心理学导论 英文

Introduction to Psychology: Lecture 11 Transcript February 21, 2007 << backProfessor Paul Bloom: On Monday we--I presented an introduction to evolutionary psychology, the looking at psychology from an evolutionary perspective, and trying to make a case and give some examples of how it can help illuminate and illustrate certain aspects of how the mind works. One of the advantages of an evolutionary perspective on the mind is that it forces us to look scientifically at what we would otherwise take for granted. There are a lot of aspects of how we are and what we are and what we do that seem so natural to us. They come so instinctively and easily it's difficult, and sort of unnatural, to step back and explore them scientifically but ifwe're going to be scientists and look at the mind from a scientific perspective we have to get a sort of distance from ourselves and ask questions that other people would not normally think to ask. And the clearest case of this arises with the emotions. And as a starting point there's a lovely quote from the psychologist and philosopher William James that I want to begin with. So, he writes:To the psychologist alone can such questions occur as: Why do wesmile when pleased and not scowl? Why are we unable to talk to acrowd as we talk to a single friend? Why does a particular maiden turnour wits upside down? The common man--[None of you are thecommon man.] The common man can only say, "Of course we smile.Of course our heart palpitates at the sight of the crowd. Of course welove the maiden. And so probably does each animal feel about theparticular things it tends to do in the presence of certain objects. To thelion it is the lioness which is made to be loved; to the bear the she-bear.To the broody hen, the notion would probably seem monstrous thatthere should be a creature in the world to whom a nestful of eggs wasnot utterly fascinating and precious and never to be too-much-sat-uponobject which it is to her.Now, there's a few things to note about this passage. First, it's incredibly sexist. It assumes not just merely in reflexive use of phrases. It assumes that--William James assumes he's talking to males, male humans who sometimes take the perspective of male bears. And so, it assumes a male audience. You wouldn't normally--You wouldn't actually ever write this way. A second point is it's beautifully written and you're not--;also, not allowed to write that way anymore either. It's poetic and lyrical and if--William James characteristically writes that way. I think he writes so much better than his brother, Henry James, an obscure novelist. [laughter] Finally though, the point that he makes is a terrific one, which is yes, all of these things seem natural to us but the reason why they seem natural is not because they are in some sense necessary or logical truths. Rather, they emerge from contingent aspects of our biological nature.And so we need to step back. We actually--We need to step back and ask questions like--and these are questions we're going to ask--Why does poop smell bad? Avoid the temptation to say, "Well, poop smells bad because it's so stinky." The stinkiness ofpoop is not an irreducible fact about the universe. Rather, the stinkiness of poop is a fact about human psychology. To a dung beetle poop smells just fine. Why does chocolate taste good? Well, chocolate--The good tastiness of chocolate isn't some necessary fact about the world. It's a fact about our minds that doesn't hold true for many other creatures. And so, we have to step back and ask why to us do we find chocolate appealing?Why do we love our children? Don't say they're lovable. Many of them are not [laughter] and, as William James points out, every animal, most animals, many animals love their children. They think their children are precious and wonderful. Why? Why do we get angry when people hit us? Suppose somebody walked up to you and slapped you in the face? You'd be afraid. You'd be angry. Would you get sleepy, feel nostalgic, suddenly desire some cold soup? [laughter] No. Those are stupid alternatives. Of course if somebody slapped us you would--we would get angry or afraid. Why? Why do we feel good when someone does us a favor? Why don't we feel angry? Why don't we feel fearful? What we're going to do throughout this course is step back and ask these questions. We're going to ask questions nobody would have otherwise thought to ask, where the common man wouldn't address, and this is, of course, standard in all sciences.The first step to insight is to ask questions like why do things fall down and not up? And I imagine the first person who articulated the question aloud probably met with the response saying, "What a stupid question. Of course things fall down." Well, yes, of course things fall down, but why? Why is our flesh warm? Why does water turn solid when it gets cold? These are natural facts about the universe, but the naturalness needs to be explained and not merely assumed. In this class we're going to explore, throughout the course, what seems natural to us and try to make sense of it. And to that end we have to ask questions that you wouldn't normally ask. We've already done this to some extent with domains such as visual perception, memory, language and rationality, but now we're going to move to the case where it's maybe even somewhat more difficult to do this. Now, we're going to start dealing with the emotions. We're going to talk about the emotions, why they exist, what they're there for, and how they work.I want to start off with the wrong theory of the emotions. And the wrong theory of the emotions is beautifully illustrated in the television and movie series Star Trek. In this alternative fantasy world, there are characters, Mr. Spock in the original Star Trek, Data in one of the spin-offs, who are described as competent, capable, in fact in many ways, super competent and super capable people. But they're described as not having emotions. Spock is described as not having emotions because he's half Vulcan, from a planet where they lack emotions. Data is an android who is said to lack an emotion chip.This lack of emotions on this--on a TV series does not hurt them much. They're able to fully function. And in fact, in a TV series emotions are often seen as a detriment. You do better off without them. And there are many people in sort of common sense who might think "Gee, if only I could just use my rationality, think reasonably and rationally and not let my emotions guide my behavior I'd be much better off." It turns out that this is a notion of how to think about the emotions that is deeply wrong. And in fact, makes no sense at all.Using the example of Star Trek, Steven Pinker, in his book How the Mind Works, nicely illustrates the problem here. He writes, "Spock must have been driven by some motives or goals. Something must have led him to explore strange new worlds, to seek out new civilizations and to boldly go where no man had gone before." Presumably, it was intellectual curiosity that set him to drive and solve problems. It was solidarity with his allies that led him to be such a competent and brave officer. What would he have done if attacked by a predator or an invading Klingon? Did he do a handstand, solve the four-color map theorem? Presumably, a part of his brain quickly mobilized his faculties to scope out how to flee and how to take steps to avoid a vulnerable predicament in the future. That is, he had fear. Spock did not walk around naked around the ship. Presumably, he felt modesty. He got out of bed. Presumably, he had some ambitions and drive. He engaged in conversations. Presumably, he had some sociable interests.Without emotions to drive us we would do nothing at all. And you could illustrate this scientifically. Creatures like Spock and Data don't exist in the real world but there are unusual and unfortunate cases where people lose, to some extent or another, their emotions. And you could look at these people and see what happens to them. The classic case, the most famous case, is that of a man called Phineas Gage. Phineas Gage is the classic Intro Psych example – an extremely poor guy, poor schmuck.In 1848--He was a construction foreman. In 1848 he was working at a site with explosives and iron rods. And due to an explosion, an iron rod passed through his head like so. Imagine that rod shooting upwards. It went under his eye and popped out the top of his head. It landed about one hundred feet away covered with blood and brains. The rod itself weighed thirteen pounds. Amazingly, Gage was not killed. In fact, he was knocked unconscious only for a short period and then he got up and his friends surrounded him and asked, "Are you okay?" And they--And then they took him to the hospital. On the way to the hospital, they stopped by a tavern and he had a little pint of cider to drink, sat down and talked to people. And then he had an infection, had to have surgery. But when it was all said and done he wasn't blind, he wasn't deaf, didn't lose language, didn't become aphasic, no paralysis, no retardation. In some sense, what happened was much worse. He lost his character.Here's a description at the time of what Gage was like. And this is from Damasio's excellent book Descartes' Error:He used to be a really responsible guy, a family man, very reliable,very trustworthy. But after the accident he was fitful, irreverent,indulging at times in the grossest profanity, manifesting but littledeference for his fellows, impatient of restraint or advice, a child in hisintellectual capacities and manifestations. He had the animal pleasuresof a strong man. His foul language is so debased that women areadvised not to stay long in his presence.And he couldn't hold a job. He lost his family, couldn't hold a job. He ended up in the circus. He was in the circus going around the country with his big iron rod telling everybody the story as they surrounded him and clapped. There are other cases like Phineas Gage, cases where people have had damage to that same part of the brain,parts of the frontal cortex. And what they've lost is they basically lost a good part of their emotions. And what this means is they don't really care that much about things. They can't prioritize.Damasio tells a case of one of his patients who was under the pseudonym here of Elliot. And Elliot had a tumor in his frontal lobe. And the tumor had to be removed and with it came a lot of Elliot's frontal lobe. And again, as a result of this, Elliot was not struck blind or deaf or retarded, and he didn't become the sort of profane character that Phineas Gage became, but he lost the ability to prioritize. He lost the ability to set goals. Damasio describes him here:At his job at an activity he would read and fully understand thesignificance of the material [He works in an office.] but the problemwas he was likely, all of a sudden, to turn from the task he had initiatedto doing something else and spending an entire day doing that. Hemight spend an entire afternoon deliberating on which principle ofcategorization he should apply to files. Should it be the date or the sizeof the document, pertinence to the case or another?He couldn't set his goals. He couldn't--He ended up not being able to keep a job, not being able to deal with people. And these are not men who have lost their emotions. There is no case around where you could have your emotions entirely blotted out. But they lost a large part of their emotional capacity and as a result, their rationality failed. Emotions set goals and establish priorities. And without them you wouldn't do anything, you couldn't do anything. Your desire to come to class to study, to go out with friends, to read a book, to raise a family, to be--to do anything are priorities set by your emotions. Life would be impossible without those emotions. And so, there's certain themes we're going to explore here. The first is this, that emotions are basically mechanisms that set goals and priorities and we're going to talk a lot about--in this class and the next class about universals. We're also going to talk about culture. It turns out that cultures, different cultures, including differences between America and Japan and the American South and the American North, have somewhat different emotional triggers and emotional baselines to respond to. But at the same time, as Darwin well knew, emotions have universal roots that are shared across all humans and across many animals.So, the agenda for this class and the next class is going to go like this. First, I want to talk a little bit about facial expressions, which are ways in which we communicate our emotions – not the only way, but an important way – and look, in particular, at the case of smiling because it's kind of interesting. Then I want to look at one case study of a nonsocial emotion, that of fear. I want to then deal with feelings towards our kin, people we're genetically related to, and then--and this will take us to the next class, feelings towards non kin.So first, faces. And as an introduction to faces I have a brief film clip from Paul Ekman, who is one of the world's great scholars in the study of facial expressions. [clip playing]In Ekman's work, he presents us with instructions on how to make different faces and identify faces. Ekman actually has a sort of more practical career along with his scientific career. He trains police and secret service members to try to figure out cues to honesty and dishonesty. There's a very interesting New Yorker profile on him by Malcolm Gladwell a few years ago, something you might be interested in. But let's do one of his faces.Please lower your brows and draw them together. That means even those who aren't making eye contact with me now. Tense your lower and upper eyelids. Don't pop out contact lenses but just tense them. Stare. Your eyes can bulge somewhat. [laughter] Okay. Now, the last part is important. Press your lips together with the corners straight or down. That's good. You got it. [laughter] Okay. Just because you are not making eye contact with me doesn't mean I can't see you. Okay. [laughter] Well, what you're looking like presumably is this [referring to a slide]. And what face is that? What emotion does that correspond to? Anger.There's all sorts of databases of different faces from around. This guy--I don't know who he is but he seems to be on a lot of these things [laughter] but the thing is you don't need to rely on him. You don't need to rely on Western faces. Even if you go on line there's, by now, a lot of databases from faces from all sorts of genders and national origins. This is from a Japanese women facial expressions. And there are some subtle and very interesting differences across countries and across people, but there's also deep universals. You don't have to work very hard to figure out what these different facial expressions mean.I want to give one more face example because I want to focus on this a little bit. This one's a little bit easier. Raise the corners of your lips back and up, please. [laughter] Raise your cheeks. Raise your lower eyelids if you can. [laughter] They're smiling. You're smiling. You can stop [laughter] smiling. Yale is actually really big on smiling. We have two of the world's experts on smiling. This is Angus Trumble, the curator at the British Art Gallery who wrote this wonderful book, A Brief History of the Smile looking at the smile in art. And this is my colleague, Marianne LaFrance, who is actually not smiling in that picture but she studies smiling and smiling in adults, smiling in children, smiling across cultures, and the different social uses of smiling. And there are some interesting discoveries people have made about smiles and about smiles and the emotions.One--Oh. Well, one is that smiles are universal. We know, for instance, that young children smile. This is my son, Zachary, when he was younger, not that weird-looking kid [laughs] next to him. [laughter] Thank God. [laughter] And even blind children, children blind from birth, will smile. They'll smile appropriately, making an important point that smiling is not learned by looking at other people's faces.Smiling is also not uniquely human. Nonhuman primates smile as well. Smiles are social signals. You might imagine that people smile when they're happy. This is actually not the case. It's not as simple as that. Rather, people smile when they wish to communicate happiness and we know that from several studies. There are some studies of bowlers and the studies are very nice. What they do is they film bowlers. So, the bowlers do their bowling and sometimes they knock down all the pins, which is called a what? A strike. So a strike--and that's good in the bowling world. So, theyknock down all the pins but what they don't do, is they don't smile after they knock down the pins. They are being filmed. They don't smile. Then they turn around to their friends and give a big grin.Other studies have looked at films of people who have just won Olympic gold medals. Now, not surprisingly, people who have won Olympic gold medals are very happy. This is good news to win an Olympic gold medal. But they don't actually stand on the podium grinning. Rather, they stand there with their faces in a normal expression. Then when they stand up and face the crowds, there's a big smile. You can ask yourself whether during sex, an activity where many people enjoy, whether or not people smile during sex. And you can discover this yourself with [laughter] a partner or a mirror. [laughter]So, there are other things we know about smiles. There are different types of smiles. There are actually quite a few different types of smiles that are different in interesting ways. This is Paul Ekman again. Which one's a better smile? Who votes for the oneon the right? Who votes for the one on the left? There are two different sorts of smiles. The one on the right is a smile of greeting. It's sometimes known as a "Pan Am" smile. Pan Am is a now defunct airline which had at that time--They were--They don't call them stewardesses anymore but they're--the stewardesses would come in and they would smile. That was part of their job. But it was a big, fake smile, the Pan Am smile, a smile to communicate "hello" and--but it's as opposed to a smile where the communication is that of genuine happiness. The difference is around the eyes. It's not the mouth. It's the eyes.A real happiness smile, what's known as a Duchenne smile, after a neurophysiologist who studied it, involves moving the eyes. What's interesting is about only one out of every ten people can fake a Duchenne smile. So, if you smile at somebody, and you just hate their guts but you want to smile at them, it's--unless you're quite gifted it's difficult to fake a really good, really happy smile.You could--It's not difficult to study smiles in the real world. You could look at politicians, for instance. Politicians are often in contexts where they have to smile a lot. And what they do is they simply give the Pan Am smile. The mouth moves up, particularly if somebody is attacking their record or ridiculing them, and they'll smile and--but it's not a sincere smile. The eyes don't move.My favorite example of this was a few years ago when there was a huge battle for the House majority leader. And a guy named--a Republican named John Boehner won this position in quite a heated battle. And they took a picture of the guy--This is not very nice. They took a picture of the guy, Roy Blunt, as he stepped out. And he had lost and this was his expression. [laughter] And he's not really very happy [laughter] as opposed to a smile like this, which is a real smile.So, you have two sorts of smiles: A real happiness smile [or] a Duchenne smile--called--also known as the Duchenne smile, and then a Pan Am smile, or greeting smile. And you'll use each of those smiles at different points in your day and in your life. It turns out that these different smiles have real psychological validity. They seem to sort of reflect deep differences in your mood and emotions and thoughts. Ten-month-olds, for instance, give different sorts of smiles. When their mother approachesthere they give a real happiness smile. Then when a stranger approaches or someone else approaches there they'll tend to give more of a greeting smile.John Gottman studied married couples. And John Gottman does a lot of work--Well, what he does is he looks at film clips of couples. And by analyzing the film clips he tries to predict will their marriages survive. And one of his cues--There's different cues. Incidentally, sort of side topic: The death knell for a marriage for Gottman--This is his big finding. It's not if they fight a lot. It's not they scream at each other. It's not even if they hate each other. The death knell of a marriage is contempt. And so, if he shows these clips: I walk in, "Honey, I'm home," and my spouse has the look of contempt, it's a bad sign. [laughter] But another clue is the sort of smiles they give when they see each other when they walk into the lab. If it's a true happiness smile, that's actually bodes better for the relationship than a Pan Am, or greeting smile. Finally, studies have been done of college yearbook photos looking at people thirty years later. And it turns out that there's a correlation, a reliable relationship between how happy somebody is now and back thirty years ago in their yearbook photo--what sort of smile they're giving.There is some evidence for a third sort of smile. This is known as a coy smile or an appeasement smile. This is sort of a very specialized sort of smile. This is a smile of embarrassment or stress. You give it when you want people to like you, you want to join in; you want to make people feel positive about you. But you're in, sort of, a high-stress situation often with some sort of risk. And what you do is you sort of you turn away. There's no eye contact. You turn away and kind of give this-- [demonstrating by tilting his head to the side]And this actually shows up in other primates. Here's a nice picture. [laughter] So, the rhesus monkey bites her own infant, and the infant gives a scream and then the submissive, coy smile. And it also shows up in human infants. Here's a nice clip of a coy baby smile. I'll walk you through it. The baby is being approached, [laughter] goes like this [with locked-gaze the brows raise and a smile starts], smiles like this [smile widens and head turns up a left], and then the aversion [smile widens and head is further averted]. Yeah. Babies are cute. [laughter] Any questions at this point about smiling? What are your smiling questions? [laughter] Yeah.Student: Do nonhuman primates' smiles [inaudible]Professor Paul Bloom: That's a good question. I don't know. There's evidence that the coy smile shows up in non--The question was, "Do nonhuman primates give the same smiles that humans do?" such as a distinction between the Pan Am smile, a greeting smile, versus a genuine smile of happiness? I don't know. I'll find out for you for next class though. That's a good question. Yeah.Student: How come some people's smiles are better than other people's smiles? Professor Paul Bloom: How come some people's smiles are better than other people's smiles? The non-interesting psychological answer, some people are better looking and there's more thing-- [laughter] but the deeper answer is some people arebetter able to smile. Some people are better able to use the cues to express true happiness.There's something else about smiles which is going to come up, which your question raises, I think, which is going to come up in--when we talk about emotional contagion and actually, some issues of morality. Smiles are extremely contagious. So, what I'd like people to do--If you're sitting next to somebody, please turn around and find someone next to you and look at them. Don't do anything. Just look at them. Whoever is being looked at, look back. [laughter] This is not-- [laughter] Please arbitrarily decide. Okay. Please arbitrarily decide on the smiler. That will be--No, not at me, at each other, [laughter] and that will be the person--If you are unable to resolve this dispute--yes, you two, please--if you are unable to resolve this dispute, the person to the right of me will be the smiler. So, look at each other expressionless. [laughter] Now, the person who is the mandated smiler, [laughter] on three, please smile. One, two, three. [laughter] Okay. [laughter]Worst class demo ever [laughter] but if one could imagine more restrained circumstances, it is actually extremely difficult to be facing somebody who's really smiling at you and not smile. This is true, by the way, for virtually every other emotion. The phenomena is known as "emotional contagion," where if you're facing somebody, for instance, and they're--they look at you in a face of absolute rage, it is very difficult to just sit there without your own face molding in accord to their own. And the reasons why this happens and how that works is something we'll talk about later on. So that's--One more question. Yes.Student: [inaudible]Professor Paul Bloom: I don't know if that's--The question is, "Is there a difference between smiling with your teeth versus just your lips closed?" There probably is. That's not a main smile difference but my bet is that there probably is a difference. And my bet also is that that sort of distinction, how much teeth you show when you smile, is the sort of thing that would show regional and country by country differences. For instance, there's been research finding that people in England smile different from people in the United States. And I think that those are the sort of contrasts that you would expect to find in cross-cultural differences. Every culture is going to have Pan Am smiles, happiness smiles, coy smiles, but the variation of that sort is something which will vary as a result of how you're raised and the people around you.I want to deal with a few emotions in this class and next and the first case study of an emotion I want to deal with is the emotion of fear. And I want to deal with fear for different reasons. One reason is it's a basic emotion, it's universal. All humans have it. Many nonhumans, probably most nonhuman, species have it too. And it also brings us back to the lecture on behaviorism where we talked about classical conditioning and different theories of what people are afraid of. It's a nonsocial emotion. What I mean by this is it's possible, of course, to be afraid of a person, but unlike an emotion like gratitude, it's not intrinsically social. You could be afraid of falling off a cliff or something. It has a distinctive facial expression again.This is a famous picture of Lee Harvey Oswald who was being assassinated by Jack Ruby. And this is the detective's face standing there, a mixture of fear and anger。

