美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address

美国总统罗斯福就职英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,I stand before you today humbled and honored to take the sacred oath of office as the 32nd President of the United States of America. I am fully aware of the gravity of the responsibility that comes with this position, and I pledge to do my utmost to serve this great nation to the best of my ability.As we gather here today, we are faced with unprecedented challenges. We are in the depths of a profound economic crisis that has left millions of Americans unemployed and struggling to make ends meet. We are also confronting the growing threat of international conflicts that threaten the security and stability of our nation and the world.But in the face of these challenges, we must remain resolute and steadfast. We must draw upon the courage and determination of those who came before us to confront adversity and emerge stronger and more resilient than ever.It is my belief that the only way we can face these challenges is through a united and cooperative effort. We must reach across divides of race, religion, and political ideology to find common ground and work together towards a brighter future for all Americans.As I enter into this office, I am mindful of the great responsibility that comes with it. I am humbled by the trust that has been placed in me by the American people, and I vow to work tirelessly to earnand maintain that trust.In the days, weeks, and months ahead, I will work closely with my fellow Americans to help create jobs and secure our economic future. I will work tirelessly to ensure that every American has access to quality healthcare and education, and I will work to promote the values of democracy, freedom, and justice both at home and abroad.But I cannot do this alone. I call upon all Americans, regardless of political affiliation, to join me in this noble effort to build a better and more just society. Together, we can overcome the challenges that lie ahead and leave a brighter future for the generations to come.Thank you, and God Bless the United States of America.。

历届美国总统就职演说中英双语第一篇范文：美国历届总统就职演讲稿First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years―a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought tobe peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than myown, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents,the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and courseof nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republicanmodel of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that Ishould renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parentof the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.Second Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF __LPHIAMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793Fellow Citizens:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.Inaugural Address of John Adams__AL __ IN THE CITY OF __LPHIA__Y, MARCH 4, 1797When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences― universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce,discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and countrythan any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my ownnative State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations ofmen into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, andsecured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union,without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the publicopinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and callthemselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with第二篇范文：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowmentsfrom nature and unpracticed in the duties of civiladministration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Thecircumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me fromentering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage ofcommunities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between。

罗斯福就职演讲稿英文Inaugural Address by Franklin D. RooseveltMy fellow Americans,I stand before you today humbled and honored to assume the presidency of the United States. As we face unprecedented challenges and strive to overcome the effects of the Great Depression, it is crucial that we come together as a nation and work towards a brighter future.In this time of uncertainty, it is important to remember that our greatest strength lies in our unity. We must set aside our differences and work towards a common goal –to restore prosperity and opportunity for all Americans. It is our duty to ensure that no citizen is left behind and that every American has the chance to achieve their dreams.We must address the economic crisis head-on. We will implement policies that stimulate the economy, create jobs, and provide relief for those who have been hardest hit by this crisis. But we cannot do it alone – we need the support and cooperation of every American. Together, we will rebuild our economy and restore the American spirit.In addition to our economic challenges, we also face numerous global threats. We must be vigilant in protecting our national security and preserving peace. We will forge stronger alliances with our partners around the world and stand firm against those who seek to do us harm. It is our responsibility to ensure a safer, more peaceful world for future generations.As we confront these challenges, let us not lose sight of the values that define us as a nation – equality, justice, and freedom. We must continue to fight for the rights of every American, regardless of their race, religion, or background. We must work towards a society where everyone has an equal opportunity to succeed and thrive.My fellow Americans, we have a long road ahead of us. But I am confident that, together, we can overcome any obstacle and build a brighter future for our nation. Let us embrace this moment of change and strive for a better tomorrow.Thank you, and God bless America.。

罗斯福就职演讲稿英文president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our commondifficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we arestricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten ofan outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths.a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we applysocial value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly neededprojects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy ofthe growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of reliefactivities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states of america - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights ofothers. the neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that wecannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive andlegislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.。

