rights. We must promote inclusivity and diversity, fostering a society that celebrates differences and embraces multiculturalism. And we must never lose sight of the importance of peace and diplomacy in a world that is increasingly interconnected.In conclusion, as I bid farewell, I want to express my heartfelt gratitude to each and every one of you. It has been an incredible journey, and I am proud of what we have accomplished together. I have full confidence in the future of our nation and its citizens. Let us continue to strive for progress, unity, and prosperity.Thank you, and may we all move forward with hope and determination.。

Clinton’s Farewell Speech同胞们，今晚是我最后一次作为你们的总统，在白宫椭圆形办公室向你们做最后一次演讲。

My fellow citizens, tonight is my last opportunity to speak to you from the Oval Office as your president.这是一个激烈变革的年代，你们为迎接新的挑战已经做好了准备。

This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to是你们让我们的社会结构更加牢固，我们的家人更加健康安全，我们的人民更加富裕every challenge. Y ou have made our social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, and our people more prosperous.同胞们，我们已经进入了全球信息化的时代，这是美国复兴的伟大时代。

Y ou, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal.我们在一起使美国变得更加美好。

美国的经济正在突破一个又一个的记录，向前发展。

我们已创造了2200万个新的工作岗位，失业率是30年最低的，老百姓的住房自有率达到一个空前的高度，我们经济繁荣的持续时间是历史上最长的。

Working together, America has done well. Our economy is breaking records, with more than 22 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in30 years, the highest home ownership ever, the longest expansion in history.我们的家庭、我们的社会变得日益强大。

乔治·华盛顿离职演说（中英文）乔治·华盛顿是美国独立战争时期的武装部队总司令，并任一七八七年制宪会议主席，经一致推选，出任新国家第一任总统，并于一七九二年再度当选连任。

毫无疑问，华盛顿本来可以终身担任总统，因为没有别人比他更受人民敬仰与尊重了。

但是，他认为担任两届总统已经足够，他从第二任总统职位退休时，准备了这篇告别辞，于一七九六年九月十七日向美国人民发布。

告别辞对党争与派系倾轧的警告；对外国影响或卷入国外纠纷的警告；在公共事务方面对道德与忠诚精神的呼吁，都是忠告与诫言，对美国历史影响深远，实非华盛顿自己始料所及。

各位朋友和同胞：我们重新选举一位公民来主持美国政府的行政工作，已为期不远。

此时此刻，大家必须运用思想来考虑这一重任付托给谁。

因此，我觉得我现在应当向大家声明，尤其因为这样做有助于使公众意见获得更为明确的表达，那就是我已下定决心，谢绝将我列为候选人。

关于我最初负起这个艰巨职责时的感想，我已经在适当的场合说过了。

现在辞掉这一职责时，我要说的仅仅是，我已诚心诚意地为这个政府的组织和行政，贡献了我这个判断力不足的人的最大力量。

就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的经历更使我缺乏自信，这在别人看来，恐怕更是如此。

年事日增，使我越来越认为，退休是必要的，而且是会受欢迎的。

我确信，如果有任何情况促使我的服务具有特别价值，那种情况也只是暂时的；所以我相信，按照我的选择并经慎重考虑，我应当退出政坛，而且，爱国心也容许我这样做，这是我引以为慰的。

讲到这里，我似乎应当结束讲话。

但我对你们幸福的关切，虽于九泉之下也难以割舍。

由于关切，自然对威胁你们幸福的危险忧心忡忡。

这种心情，促使我在今天这样的场合，提出一些看法供你们严肃思考，并建议你们经常重温。

这是我深思熟虑和仔细观察的结论，而且在我看来，对整个民族的永久幸福有着十分重要的意义。

你们的心弦与自由息息相扣，因此用不着我来增强或坚定你们对自由的热爱。

本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲 Farewell Addressto CongressMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reachquite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say assolely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoplesof Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their owndistinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orientits policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonialera is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignityof equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standardof life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastationleft in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asianthinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for isthe opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out throughHawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatoryforce intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shiftedto embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by usand our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore --with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency,that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.。