耶鲁心理学导论07中英文Here is an essay on the topic "Introduction to Yale Psychology 07" with a word count exceeding 1000 words, written in English without any additional punctuation marks in the body of the text.The field of psychology has long been a subject of fascination and exploration, with researchers delving into the intricacies of the human mind and behavior. One such area of study that has garnered significant attention is the work of the renowned Yale University, particularly its contributions to the understanding of human cognition and decision-making. In this essay, we will explore the "Introduction to Yale Psychology 07," a comprehensive exploration of the university's groundbreaking research and its implications for our understanding of the human psyche.At the heart of the Yale Psychology 07 curriculum lies a deep dive into the mechanisms that govern our thought processes and decision-making. The program delves into the complex interplay between our conscious and subconscious minds, examining how various cognitive biases and heuristics shape our perceptions and choices. Through a rigorous examination of experimental studies and real-world case studies, students are challenged to critically evaluatethe ways in which our brains process information and arrive at conclusions.One of the key areas of focus within the Yale Psychology 07 curriculum is the concept of decision-making under uncertainty. In a world where we are constantly bombarded with information and faced with complex choices, the ability to navigate ambiguity and make sound decisions becomes increasingly crucial. The program explores the various cognitive strategies and biases that come into play when individuals are tasked with making decisions in the face of incomplete or conflicting information.For instance, the program examines the phenomenon of the "anchoring effect," whereby individuals tend to rely heavily on the first piece of information they encounter when making judgments or decisions. This bias can have significant implications in a variety of contexts, from financial investments to legal proceedings. By understanding the underlying cognitive processes that contribute to this effect, students are better equipped to recognize and mitigate its influence in their own decision-making.Another crucial aspect of the Yale Psychology 07 curriculum is the exploration of the role of emotions in shaping our behavior and decision-making. Emotions, long considered the antithesis of rationality, are now recognized as integral components of the humancognitive landscape. The program delves into the ways in which our emotional responses can both enhance and hinder our ability to make sound choices, and how the interplay between cognition and emotion can lead to complex and sometimes counterintuitive outcomes.For example, the program examines the concept of "affective forecasting," the process by which individuals predict their future emotional reactions to events or outcomes. Research has shown that people often struggle to accurately anticipate the intensity and duration of their emotional responses, leading to suboptimal decision-making. By understanding the mechanisms behind affective forecasting, students can develop strategies to better account for the emotional dimension of their choices.The Yale Psychology 07 curriculum also delves into the realm of social cognition, exploring how our perceptions and judgments are shaped by the social context in which we operate. From the influence of group dynamics to the impact of cultural norms, the program examines how our cognitive processes are inextricably linked to the social world around us.One particularly fascinating area of study within this domain is the concept of "heuristics and biases." These mental shortcuts that we employ to navigate the complexities of social interaction can oftenlead to systematic errors in judgment and decision-making. The program explores how these biases can manifest in areas such as stereotyping, in-group favoritism, and the attribution of causality.By understanding the underlying cognitive mechanisms that drive these biases, students are better equipped to recognize and mitigate their influence in their own lives and in the broader social context. This knowledge can have profound implications for fields ranging from organizational management to public policy, where the ability to make unbiased decisions can have far-reaching consequences.Throughout the Yale Psychology 07 curriculum, students are challenged to apply the principles and insights they have gained to real-world scenarios. Through a combination of case studies, simulations, and hands-on research projects, they are encouraged to explore the practical applications of psychological theory and to develop innovative solutions to complex problems.One such example is the program's exploration of the role of psychology in the realm of behavioral economics. By understanding how cognitive biases and heuristics shape financial decision-making, students can contribute to the development of more effective financial products and policies that better account for the human element in economic behavior.Similarly, the program's focus on social cognition has implications for fields such as organizational management and human resources. By understanding how group dynamics and cultural norms influence employee behavior and decision-making, students can develop strategies to foster more inclusive and productive work environments.In conclusion, the "Introduction to Yale Psychology 07" curriculum represents a comprehensive and deeply insightful exploration of the human mind and its intricate workings. Through a rigorous examination of cognitive processes, emotional responses, and social influences, the program equips students with the knowledge and tools necessary to navigate the complex and ever-evolving landscape of human behavior. As the field of psychology continues to advance, the insights and methodologies developed at Yale University will undoubtedly continue to shape our understanding of the human experience and inform our efforts to create a more just, equitable, and fulfilling world.。

心理学导论Introduction to Psychology 08Perception & Attention & Memory感知、注意与记忆Basic sub-divisions of memory记忆的基本细分部分Storage differences 存储差异•LTM: virtually unlimited长时记忆简称"LTM" long-term memory，实际上是无限的（拥有巨大的储存能力，有如电脑硬盘。

记忆的储存容量肯定是有限的，因为大脑是有限的，但并没有人知道储存容量到底有多大）•STM: 短时记忆简称"STM" short-term memory，与LTM相比，短时记忆的储存容量实际上则非常有限，有如电脑中的内存。

念一组数字，实际上念完以后能记下来的有多少？如：14, 59, 11, 109, 43, 58, 98, 487, 25, 389, 54•George Miller: 7 +/- 2，认知心理学家乔治·米勒认为，短时记忆的标准记忆容量，是七正负二7 +/- 2 what? 七正负二乜7 +/- 2 chunks 七正负二个"组块"•L A M A I S O N•L A M A I S O N•L A M A I S O N 将一堆英文字母分块可以便于记忆-- expertise effects (e.g., Chess) 事物在记忆中的存储方式很大程度上取决于你对该事物的理解程度，这种不同会在专业知识的效果上表现出来。

例如国际象棋How to get information into LTM 如何从长时记忆中获取信息•Rehearsal not enough光复述是不够的•Need structure/organization 需要将信息结构化并进行组织1.Depth-of-processing 加工深度2. Mnemonics 记忆方法3. Understanding 理解Just try your best to remember the paragraph 让你尽力去记住更多的文章内容：This paragraph is about flying a kite：以下文章内容是关于放风筝的：A newspaper is better than a magazine. A sea shore is a better place than the street. At first it is better to run than to walk. You may have to try several times. It takes some skill but is easy to learn. Even young children can enjoy it. Once successful, complications are minimal. Birds seldom get too close. Rain, however, soaks in very fast. Too many people doing the same thing can also cause problems. One needs lots of room. If there are no complications it can be verypeaceful. A rock will serve as an anchor. If things break loose from it, however, you will not get a second chance.报纸比杂志好。

心理学专业英语总结——HXY随意传阅·顺颂试安注释：1.“*”在书上是黑体字，但感觉不重要背了也没什么卵用2.“”背景色项表示答案恰好有三项，可能出选择3. 人名已加黑，可能连线或选择4. 每章节的末尾有方便记忆的单词表（只包括这篇总结中出现的关键单词）5. 方便理解记忆，已在各项下方注明中文释义6.“,”大部分都是作为点之间的分割，类似于逗号，前后不连成句子Chapter 1——Perspectives in psychology 心理学纵览Section 1: Approaches to psychology 心理学入门●What is psychology? 心理学是什么Definitions: The scientific study of behaviour and mental processes.定义：对行为和心理过程的科学研究Psychology come from: ①philosophy, ②biology ③physics.心理学来源于：哲学、生物学和医学When: 1879 as a separate scientific discipline.形成于：1879年，作为独立学科History (develop): structuralism, functionalism, psychoanalysis, behaviourism, cognitive psychology, humanistic approach, biological approach.历史发展：结构主义，机能主义，精神分析，行为主义，认知，人本主义，生理。

●The psychoanalytic approach to psychology 精神分析理论Origins & history: Sigmund Freud, unconscious mental causes, treat as the causes of mental disorders, built up an theory.历史来源：弗洛伊德提出潜意识心理动机，把它视为心理疾病的原因，并建立理论。