奥巴马告别演讲英文全文当地时间1月10日，奥巴马在芝加哥麦克米克会展中心(McCormick Place)作了告别演讲。

我们不妨来看看奥巴马告别演讲英文全文吧，以下是小编精心整理的相关内容，希望对大家有所帮助!奥巴马告别演讲英文全文It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power offaith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea our bold experiment in self-government.It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny,pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish,Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions onthe evidence that’s out there.This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil,doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.It’s that spirit a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but onprinciples the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.That order is now being challenged first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For thefight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.Which brings me to my final point our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics,and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawningof every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with onein real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed.Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care forrefugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in XX, in XX, in XX and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.You’re not the only ones. Michelle for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden ofyears in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.To my remarkable staff: For eight years and for some of you, a whole lot more I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.And to all of you out there every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, everyyoung person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans especially so many young people out there to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will beright there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change but in yours.I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:Yes We Can.Yes We Did.Yes We Can.Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.。

克林顿告别演说[中英对照]Iamprofoundlygratefultoyoufortwicegivingmethehono rtoserve,toworkforyouandwithyoutoprepareournation forthe21stcentury.AndI'mgratefultoVicePresidentGo re,tomyCabinetsecretaries,andtoallthosewhohaveser vedwithmeforthelasteightyears.同胞们，今晚是我最后一次作为你们的总统，在白宫椭圆形办公室向你们做最后一次演讲。

我从心底深处感谢你们给了我两次机会和荣誉，为你们服务，为你们工作，和你们一起为我们的国家进入21世纪做准备。

这里，我要感谢戈尔副总统，我的内阁部长们以及所有伴我度过过去8年的同事们。

Thishasbeenatimeofdramatictraformation,andyouhave risentoeverynewchallenge.Youhavemadeoursocialfabr icstronger,ourfamilieshealthierandsafer,ourpeople moreproerous.You,theAmericanpeople,havemadeourpaageintotheglob alinformationageaneraofgreatAmericanrenewal.现在是一个极具变革的年代，你们为迎接新的挑战已经做好了准备。

是你们使我们的社会更加强大，我们的家庭更加健康和安全，我们的人民更加富裕。

同胞们，我们已经进入了全球信息化时代，这是美国复兴的伟大时代。

InalltheworkIhavedoneaspresident,everydecisionIha vemade,everyexecutiveactionIhavetaken,everybillIh aveproposedandsigned,I'vetriedtogiveallAmericathe toolsandconditiotobuildthefutureofourdreams,inago odsociety,withastrongeconomy,acleanerenvironment, andafreer,safer,moreproerousworld.作为总统，我所做的一切---每一个决定，每一个行政命令，提议和签署的每一项法令，都是在努力为美国人民提供工具和创造条件，来实现美国的梦想，建设美国的未来---一个美好的社会，繁荣的经济，清洁的环境，进而实现一个更自由、更安全、更繁荣的世界。

麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲 Farewell Address to Congressmr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress:i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow american.i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater expression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the communist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction ofevery other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.in this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- thedignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the littoral line of the americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, fromvladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.*any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort.* no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this littoral defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. for that reason, i have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under communist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinesecharacter and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang kai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.i have from the beginning believed that the chinese communists' support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only inkorea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war'sterrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as i said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.such decisions have not been forthcoming.while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this newenemy as we had defeated the old.apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china's coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were inbalance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:men since the beginning of time have sought peace. various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. from the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. the utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. we have had our last chance. if we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, armageddon will be at our door. the problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and culturaldevelopments of the past XX years. it must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.war's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.in war there is no substitute for victory.there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" i could not answer.some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither explanation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. themagnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description.they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: "don't scuttle the pacific!"i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have met all tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.good bye.。