Introduction to Psychology: Lecture 3 Transcript January 24, 2007 << backProfessor Paul Bloom: Okay. The last class we talked about the brain. Now we're going to talk a little bit about some foundations. So today and Monday we're going to talk about two very big ideas and these ideas are associated with Sigmund Freud and B. F. Skinner and are psychoanalysis and behaviorism. And I want to talk about psychoanalysis today and behaviorism next week.Now, one of these things--One of the things that makes these theories so interesting is their scope. Most of the work we're going to talk about in this class--Most of the ideas are narrow. So, we're going to talk about somebody's idea about racial prejudice but that's not a theory of language acquisition. We'll talk about theories of schizophrenia but they're not explanations of sexual attractiveness. Most theories are specialized theories but these two views are grand theories. They're theories of everything, encompassing just about everything that matters, day-to-day life, child development, mental illness, religion, war, love. Freud and Skinner had explanations of all of these.Now, this is not a history course. I have zero interest in describing historical figures in psychology just for the sake of telling you about the history of the field. What I want to tell you about though is--I want to talk about these ideas because so much rests on them and, even more importantly, a lot of these ideas have critical influence on how we think about the present. And that's there. [pointing at the slide]Now, for better or worse, we live in a world profoundly affected by Sigmund Freud. If I had to ask you to choose a--no, name a famous psychologist, the answer of most of you would be Freud. He's the most famous psychologist ever and he's had a profound influence on the twentieth and twenty-first century. Some biographical information: He was born in the 1850s. He spent most of his life in Vienna, Austria, but he died in London and he escaped to London soon after retreating there at the beginning of World War II as the Nazis began to occupy where he lived.He's one of the most famous scholars ever but he's not known for any single discovery. Instead, he's known for the development of an encompassing theory of mind, one that he developed over the span of many decades. He was in his time extremely well known, a celebrity recognized on the street, and throughout his life. He was a man of extraordinary energy and productivity, in part because he was a very serious cocaine addict, butalso just in general. He was just a high-energy sort of person. He was up for the Nobel Prize in medicine and in literature; didn't get either one of them; didn't get the prize in medicine because AlbertEinstein--Everybody loves Albert Einstein. Well, Albert Einstein really wrote a letter because they asked for opinions of other Nobel Prizes. He wrote a letter saying, "Don't give the prize to Freud. He doesn't deserve a Nobel Prize. He's just a psychologist." Well, yeah. Okay.While he's almost universally acclaimed as a profoundly important intellectual figure, he's also the object of considerable dislike. This is in part because of his character. He was not a very nice man in many ways. He was deeply ambitious to the cause of promoting psychoanalysis, to the cause of presenting his view and defending it, and he was often dishonest, extremely brutal to his friends, and terrible to his enemies. He was an interesting character.My favorite Freud story was as he was leaving Europe during the rise of the Nazis, as he was ready to go to England from, I think, either Germany or Austria, he had to sign a letter from the Gestapo. Gestapo agents intercepted him and demanded he sign a letter saying that at no point had he been threatened or harassed by the Gestapo. So he signs the letter and then he writes underneath it, "The Gestapo has not harmed me in any way. In fact, I highly recommend the Gestapo to everybody." It's--He had a certain aggression to him. He was also--He's also disliked, often hated, because of his views. He was seen as a sexual renegade out to destroy the conception of people as good and rational and pure beings. And when the Nazis rose to power in the 1930s he was identified as a Jew who was devoted to destroying the most sacred notions of Christianity and to many, to some extent, many people see him this way. And to some extent, this accusation has some truth to it.Freud made claims about people that many of us, maybe most of us, would rather not know. Well, okay. What did he say? Well, if you ask somebody who doesn't like Freud what he said, they'll describe some of the stupider things he said and, in fact, Freud said a lot of things, some of which were not very rational. For instance, he's well known for his account of phallic symbols, arguing certain architectural monuments are subconsciously developed as penile representations. And related to this, he developed the notorious theory of penis envy. And penis envy is an account of a developmental state that every one of you who is female has gone through, according to Freud. And the idea is that you discovered at some point in your development that you lacked a penis. This is not--This is a catastrophe. And so, each of you inferred at that point that you had been castrated. You had once had a penis but somebody had taken it from you. You then turn to your father and love your father because your fatherhas a penis, so he's a sort of penis substitute. You reject your mother, who's equally unworthy due to her penis lack, and that shapes your psychosexual development.Now, if that's the sort of thing you know about Freud, you are not going to have a very high opinion of him or of his work, but at the core of Freud's declamation, the more interesting ideas, is a set of claims of a man's intellectual importance. And the two main ones are this. The two main ones involve the existence of an unconscious, unconscious motivation, and the notion of unconscious dynamics or unconscious conflict which lead to mental illnesses, dreams, slips of the tongue and so on.The first idea 鈥� the idea of unconscious motivation 鈥� involvesrejecting the claim that you know what you're doing. So, suppose you fall in love with somebody and you decide you want to marry them and then somebody was asked to ask you why and you'd say something like, "Well, I'm ready to get married this stage of my life; I really love the person; the person is smart and attractive; I want to have kids" whatever. And maybe this is true. But a Freudian might say that even if this is yourhonest answer 鈥�you're not lying to anybody else 鈥搒till, there aredesires and motivations that govern your behavior that you may not be aware of. So, in fact, you might want to marry John because he reminds you of your father or because you want to get back at somebody for betraying you.If somebody was to tell you this, you'd say, "That's total nonsense," but that wouldn't deter a Freudian. The Freudian would say that these processes are unconscious so of course you just don't know what's happening. So, the radical idea here is you might not know what--why you do what you do and this is something we accept for things like visual perception. We accept that you look around the world and you get sensations and you figure out there is a car, there is a tree, there is a person. And you're just unconscious of how this happens but it's unpleasant and kind of frightening that this could happen, that this could apply to things like why you're now studying at Yale, why you feel the way you do towards your friends, towards your family.Now, the marriage case is extreme but Freud gives a lot of simpler examples where this sort of unconscious motivation might play a role. So, have you ever liked somebody or disliked them and not known why? Have you ever found yourself in a situation where you're doing something or you're arguing for something or making a decision for reasons that you can't fully articulate? Have you ever forgotten somebody's name at exactly the wrong time? Have you ever called out the wrong name in the throes of passion?This is all the Freudian unconscious. The idea is that we do these things--these things are explained in terms of cognitive systems that we're not aware of.Now, all of this would be fine if your unconscious was a reasonable, rational computer, if your unconscious was really smart and looking out for your best interest. But, according to Freud, that's not the way it works. According to Freud, there are three distinct processes going on in your head and these are in violent internal conflict. And the way you act and the way you think are products, not of a singular rational being, but of a set of conflicting creatures. And these three parts are the id, the ego, and the superego and they emerge developmentally.The id, according to Freud, is present at birth. It's the animal part of the self. It wants to eat, drink, pee, poop, get warm, and have sexual satisfaction. It is outrageously stupid. It works on what Freud called, "The Pleasure Principle." It wants pleasure and it wants it now. And that's,according to Freud, how a human begins 鈥� pure id. Freud had thiswonderful phrase, "polymorphous perversity," this pure desire for pleasure.Now, unfortunately, life doesn't work like that. What you want isn't always what you get and this leads to a set of reactions to cope with the fact that pleasure isn't always there when you want it either by planning how to satisfy your desires or planning how to suppress them. And this system is known as the ego, or the self. And it works on the "Reality Principle." And it works on the principle of trying to figure out how to make your way through the world, how to satisfy your pleasures or, in somecases, how to give up on them. And the ego 鈥� the emergence of the ego for Freud--symbolizes the origin of consciousness.Finally, if this was all there it might be a simpler world, but Freud had a third component, that of the superego. And the superego is the internalized rules of parents in society. So, what happens in the course of development is, you're just trying to make your way through the world and satisfy your desires, but sometimes you're punished for them. Some desires are inappropriate, some actions are wrong, and you're punished for it. The idea is that you come out; you get in your head a superego, a conscience. In these movies, there'd be a little angel above your head that tells you when things are wrong. And basically your self, the ego, is in between the id and the superego.One thing to realize, I told you the id is outrageously stupid. It just says, "Oh, hungry, food, sex, oh, let's get warm, oh." The superego is also stupid. The superego, point to point, is not some brilliant moral philosopher telling you about right and wrong. The superego would say, "You should be ashamed of yourself. That's disgusting. Stop doing that. Oh." And in between these two screaming creatures, one of you; one of them telling you to seek out your desires, the other one telling you, "you should be ashamed of yourself," is you, is the ego.Now, according to Freud, most of this is unconscious. So, we see bubbling up to the top, we feel, we experience ourselves. And the driving of the id, the forces of the id and the forces of the superego, are unconscious in that we cannot access them. We don't know what--It's like the workings of our kidneys or our stomachs. You can't introspect and find them. Rather, they do their work without conscious knowledge.Now, Freud developed this. This is the Freudian theory in broad outline. He extended it and developed it into a theory of psychosexual development. And so, Freud's theory is, as I said before, a theory of everyday life, of decisions, of errors, of falling in love, but it's also a theory of child development. So, Freud believed there were five stages of personality development, and each is associated with a particular erogenous zone. And Freud believed, as well, that if you have a problem at a certain stage, if something goes wrong, you'll be stuck there. So, according to Freud, there are people in this room who are what they are because they got stuck in the oral stage or the anal stage. And that's not good.So, the oral stage is when you start off. The mouth is associated with pleasure. Everything is sucking and chewing and so on. And the problem for Freud is premature weaning of a child. Depriving him of the breast, could lead to serious problems in his personality development. It could make him, as the phrase goes, into an oral person. And his orality could be described literally. Freud uses it as an explanation for why somebody might eat too much or chew gum or smoke. They're trying to achieve satisfaction through their mouth of a sort they didn't get in this very early stage of development. But it can also be more abstract. If your roommate is dependent and needy, you could then go to your roommate and say, "You are an oral person. The first year of your life did not go well."A phrase even more popular is the anal stage and that happens after the oral stage. And problems can emerge if toilet training is not handled correctly. If you have problems during those years of life, you could become an anal personality, according to Freud, and your roommate could say, "Your problem is you're too anal." And, according to Freud, literally,it meant you are unwilling to part with your own feces. It's written down here. I know it's true. And the way it manifests itself, as you know from just how people talk, is you're compulsive, you're clean, you're stingy. This is the anal personality.Then it gets a little bit more complicated. The next stage is the phallic stage. Actually, this is not much more complicated. The focus of pleasure shifts to the genitals and fixation can lead to excessive masculinity in females or in males or if you're female a need for attention or domination. Now, at this point something really interesting happens called the "Oedipus Complex." And this is based on the story, the mythical story of a king who killed his father and married his mother. And, according to Freud, this happens to all of us in this way. Well, all of us. By "all of us," Freud meant "men."So, here's the idea. You're three or four years old. You're in the phallic stage. So, what are you interested in? Well, you're interested in your penis and then you seek an external object. Freud's sort of vague about this, but you seek some sort of satisfaction. But who is out there who'd be sweet and kind and loving and wonderful? Well, Mom. So the child infers, "Mom is nice, I love Mom." So far so--And so this is not crazy; a little boy falling in love with his mother. Problem: Dad's in the way.Now, this is going to get progressively weirder but I will have to say, as the father of two sons, both sons went through a phase where theyexplicitly said they wanted to marry Mommy. And me 鈥�if something badhappened to me that wouldn't be the worst thing in the world. So, there's this. But now it gets a little bit aggressive. So, the idea is the child determines that he's going to kill his father. Every three- andfour-year-old boy thinks this. But then because children, according to Freud, don't have a good sense of the boundary between their mind and theworld, which is a problem 鈥�the problem is they don't 鈥�they thinktheir father can tell that they're plotting to kill him and they figure their father is now angry at them. And then they ask themselves, "What's the worst thing Dad could do to me?" And the answer is castration. So, they come to the conclusion that their father is going to castrate them because of their illicit love for their Mom. And then they say, "Dad wins" and then they don't think about sex for several years and that's the latency stage.The latency stage is they've gone through this huge thing with Mom and Dad, "fell in love with Mom, wanted to kill my father, Dad was going to castrate me, fell out of love with Mom, out of the sex business." And then,sex is repressed until you get to the genital stage. And the genital stageis the stage we are all in 鈥� the healthy adult stage. Now that you'readults and you've gone through all the developmental stages, where do you stand? You're not out of the woods yet because unconscious mechanisms are still--Even if you haven't got fixated on anything, there's still this dynamic going on all the time with your id, your ego and your superego. And the idea is your superego--Remember, your superego is stupid. So, your superego isn't only telling you not to do bad things, it's telling you not to think bad things. So, what's happening is your id is sending up all of this weird, sick stuff, all of these crazy sexual and violent desires, "Oh, I'll kill him. I'll have sex with that. I'll have extra helpings on my dessert." And your superego is saying, "No, no, no." And this stuff is repressed. It doesn't even make it to consciousness.The problem is Freud had a very sort of hydraulic theory of what goes on and some of this stuff slips out and it shows up in dreams and it shows up in slips of the tongue. And in exceptional cases, it shows up in certain clinical symptoms. So what happens is, Freud described a lot of normal life in terms of different ways we use to keep that horrible stuff from the id making its way to consciousness. And he called these "defense mechanisms." You're defending yourself against the horrible parts of yourself and some of these make a little bit of sense.One way to describe this in a non-technical, non-Freudian way is, there are certain things about ourselves we'd rather not know. There are certain desires we'd rather not know and we have ways to hide them. So, for instance, there's sublimation. Sublimation is you might have a lot of energy, maybe sexual energy or aggressive energy, but instead of turning it to a sexual or aggressive target what you do is you focus it in some other way. So, you can imagine a great artist like Picasso turning the sexual energy into his artwork.There is displacement. Displacement is you have certain shameful thoughts or desires and you refocus them more appropriately. A boy who's bullied by his father may hate his father and want to hurt him but since this would--this is very shameful and difficult. The boy might instead kick the dog and think he hates the dog because that's a more acceptable target.There is projection. Projection is, I have certain impulses I am uncomfortable with, so rather than own them myself, I project them to somebody else. A classic example for Freud is homosexual desires. The idea is that I feel this tremendous lust towards you, for instance, and--any of you, all of you, you three, and I'm ashamed of this lust so what I say is, "Hey. Are you guys looking at me in a sexual manner? Are you lustingafter me? How disgusting," because what I do is I take my own desires and I project it to others. And Freud suggested, perhaps not implausibly, that men who believe other men--who are obsessed with the sexuality of other men, are themselves projecting away their own sexual desires.There is rationalization, which is that when you do something or think something bad you rationalize it and you give it a more socially acceptable explanation. A parent who enjoys smacking his child will typically not say, "I enjoy smacking my child." Rather he'll say, "It's for the child's own good. I'm being a good parent by doing this."And finally, there is regression, which is returning to an earlier stage of development. And you actually see this in children. In times of stress and trauma, they'll become younger, they will act younger. They might cry. They might suck their thumb, seek out a blanket or so on. Now, these are all mechanisms that for Freud are not the slightest bit pathological. They are part of normal life. Normally, we do these things to keep an equilibrium among the different systems of the unconscious, but sometimes it doesn't work. Sometimes things go awry and what happens is a phrase that's not currently used in psychology but was popular during Freud's time: hysteria.Hysteria includes phenomena like hysterical blindness and hysterical deafness, which is when you cannot see and cannot hear even though there'snothing physiologically wrong with you 鈥�paralysis, trembling, panicattacks, gaps of memory including amnesia and so on. And the idea is that these are actually symptoms. These are symptoms of mechanisms going on to keep things unconscious. It's a common enough idea in movies. Often in movies what happens is that somebody goes to an analyst. They have some horrible problem. They can't remember something or they have some sort of blackouts and so on. And the analyst tells them something and at one point they get this insight and they realize what--why they've blinded themselves, why they can't remember, and for Freud this is what happens. Freud originally attempted to get these memories out through hypnosis but then moved to the mechanism of free association and, according to Freud, the idea is patients offer resistance to this and then the idea of a psychoanalyst is to get over the resistance and help patients get insight.The key notion of psychoanalysis is your problems are--actually reflect deeper phenomena. You're hiding something from yourself, and once you know what's going on to deeper phenomena your problems will go away. I'm going to give you an example of a therapy session. Now, this is not a Freudian analysis. We'll discuss later on in the course what a Freudian analysis is, but this is not a pure Freudian analysis. A Freudian analysis, ofcourse, is lying on a couch; does not see their therapist; their therapist is very nondirective. But I'm going to present this as an example here because it illustrates so many of the Freudian themes, particularly themes about dreams, the importance of dreams, about repression and about hidden meaning.So, this is from a television episode and the character's--Many--Some of you may have seen this. Many of you will not have. The character is suffering from panic attacks. [Professor Paul Bloom plays a short episode from the Sopranos]Freud's contributions extend beyond the study of individual psychology and individual pathology. Freud had a lot to say about dreams as you could see in this illustration. He believed that dreams had a manifest content, meaning; "manifest" meaning what you experience in your dream. But dreams always had a latent content as well, meaning the hidden implication of the dream. He viewed all dreams as wish fulfillment. Every dream you have is a certain wish you have even though it might be a forbidden wish that you wouldn't wish to have, you wouldn't want to have. And dreams had--and this is an idea that long predated Freud. Dreams had symbolism. Things in dreams were often not what they seemed to be but rather symbols for other things. Freud believed that literature and fairy tales and stories to children and the like carried certain universal themes, certain aspects of unconscious struggles, and certain preoccupations of our unconscious mind. And Freud had a lot to say about religion. For instance, he viewed a large part of our--of the idea of finding a singular, all-powerful god as seeking out a father figure that some of us never had during development.What I want to spend the rest of the class on is the scientific assessment of Freud. So, what I did so far is I've told you what Freud had to say in broad outline. I then want to take the time to consider whether or not we should believe this and how well it fits with our modern science. But before doing so, I'll take questions for a few minutes. Do people have any questions about Freud or Freud's theories? Yes.Student: [inaudible]Professor Paul Bloom: So, that's some question. The question is: The conflicts in psychosexual development that Freud describes is--always assumes that a child has a mother and a father, one of each, in a certain sort of familial structure. And the question then is, "What if a child was raised by a single parent, for example?" What if a child was never breast fed, but fed from the bottle from the start? And Freudians have had problems with this. Freud's--Freud was very focused on the family lifeof the people he interacted with, which is rather upper class Europeans, and these sort of questions would have been difficult for Freud to answer.I imagine that what a Freudian would have to say is, you would expect systematic differences. So, you would expect a child who just grew up with a mother or just grew up to be a father--with a father to be in some sense psychologically damaged by that, failing to go through the normal psychosexual stages. Yes.Student: [inaudible]Professor Paul Bloom: The issue--The question is, "Do modern psychoanalysts still believe that women do not have superegos?" Freud was--As you're pointing out, Freud was notorious for pointing, for suggesting that women were morally immature relative to men. I think Freud would say that women have superegos, they're just not the sort of sturdy ones that men have. I think psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic scholars right now would be mixed. Some would maintain that there really are deep sex differences. Others would want to jettison that aspect of Freudian theory. Yes.Student: Do you define sublimation as being displacement? Does that make it sort of a subgroup of displacement?Professor Paul Bloom: Well, what sublimation is--A lot of these--It's a good question. The question is sort of, what is sublimation? How does it relate to the other defense mechanisms? A lot of defense mechanisms involve taking a desire and turning it. Now, what displacement does is it takes it from you to her. I'm angry at you but maybe that's forbidden for some reason, so I'll be angry at her. What projection does is takes a desire from me and then puts it on somebody else heading outwards. And what sublimation does is it just gives up the details and keeps the energy. So, you stay up--Your roommate stays up all night working and you say to your roommate, for instance, "That's just because you haven't had sex in a long time and you want to have sex so you devote all your energy to your math exam." And then you say, "That's sublimation. I learned that in Intro Psych." And your roommate would be very pleased. One more question. Yes.Student: What kind of evidence is there for cross-cultural variation?Professor Paul Bloom: The question is, which is related to theissue--extending the issue of the two-parent versus one-parent family is, "To what extent are these notions validated cross-culturally?" And that's such a good question I'm going to defer it. I'm going to talk about it in a few minutes because that's actually--That speaks to the issue of the。

《心理学导论——思想与行为的认识之路》中文书名：《心理学导论——思想与行为的认识之路》英文书名：Introduction To Psychology——Gateways To Mind And Behavior本书的定位：经典的心理学入门之作，了解、学习和应用心理学的基本原理。

"凡是没学过心理学的人都不能算是受过完好教育的人"。

导读：一个管理者必须学习组织行为学，因为它让你知道组织中每个人会怎样对待和处理一些事情，告诉你真实的组织中人的行为是怎样的（是什么），以及对你的影响，我们该如何去面对和应用；一个管理者必须学习心理学，因为它会告诉你别人的行为（为什么）会是这样。

这部《心理学导论》(Introduction to Psychology)目前已经是第11版，几乎每三四年修订一次。

在美国，该书使用者已经超过250万人，堪称为心理学入门的经典教材。

这本书我觉得有3个大的特色，非常利于阅读。

1.这是一本入门之作，重点在于阐述清楚基本的心理学的原理。

作者结合生活、新闻、常识等问题，很好地讲明白了心理学的基本原理，并通过大量的案例、联系来引导大家将所学用于日常生活中。

内容选择上兼顾了心理学方面已经成熟的内容和对前沿的介绍，学习完之后对整个心理学的认识也有了大致的了解。

2.作者编写此书的用心非常值得称道。

他没有用一般教科书编写的方法，没有用大量我们普通读者看不懂的术语、概念，而是将心理学中人们对事物的认知原理的和过程融入到本书的写作中来。

这方面的用心很多，举例来说:它的《前言心理学在学习中的应用》，首先就介绍了六步阅读法(SQ4R)，后续的章节编写就是按照这个认识过程来组织。

读者学完此书，不仅能很好地认识了心理学，同时会自动养成这一阅读方法。

附:六步阅读法(SQ4R)简介：概览（Survey）：在开始阅读一章之前，应先从头到尾地大概翻一下此章节，看看标题、插图的文字说明、本章的小结或者复习，对阅读材料有个全面的了解。

在这门课刚开始的时候We began the course我们讨论过一个现代心理学的基本观点by talking about one of the foundational ideas of modern psychology。

弗兰西斯·克里克称之为This is what Francis Crick described as”惊人的假说””The Astonishing Hypothesis,”我们的心理活动 the idea that our mental life，我们的意识我们的道德观念our consciousness， our morality，我们做出决定和判断的能力our capacity to make decisions and judgments皆由一个物质的生理大脑所产生is the product of a material physical brain。

今天我想讲的What I want to talk about today and introduce it,将会是and it's going to be a theme贯穿我们接下来课程的一个主题that we’re going to continue throughout the rest of the course,也是第二个同样惊人的观点is a second idea which I think is equally shocking，甚至可能更惊人perhaps more shocking.这个观点和我们的心理活动的来源有关And this has to do with where mental life comes from，重点不在于它的物质性not necessary its material nature，而在于它的起源but rather its origin.这又一"惊人的假说”And the notion, this other "astonishing hypothesis，”被哲学家丹尼尔·丹尼特称之为is what the philosopher Daniel Dennett has described达尔文的危险思想as Darwin's dangerous idea.这个观点解释了现代生物学中And this is the modern biological account生物现象的起源of the origin of biological phenomena包括心理现象including psychological phenomena。

我们这些天所讲的Most of what we do these days,各种方法理论思想our methods, our theories, our ideas,它们的形成都在一定程度上are shaped, to some extent,受到了皮亚杰的影响by Piaget's influence.所以这堂课我想And so, what I want to do is begin this class通过他的理论that's going to talk about cognitive development来讲讲认知发展by talking about his ideas.皮亚杰认为儿童是主动思考者His idea was that children are active thinkers;他们试图去理解世界they're trying to figure out the world.他常把儿童称为小科学家He often described them as little scientists.我想顺便提一下他为何会去研究儿童And incidentally, to know where he's coming from on this,他有着一个宏伟且远大的目标he had a very dramatic and ambitious goal.他研究的初衷并不是出于对儿童的兴趣He didn't start off because he was interested in children. 而是出于He started off他对认识产生的一般规律的兴趣because he was interested in the emergence of knowledge in general.皮亚杰主张发生认识论It was a discipline he described as genetic epistemology即认识的起源the origins of knowledge.但是由于他深信But he studied development of the individual child个体儿童的发展because he was convinced能够表现出认识发展的一般规律that this development will tell him所以他才选择去研究个体儿童的发展about the development of knowledge more generally.有一个听上去很傲慢的短语There's a very snooty phrase that--不知你们之前是否已经有所耳闻I don't know if you ever heard it before.这是一个很非常了不起的短语It's a great phrase.叫做"胚胎重演律"It's "Ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny."这个短语的意思是And the idea of this--What that means is个体的发展that development of an individual模拟或重演了种族的发展mimics or repeats development of the species.现在看来这个观点完全错误Now, it's entirely not true,但这却是个美妙的短语but it's a beautiful phrase皮亚杰对此深信不疑and Piaget was committed to this.他常说He was very interested in saying,"只要能够理解儿童如何发展"Look. We'll figure how a kid develops and就能够理解认识发展的一般规律"that will tell us about the development of knowledge more generally."皮亚杰将儿童视为科学家So, Piaget viewed the child as a scientist认为儿童能够形成关于世界的who developed this understanding, these schemas,一系列看法图示或者说小型理论these little miniature theories of the world.而这一过程可以通过两种机制实现And they did this through two sorts of mechanisms:同化和顺应assimilation and accommodation.同化是指So, assimilation would be the act of expanding反应范围的扩大the range of things that you respond to.皮亚杰举例说Piaget's example would be一个习惯吸吮乳房的婴儿a baby who's used to sucking on a breast可能会去吸吮奶瓶或是拨浪鼓might come to suck on a bottle or on a rattle.这就是在改变反应范围了That's changing the scope of things that you respond to.顺应是改变你的行为方式Accommodation is changing how you do it.婴儿会因为吸吮物体的不同A baby will form his mouth differently而改变他的嘴型depending on what he's sucking on.所以你们听到的这些过程And so, these processes where you take in--我刚才是从生理的角度来谈论这些过程的I'm giving this in a very physical way,从心理上来讲but in a more psychological sense你拥有一种看待世界的方式you have a way of looking at the world.你将新信息纳入已有的认知结构中You could expand it to encompass new things,便是同化assimilation.你改变已有的认知结构But you could also change以适应新的环境和信息your system of knowledge itself,便是顺应accommodation.皮亚杰认为这两种学习机制And Piaget argued that these two mechanisms of learning帮助儿童跨越各个阶段drove the child through different stages.他提出了一个阶段理论And he had a stage theory,这个阶段理论与我们之前所介绍的which was quite different from the Freudian stage theory弗洛伊德的阶段理论有着很大的不同that we have been introduced to.他所用的研究方法是So his methods要求儿童解决问题were to ask children to solve problems并询问他们一些问题and to ask them questions.他发现And his discoveries that--儿童在不同的年龄拥有不同的行为方式they did them in different ways at different ages他根据这一发现提出了阶段理论led to the emergence of the Stage Theory.皮亚杰认为第一个阶段So, for Piaget, the first stage是感知运动阶段is the sensorimotor stage或者说感知运动期or the sensorimotor period.在此阶段儿童只是个纯粹的自然生物For here the child is purely a physical creature.儿童对于外部世界并没有什么真正的认识The child has no understanding in any real way of the external world.他们对于过去There's no understanding of the past,未来稳定差别no understanding of the future, no stability,没有任何的概念no differentiation.儿童只是触摸和观看The child just touches and sees,但还不能进行逻辑推理but doesn't yet reason.在这一阶段儿童逐渐发展起And it's through this stage that a child gradually comes to acquire 客体永存性的概念object permanence.客体永存性是指Object permanence is知道某人或某物虽然现在看不见the understanding that things exist但仍然是存在的when you no longer see them.前面的各位So those of you in front,你们看着我躲在这里you're looking at me and I go.如果我突然在后排出现It occurred to me it'd be a great magic trick那就是非常精彩的魔术了if I then appeared in back.但我没动我还在这But no, I'm just here.这就是客体永存性That's object permanence.如果我蹲在这里有人说If I went under here and then the people said,"他去哪了下课了耶""Where the hell did he go? Class is over,"这话就表现出他缺乏客体永存性的概念that would show a lack of object permanence.成年人是拥有客体永存性概念的So, adults have object permanence.皮亚杰认为婴儿并没有这一概念Piaget's very interesting claim is that kids don't.皮亚杰发现在六个月之前Before six-month-olds, Piaget observed,你将婴儿喜欢的物体比如说拨浪鼓you take an object the kid likes like a rattle,藏起来隐藏在某物的后面you hide it, you put it behind something,就像这东西消失了一样it's like it's gone.皮亚杰认为And he claimed婴儿真的会以为the child really thinks他喜欢的东西就这么凭空消失了it's just gone.只要物体从婴儿的视野中消失Things don't continue to exist婴儿就会认为物体已经不存在了when I'm not looking at them anymore.他注意到And so he noticed they--儿童会对捉迷藏感到惊奇they're surprised by peek-a-boo.皮亚杰认为And Piaget's claim was one reason他们对捉迷藏感到惊奇的一个原因便是why they're surprised at peek-a-boo你凭空消失了你看着婴儿is you go-- you look at a kid,婴儿会对你笑然后你和他玩捉迷藏the kid's smiling and go,"躲猫猫""Oh, peek-a-boo,"你用双手遮住了你的脸and you close--and you cover your face婴儿会以为"他不见了" and the kid says, "He's gone.""躲猫猫" "哈他回来了""Peek-a-boo." "Oh, there he is. ""他又不见了""He's gone."这就是他的观点了And you really--That's the claim.皮亚杰还发现Piaget also discovered稍大的婴儿无法完成that older children fail at a taskA非B错误任务that's known as the A-not-B task.彼得·格雷在他的心理学教科书中And Peter Gray in his psychology textbook refers to it 将这一任务称为"变换藏身地"问题as the "changing hiding places" problem,这可能是个更为恰当的名字which is probably a better name for it.这个任务的内容如下And here's the idea.你找到一个九个月大的婴儿You take a nine-month-old在皮亚杰看来and for Piaget九个月大的婴儿才刚刚发展出a nine-month-old is just starting客体以及客体永存性的概念to make sense of objects and their permanence.你将物体放到这里的一个杯子中You take an object and you put it here in a cup婴儿看不见这个物体where the kid can't see it,但这个物体是在杯子之中的but it's in the cup.如果你是这个婴儿你便会伸手去拿So the kid, if you were the kid, will reach for it.你再做一遍他会伸手去拿You do it again, reach for it.你再做一遍他还是会伸手去拿You do it again, reach for it.这个地点是AThat's point A.然后你把杯子拿到这边Then you take--you move it over here.皮亚杰观察到Piaget observed婴儿仍然会将手伸向此处kids would still reach for this.好像他们还不够聪明不能明白It's like they're not smart enough to figure out物体已经不在那里了that it's not there anymore,即使他们看到物体被拿走了even if they see it move.这更证明了他们并不理解客体的概念And this was more evidence that they just don't understand objects,而这种概念需要通过大量的时间学习and that this thing takes a lot of time and learning才能够掌握to develop.下一个阶段是前运算阶段The next stage is the preoperational stage.开始的时候儿童只能通过生理的方式The child starts off grasping the world通过感知运动的方式only in a physical way,来认识世界in a sensorimotor way,但是当儿童进入了前运算阶段but when he gets to the preoperational period,他们便逐渐拥有了表征事物the capacity to represent the world,在头脑中构建世界的能力to have the world inside your head, comes into being.但这种能力是有局限的But it's limited表现在以下几个显著方面and it's limited in a couple of striking ways.局限之一儿童是以自我为中心的One way in which it's limited is that children are egocentric.自我中心这个词在如今的日常英语里Now, egocentrism has a meaning in common English是自私的意思which means to be selfish.皮亚杰对该词的定义则更为专业Piaget meant it in a more technical way.他认为这个年龄的儿童完全没有意识到He claimed that children at this age literally can't understand别人眼中的世界that others can see the world可以与自己看到的世界有所不同differently from them.他的证据之一就是三山实验So, one of his demonstrations was the three mountains task.那里有三座不同的假山模型We have three mountains over there.你让孩子在模型的一边You put a child on one side of the mountains要求他把自己看到的三山模型画出来and you ask him to draw it,四五岁的儿童便能够轻易做到and a four- or five-year-old can do it easily,但是如果你要求儿童画出but then you ask him to draw it从模型另一边看过去的样子as it would appear from the other side儿童就会觉得非常困难and children find this extraordinarily difficult.他们很难从他人的角度出发来认识世界They find it very difficult to grasp the world as another person might see it.皮亚杰在该发展阶段中的另一个重大发现Another significant finding Piaget had about this phase of development就是"守恒"concerns what's called "conservation."守恒是指物体某方面的特征The notion of conservation is that there's ways to transform things 不会因为其他方面特征的改变such that some aspects of them change而有所改变but others remain the same.比如说你有一杯水So, for instance, if you take a glass of water将水倒进另一个更浅或者更深的杯子里and you pour it into another glass that's shallow or tall, 含水量并未发生任何改变it won't change the amount of water you have.如果你把一卷硬币全部摊开If you take a bunch of pennies and you spread them out,你不会得到更多的硬币you don't get more pennies.但皮亚杰认为儿童并不知道会这样But kids, according to Piaget,don't know that这个概念是非常精彩的证据之一and this is one of the real cool demonstrations.如果你身边有四五岁大的孩子Any of you who have access to a four- or five-year-old,兄弟姐妹什么的a sibling or something--一定要先得到同意再去试验Do not take one without permission,如果你身边有四五岁大的孩子but if you have access to a four- or five-year-old你可以自己去试试you can do this yourself.情况大体上会是这样的This is what it looks like.第一段影片没有声音The first one has no sound.第二段影片的最后会有些声音The second one is going to be sound that's going to come on at the end.这里有两排方格But there's two rows of checkers.她问儿童哪一排更多She asks the kid which one has more.儿童说一样多The kid says they're the same.然后她问现在哪一排更多Then she says--Now she asks him which one has more,这个还是那个这孩子真笨that or that. So that's really stupid.儿童会这样做这是个令人惊奇的发现And it's an amazing finding kids will do that.也是个生动的发现And it's a robust finding.这是另一个例子Here's another example.它们其实是一样的So, they're the same.这是该阶段的一个重要发现So, it's a cool finding of that stage,表明儿童在考虑和理解世界的方式上suggesting a limitation in how you deal存在着局限性and make sense of the world.下一阶段具体运算阶段The next phase, concrete operations,七到十二岁儿童可以解决守恒问题from seven to twelve, you can solve the conservation problem,但儿童的抽象推理能力仍然有限but still you're limited to the extent you're capable of abstract reasoning.因此对于无限这个数学概念So the mathematical notions of infinity or或者是像逻辑蕴涵这样的逻辑概念logical notions like logical entailment超出了该年龄阶段儿童的理解范围are beyond a child of this age.虽然此时的儿童有能力进行一些逻辑思考The child is able to do a lot,但他们的思维在某种程度上but still it's to some extent仍然是局限于具体情境的stuck in the concrete world.最后大约在十二岁的时候And then finally, at around age twelve,儿童的抽象推理和科学推理能力得以完善you could get abstract and scientific reasoning.这就是皮亚杰理论的大体内容And this is the Piagetian theory in very brief form.皮亚杰要比弗洛伊德或是斯金纳成功很多Now, Piaget fared a lot better than did Freud or Skinner原因有以下几点for several reasons.一个原因是这些是关于儿童发展的One reason is these are interesting and falsifiable claims有趣且可证伪的论断about child development.关于不同年龄阶段的儿童So claims that--about the failure of conservation缺乏守恒概念的论断in children at different ages能够很轻易的得到系统的检验could be easily tested and systematically tested,事实上有相当多的证据支持这些论断and in fact, there's a lot of support for them.通过将各种观察结果Piaget had a rich theoretical framework,以不同的方式组合在一起pulling together all sorts of observations皮亚杰的理论内容变得十分丰富in different ways,他写了大量的书籍和论文wrote many, many books and articles丰富了他的理论and articulated his theory very richly.我认为最重要的是他令人震惊的发现And most of all, I think, he had some really striking findings.在皮亚杰之前没有人注意到守恒Before Piaget, nobody noticed these conservation findings.在皮亚杰之前Before Piaget,并没有人注意到婴儿在追踪和理解客体上nobody noticed that babies had this problem存在着守恒的问题tracking and understanding objects.然而与此同时At the same time, however,皮亚杰的理论也有其局限之处there are limitations in Piaget's theory.有些局限是理论上的Some of these limitations are theoretical.问题是It's an interesting question他是否真的解释了as to whether he really explains儿童思维是如何从具体向抽象转变的how a child goes from a concrete thinker to an abstract thinker,或是真的解释了or how he goes from not having object permanence儿童的客体永存性概念是如何从无到有的to understanding object permanence.还有些研究方法上的局限There's methodological limitations.皮亚杰非常热衷用问与答的方法进行研究Piaget was really big into question and answer,但这里存在的一个问题便是but one problem with this is儿童并未能完全掌握语言that children aren't very good with language,这可能会导致你低估他们的理解能力and this might lead you to underestimate how much they know.往往儿童越小这个问题就越明显And this is particularly a problem the younger you get.在讨论包括心理学在内的任何科学时Methodology is going to loom heavy研究方法是个重要的方面in the discussion of any science and that includes psychology.研究中90%的内容通常都是在寻找Often 90% of the game is discovering a clever method一种能够检验假说的精巧方法through which to test your hypotheses.我们会谈谈与婴儿有关的研究方法We're going to talk a little bit about that regarding babies.我给大家再举一个不同方面的例子I'll give you another example from a very different domain.很多科学家对研究挠痒痒非常感兴趣There was a set of scientists interested in studying tickling.在什么情况下So, when you tickle somebody,你挠别人痒痒他们会发笑under what circumstances will they laugh?要挠哪里才行你挠自己会感到痒吗Where do you have to tickle them? Can you tickle yourself? 需要出其不意吗等等Does it have to be a surprise, and so on?事实证明很难对此进行实验室研究It turns out very difficult to study this in a lab.你又不能靠傻笑来得到你的实验学分You're not going to have your experimental credit.你走进实验室说You come into the lab and say,"我是研究生然后傻笑""Okay. I'm the graduate student. Ha, ha, ha."实际上And in fact,宾夕法尼亚大学的亨利·葛雷曼an example of a methodological attempt was done曾经进行过研究方法上的尝试by Henry Gleitman at University of Pennsylvania,他发明了一台挠痒痒的机器who built a tickle machine,这是一个装有两只大手的箱子which was this box双手会不停的去挠痒痒with these two giant hands that went "r-r-r-r."这是一个失败的发明This was a failure因为人们还没靠近挠痒痒的机器because people could not go near the tickle machine就已经被它的模样逗笑了without convulsing in laughter.我们会在讲到关于笑的课程时But we will discuss再来讨论这个关于挠痒痒的科学when we have a lecture on laughter a bit of the tickle sciences. 最后是证据上的局限And finally there's factual.婴幼儿究竟知道些什么What do infants and children really know?皮亚杰很可能由于研究方法上的局限It's possible that due to the methodological limitations of Piaget,而系统地低估了婴幼儿的理解能力he systematically underestimated what children and babies know.事实上我要给大家呈现一些证据And in fact, I'll present some evidence这些证据表明事实确实如此suggesting that this is in fact--that this is the case.我要给大家介绍下So, I want to introduce you关于婴儿认知的现代科学发现to the modern science of infant cognition.婴儿认知已经得到了多年的研究Infant cognition has been something studied for a very long time.这些研究都基于某个观点And there was a certain view这是一个在哲学和心理学领域中that has had behind it广泛达成的共识a tremendous philosophical and psychological consensus.这份《洋葱报》的标题总结出了这个共识And it's summarized in this Onion headline here.那就是婴儿是愚笨的And the idea is that babies are stupid,婴儿对世界一无所知that babies really don't know much about the world.《洋葱报》的这个标题很是讽刺Now, the work that this Onion headline is satirizing接下来我要来讲一下最近的研究is the recent studies, which I'm going to talk about,与此标题相反suggested that on the contrary,最新的研究表明babies might be smarter婴儿可能比你想象中更加聪明than you think.要想探究婴儿的智力And to discover the intelligence of babies我们就必须足够聪明we have to ourselves be pretty smart发明出不同的研究技术in developing different techniques.你不能用提问的方式To study what a baby knows,去研究婴儿知道些什么you can't ask your questions.因为婴儿不会说话Babies can't talk.你可以观察婴儿You could look at what it does但婴儿不怎么配合but babies are not very coordinated或者说他们的言语技能并不熟练or skilled所以你必须要用精巧的方法才能做到so you need to use clever methods.一种聪明的方法便是去观察脑电波One clever method is to look at their brain waves.右边的这个孩子在测试时死掉了This child on the right died during testing.是个悲剧被电极的重量给压死了It was a tragic--It was crushed by the weights of the electrodes. 他临死还是挺高兴的He's happy though.你可以去研究他们的脑电波You could study their brain waves.吮吸奶嘴是婴儿能够做到的One of the few things babies can do为数不多的事情之一is they could suck on a pacifier.你也许会想And you might think,你能从婴儿的行为中知道些什么呢well, how could you learn anything from that?举例来说Well, for instance,你可以制造一个机器you could build machines每当婴儿吮吸奶嘴that when babies suck on a pacifier他们就会听到音乐或是话语they hear music or they hear language,然后你可通过观察婴儿有多喜欢吮吸奶嘴and then you could look at how much they suck on the pacifier来确定他们喜欢音乐还是话语to determine what they like.但不可否认的是But undeniably我们所拥有的绝大多数关于婴儿的知识we know most of our -- we got most of our knowledge about babies都来自于对婴儿注视次数的研究from studies of their looking times.这是婴儿们能够做到的一件事That's one thing babies can do.他们能够注视某物They can look.这里是一张伊丽莎白·斯皮克的照片And I have up here--This is a picture of Elizabeth Spelke, 她是一个发展心理学家who is a developmental psychologist在婴儿注视次数who's developed the most research on looking at babies' looking times及其意义方面研究颇多and what you could learn from them.你可以通过两种方法And I have here two ways从注视这个动作中得出一些结论you could learn from looking.一种方法便是呈现One is preference.比如说假设你没来由的想知道So for instance, suppose you want to know, for whatever reason, 婴儿会喜欢狗的模样还是猫的摸样do babies like the looks of dogs or cats?你可以抱来一个婴儿Well, you could put a baby down,在这里呈现一张狗的照片have a picture of a dog here,在这里呈现一张猫的照片a picture of a cat here,然后观察婴儿会看哪一张照片and see which one the baby looks at.你可以从婴儿移动的眼珠中找到答案Babies can move their eyes and that could tell you something.婴儿能区分出漂亮和丑陋的脸庞吗Do babies distinguish pretty faces from ugly faces?在这边放一张漂亮的脸庞Well, put a pretty face here,在这边放一张丑陋的脸庞an ugly face here,观察婴儿是否更喜欢注视漂亮的那个see if the baby prefers to look at the pretty one.你也可以通过习惯化和惊奇来进行探究You could also do habituation and surprise.我在随后提到的各种研究And much of the studies I'm going to talk about here很多都会涉及到习惯化和惊奇involve habituation and surprise.习惯化是厌倦这个词的一种华丽表达Habituation is a fancy word for boredom.向婴儿反复呈现某物What you do is you show a baby something over and over again.根据行为主义Now, remember from behaviorism婴儿会觉得这东西没什么意思the baby will learn this isn't very interesting.这时你向婴儿呈现某个不同的物体Then you show the baby something different.如果婴儿认为此物与之前出现物体不同If the baby really sees it as different,婴儿的注视时间会变长the baby will look longer,你可以将注视时间变长and you could use that视为婴儿发现物体间区别的一种标志as a measure of what babies find different.比如假设你想知道For instance, suppose you want to know婴儿是否能够区分绿色和红色if the baby can tell green from red.你可以向婴儿呈现一个绿色色块Well, you could show the baby a green patch,将这个绿色色块不停的重复呈现a green patch, a green patch, a green patch;婴儿便会感到厌倦the baby'll get bored,然后呈现一个红色色块then a red patch.如果对于婴儿来说两种颜色没有差别If they all look the same to the baby,他就仍然不予理会the baby will just continue to tune out,但如果他觉得红色与绿色不同but if the red looks different那他就会重新活跃起来the baby will perk up.实际上And this is, in fact,这是一种研究婴儿颜色视觉的方法one way they study color vision in babies.惊奇也与此相关Surprise is related to this.你给婴儿呈现一些本不该出现的事物You could show babies something that shouldn't happen. 如果婴儿也觉得该事物出乎意料If babies are like--If babies also think it shouldn't happen,那么他们会注视的更久they might look longer,基本上科学家们and essentially what happens就是通过魔术技巧来进行研究is scientists do magic tricks to explore this very thing.下面给大家介绍一些实例And to start with some real examples,许多的婴儿研究都回到了a lot of this infant research has gone back皮亚杰的客体永存性问题上to the Piagetian question of object permanence,去探讨"婴儿是否真的不知道asking, "Is it really true babies don't know物体即使离开视线也仍然是存在的"that objects remain even when they're out of sight?"斯皮克和巴亚热昂做了一个简单的研究So one very simple study by Spelke and Baillargeon: 向婴儿呈现一个木块Have babies shown a block木块中间有一个能够来回移动的木杆with a bar going back and forth就像这个样子like that.这个木杆可以来回移动So the bar just goes back and forth.现在你做了件你自己都未必意识到的Now, there's something you do that's so obvious超级无聊的事情you probably don't even know you're doing it.当你看到这样的演示时When you see a display like that,你已经假定那里有一根木杆what you assume is there's a bar there,也就是说中间的部分and what that means is there's something in the middle有你之前所未曾见过的物体that you've never seen before.但是But of course,如果你只是个拥有感知的简单生物if you were a simple perceptual creature,你只会看到在顶端和底端分别有一根木杆you would just see that there'd be a bar on top and a bar on the bottom.你不会觉得中间有什么物体You wouldn't expect anything in the middle因为你并未在中间部分看到些什么because you never saw anything in the middle.接下来你向婴儿呈现这个装置So, what you do then is you show babies this再给他们看B或C选项and then you show them either B or C如果是成人来进行测试肯定会选Band if we do this with adults you expect B,C基本上就是个笑话C is almost a joke.事实上婴儿也有相同的反应方式And, in fact, babies respond the same way.婴儿会期待那是一根完整的木杆Babies expect there to be an entire, complete bar所以会对断开的木杆感到惊讶and are surprised并且会有更长的注视时间and look longer at the broken bar.还有些其他的研究Other studies, some of them--这是勒奈·巴亚热昂所进行的另一项研究Well, here's another study by Rene Baillargeon通过不同的方式去观察同一个物体looking at the same thing in a different way.将一个木块放在平台上You show the baby, say a six-month-old,然后让一个六个月大的婴儿来观看a stage with a block on it.然后升起屏板遮住木块Then a screen rises and obscures the block.这时如果婴儿会期待木块留在原处Now, if the babies expect the block to still be there,那么他们会认为木块能阻止屏板上升they should think the block should stop the screen.另一方面On the other hand,如果看不见就觉得不存在if out of sight out of mind,那么婴儿会期待屏板继续移动they should expect the screen to keep going.所以你可以设计几个演示So, what you do is you set up a couple of displays,一个是木块被挡住了one where the block is stopped,另一个是用活门把木块挪开the other one where you take this away with a trap door使得屏板继续上升and it keeps going.正如你所看到的And, as you see,当这种情况发生时婴儿会发出尖叫the baby screams when this happens.这实际上是假的That doesn't really happen,但他们的注视时间的确更长了but they do look longer.最后举一个关于客体永存性研究的例子One final example of an object permanence study.这个研究的一些部分是在耶鲁的Some of this work's been done凯伦·韦恩实验室进行的at Yale in Karen Wynn's lab,他们在那里观察婴儿对加减法的理解where they look at babies' understanding of addition and subtraction.大部分实验启用了实物And a lot of it is done with real objects,但也有些动画视频but there's also animated versions这就是个动画的例子so here is an animated example.婴儿感到很惊奇Babies are surprised.它们认为2-1=1They expect 2 - 1 = 1所以当2-1=2或3或0and when 2 - 1 = 2 or 3 or 0,他们注视时间更长表明了惊奇they look longer, indicating surprise.即便六个月大的婴儿And even six-month-olds are sensitive对算术的基础知识已经相当敏感to these rudimentary facts of arithmetic,向我们展示了婴儿所具有的数学知识telling us something about their mathematical knowledge, 但也同时告诉了我们but also telling us something about婴儿在看不到物体时that they expect things to remain仍然会认为物体依然存在when they're out of sight.这个研究表明Now, this research suggests婴儿从出生that infants' understanding of the physical world就对物质世界有所理解is there from the very start,但同时这种理解并不完善but at the same time not entirely.我们知道某些事情婴儿并不理解We know there are certain things babies don't know.举个例子假设你向婴儿呈现这个Here's an example. Suppose you show babies this.你在这里放一个木块You have a block here让某物漂浮在木块之上and then you have something above there floating in mid air.婴儿会对此感到很惊奇Babies find this surprising.就算六个月大的婴儿也会对此感到惊奇Even six-month-olds find this surprising.因为它违背了地心引力It violates gravity,但六个月大的婴儿还是不够聪明but six-month-olds aren't smart enough他们没能发觉突出的木块也是令人惊奇的to know that a block just stuck over here is also surprising.十二个月大的婴儿认为漂浮物会掉下来Twelve-month-olds will think that it should fall.六个月大的婴儿则不会这么想Six-month-olds don't,即使是十二个月大的婴儿and even 12-month-olds也没有发现这个木块存在的异常don't find anything weird about this,只有经历世事的成年人才会理解while adults are sophisticated enough to understand这不是个稳定的结构that that's an unstable configuration而这个结构是会倒塌的and should fall over.尽管有些知识是天生的So, although some things are built in,但仍有些是后天获得的some things develop.这就提出了一个问题And this raises the question of,"我们该如何解释发展""How do we explain development?"我们如何解释How do we explain婴儿何时掌握了原本并不知道的知识when babies come to know things that they didn't originally know?。

心理学导论Introduction to Psychology 04Foundations, Part II: Skinner 斯金纳Freud meets Darwin: 弗洛伊德与达尔文相遇Why would an unconscious evolve? 无意识为何得以进化Deception 欺骗行为How to be a good liar 如何成为一个优秀的说谎者Self-deception 自我欺骗Behaviorism 行为主义1. Emphasis on learning 强调学习的作用2. Anti-mentalism 反心理主义unscientific = desires, wishes, goals, beliefs, emotions, etc. 不科学：欲望，意愿，目标，信仰，情感等scientific = observables: stimulus, response, environment, etc. 科学：可见的刺激，反应，环境等3. No differences across species 生物种群之间并不存在太大的差别Three learning principles that are said to explain everything 三个学习原则以说明解释所有东西（人类心理活动与行为）The simplest form of learning: 简单的学习形式Habituation 习惯化What is it? 係乜-- a decline in the tendency to respond to stimuli that are familiar due to repeated exposure 由于重复暴露在刺激环境中而造成对该刺激反应倾向的降低e.g., clock ticking, traffic noise, trains 例如：钟的滴答声，车来人往的噪音，火车What’s it for? 用嚟做乜-- An adaptive mechanism to keep us focusing on new objects and events 适应机制让我们对新鲜事物保持注意力Classical conditioning 经典的条件作用What is it? 係乜-- the learning of an association between one stimulus and another stimulus 在一个刺激和另一个刺激之间形成联结Unconditioned 无条件作用Inborn and innate 与生俱来UStimulus --> Uresponse 无条件刺激(Unconditioned Stimulus, US）会引起无条件反应(unconditioned response, UR/UCR)US -> URConditioned 条件（反应）Learned through association 学习（会在条件刺激与条件反应之间）建立起另一种联结Cstimulus –> Cresponse 条件刺激(conditioned stimulus, CS) 引起条件反应(conditioned response, CR)CS –> CR•Repeated pairings of US and CS will give rise to a CR response 非条件刺激与条件刺激的反复匹配会引起条件反应•Reinforced trials vs. unreinforced trials 强化尝试对比非强化尝试•Experimental extinction 实验性消退•Stimulus generalization 刺激泛化The scope of classical conditioning 经典条件作用（研究的）范围•Crabs, fish , cockroaches, etc. 螃蟹，鱼类，蟑螂等•Humans 人类– Fear 恐惧– Hunger 饥饿– Sex 性– Fetishes 恋物癖CS (conditioned stimulus) 条件刺激CR (conditioned respons) 条件反应US/UCS (Unconditioned Stimulus）无条件刺激UR/UCR (unconditioned response) 无条件反应What is classical conditioning for? 经典条件作用有乜用Old theory: Association 旧理论：联结Classical conditioning is strongest when UCS and CS are simultaneous 当非条件刺激(unconditioned stimulus, UCS) 与条件刺激(conditioned stimulus,CS) 同时出现时，经典条件作用的效果最强UCR and CR are identical 无条件反应与条件反应，两种刺激所引起的反应是相同的例子：食物(US) => 唾液分泌(UR)食物(US) + 声音(NS) => 唾液分泌(UR)声音(CS) => 唾液分泌(CR)Better theory: Preparation 更好的理论（主流观点）：经典条件作用只是准备阶段Sensitivity to a cue that an event is about to happen allows you to prepare for that event 即将发生之事的提示线索变得敏感这使得你能够为即将发生的事件作好准备1. Optimal timing between CS and UCS? 非条件刺激与条件刺激之间最佳的CS immediately before UCS (bell then food) 条件刺激在非条件刺激之前（铃声之后食物）2. Nature of the CR? 条件反应嘅本质Preparation for the US (saliva) 无条件刺激嘅准备阶段（口水）Instrumental conditioning 工具性条件作用What is it? 係乜-- learning the relationships between actions and rewards/punishments 学习行为与奖赏/惩罚之间的关系What’s it for? 有乜用-- learning what works and what doesn’t 学习什么行为起作用什么行为不起作用(classical: passive; instrumental: voluntary) 经典：被动（经典条件作用中你的行为是不自主的）；工具性（条件作用）：（是有机体的）自发行为LAW OF EFFECT: 效果律The tendency to perform an action is increased if rewarded; weakened if it is not. 行为倾向随奖励而增加；随惩罚而减少Skinner: 斯金纳Extending operant conditioning 对这一概念进行了扩展How to train a pig 如何训练一只猪•Positive reinforcement 正强化•Negative reinforcement 负强化•Punishment 惩罚PS：关于负强化，个人理解就係通过减少负面影响作为奖励，例如小盆友一开始功课多，如果成绩好就减少作业量就係负强化How to train a pig to dance 如何训练一只猪跳舞•Shaping 塑造for poker chips 作为扑克筹码Link up the chips to an innate reward through classical conditioning 通过经典条件作用连结筹码与固有的奖励PS，主人将狗训练成只要叫“Good Dog”就作为奖励，领导要将员工培训成只要讲“Good Job”就作为奖励… forever 永固•Schedules of reinforcement 强化嘅进度Fixed vs. Variable 固定对变化Ratio vs. Interval 比率对间隔The Partial Reinforcement Effect 部分强化效应How to make people dance 如何令人跳舞Behaviorism: 行为主义Scientific assessment 科学评估Is it true that everything is learned? 是否所有东西都可以习得？•No, there is considerable evidence for innate (unlearned) knowledge（desires）非也，大量不同形式的证据证明了先天（未经学习）知识（欲望）的存在Is it true that talking about mental states is unscientific? 谈论心理状态真的是不科学的吗•No-- other sciences (e.g., physics) talk about unobservables 其他科学（如物理）研究的都是不可观测的事物-- it makes sense to explain a complex and intelligent mechanism in terms of internal representations 依据内部表征可以用来合理解释复杂和智能的机制Is it true that animals need reinforcement and punishment to learn? 动物真的需要强化和惩罚才能进行学习吗NoIs it true that there are no special constraints on learning? 对于学习来说真的没有物种局限性吗No,•Natural responses 自然反应•Food aversion (Garcia effect) 食物厌恶（加西亚效应)taste & nausea vs. 食呕心taste & electric shock 食电击•Phobias 恐怖症Chomsky’s critique: 乔姆斯基的评论"Review of Verbal Behavior"《<言语行为>述评》When it comes to humans, behaviorist notions are so vague as to pure story-telling, not science. 说到人类，行为主义者的概念定义太过模糊有如纯粹的讲故事，并不是科学Unfalsifiable 不可证伪Why do we ….? 为什么我们•Talk to ourselves 自言自语•Imitate sounds 声音模仿•Create art 创造艺术•Give bad news to an enemy 向敌人散布坏消息•Fantasize about pleasant situations 幻想美好情景等等Skinner: It’s all reinforcement 斯金纳：这些都(包含有)强化Chomsky: Vague, unfalsifiable 乔姆斯基:太过模糊，不可证伪The legacy of behaviorism 行为主义的遗产•Richer understanding of some important learning mechanisms 更加全面的理解某些重要的学习机制•Powerful techniques for training, especially for non-verbal creatures 非常有效的训练技术，特别在训练非言语生物方面。