罗斯福就职演说英文篇一：1933罗斯福就职演讲中英FirstinauguraladdressofFranklind.RooseveltSaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamcertainthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePreside ncyiwilladdressthemwithacandorandadecisionwhichthepresentsituationof ournationimpels.Thisispreeminentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth ,franklyandboldly.norneedweshrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourco untrytoday.Thisgreatnationwillendureasithasendured,willreviveandwillpro sper.So,firstofall,letmeassertmyfirmbeliefthattheonlythingwehavetofearisf earitself--nameless,ueasoning,unjustifiedterrorwhichparalyzesneededeffor tstoconvertretreatintoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeadershi poffranknessandvigorhasmetwiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeople themselveswhichisessentialtovictory.iamconvincedthatyouwillagaingiveth atsupporttoleadershipinthesecriticaldays. insuchaspiritonmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.Theycon cern,thankGod,onlymaterialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentofantasticlevels;ta xeshaverisen;ourabilitytopayhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseri ouscurtailmentofincome;themeansofexchangearefrozeninthecurrentsoftra de;thewitheredleavesofindustrialenterpriselieoneveryside;farmersfindnomarketsfortheirproduce;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffamiliesarego ne.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumbertoilwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcande nythedarkrealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta generoususeofitlanguishesintheverysightofthesupply.Primarilythisisbecau setherulersoftheexchangeofmankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheir ownstubbornnessandtheirownincompetence,haveadmittedtheirfailure,and abdicated.Practicesoftheunscrupulousmoneychangersstandindictedintheco urtofpublicopinion,rejectedbytheheartsandmindsofmen. Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureofcredittheyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmoremon ey.Strippedofthelureofprofitbywhichtoinduceourpeopletofollowtheirfalsel eadership,theyhaveresortedtoexhortations,pleadingtearfullyforrestoredcon fidence.Theyknowonlytherulesofagenerationofself-seekers.Theyhavenovi sion,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeopleperish.Themoneychangershavefled fromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilization.wemaynowrestorethattem pletotheancienttruths.Themeasureoftherestorationliesintheextenttowhichweapplysocialvaluesmorenoblethanmeremonetaryprofit. Happinessliesnotinthemerepossessionofmoney;itliesinthejoyofachieveme nt,inthethrillofcreativeeffort.Thejoyandmoralstimulationofworknolonger mustbeforgotteninthemadchaseofevanescentprofits.Thesedarkdayswillbe worthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministeredunt obuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen.Recognitionofthefalsityofm aterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandinhandwiththeabandonment ofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpoliticalpositionaretobevaluedonly bythestandardsofprideofplaceandpersonalprofit;andtheremustbeanendtoac onductinbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenhasgiventoasacredtrustthelik enessofcallousandselfishwrongdoing.Smallwonderthatconfidencelanguish es,foritthrivesonlyonhonesty,onhonor,onthesacrednessofobligations,onfait hfulprotection,onunselfishperformance;withoutthemitcannotlive. Restorationcalls,however,notforchangesinethicsalone.Thisnationasksforac tion,andactionnow. ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeaccomplishedinpartbydirectrecruit ingbytheGovernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyof awar,butatthesametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlynee dedprojectstostimulateandreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources.Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationinourindustrialcentersand,byengagingonanationalscaleinaredistribution,en deavortoprovideabetteruseofthelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskc anbehelpedbydefiniteeffortstoraisethevaluesofagriculturalproductsandwit hthisthepowertopurchasetheoutputofourcities.itcanbehelpedbypreventingr ealisticallythetragedyofthegrowinglossthroughforeclosureofoursmallhome sandourfarms.itcanbehelpedbyinsistencethattheFederal,State,andlocalgov ernmentsactforthwithonthedemandthattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcan behelpedbytheunifyingofreliefactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,unec onomical,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforandsupervision ofallformsoftransportationandofcommunicationsandotherutilitieswhichha veadefinitelypubliccharacter.Therearemanywaysinwhichitcanbehelped,bu titcanneverbehelpedmerelybytalkingaboutit.wemustactandactquickly. Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofworkwerequiretwosafeguardsa gainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;theremustbeastrictsupervisionofallba nkingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtospeculationwithother people'smoney,andtheremustbeprovisionforanadequatebutsoundcurr ency.Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyurgeuponanewcongressinspecials essiondetailedmeasuresfortheirfulfillment,andishallseektheimmediateassis tanceoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweaddressourselvestoputtingourown nationalhouseinorderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelations,thoughvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandnecessitysecondaryt otheestablishmentofasoundnationaleconomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicythep uttingoffirstthingsfirst.ishallsparenoefforttorestoreworldtradebyinternatio naleconomicreadjustment,buttheemergencyathomecannotwaitonthatacco mplishment. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itistheinsistence,asafirstconsideration,upontheinterdepe ndenceofthevariouselementsinallpartsoftheUnitedStates--arecognitionofth eoldandpermanentlyimportantmanifestationoftheamericanspiritofthepione er.itisthewaytorecovery.itistheimmediateway.itisthestrongestassurancethat therecoverywillendure. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwoulddedicatethisnationtothepolicyofthegoodnei ghbor--theneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso,res pectstherightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespects thesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors. ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealize dbeforeourinterdependenceoneachother;thatwecannotmerelytakebutwemu stgiveaswell;thatifwearetogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarm ywillingtosacrificeforthegoodofacommondiscipline,becausewithoutsuchdi sciplinenoprogressismade,noleadershipbecomeseffective.weare,iknow,rea dyandwillingtosubmitourlivesandpropertytosuchdiscipline,becauseitmake spossiblealeadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgingthatthelargerpurposeswillbinduponusallasasacredobligationwithaunityof dutyhithertoevokedonlyintimeofarmedstrife.withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleadershipofthisgreatarmyo fourpeoplededicatedtoadisciplinedattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourconstitutionissosimpleandpracticalt hatitispossiblealwaystomeetextraordinaryneedsbychangesinemphasisanda rrangementwithoutlossofessentialform.Thatiswhyourconstitutionalsystem hasproveditselfthemostsuperblyenduringpoliticalmechanismthemodernwo rldhasproduced.ithasmeteverystressofvastexpansionofterritory,offoreignw ars,ofbitterinternalstrife,ofworldrelations.itistobehopedthatthenormalbala nceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymaybewhollyadequatetomeettheunp recedentedtaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatanunprecedenteddemandandneedf orundelayedactionmaycallfortemporarydeparturefromthatnormalbalanceo fpublicprocedure.iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutytorecommendthe measuresthatastrickennationinthemidstofastrickenworldmayrequire.These measures,orsuchothermeasuresasthecongressmaybuildoutofits experienceandwisdom,ishallseek,withinmyconstitutionalauthority,tobringt ospeedyadoption. Butintheeventthatthecongressshallfailtotakeoneofthesetwocourses,andinth eeventthatthenationalemergencyisstillcritical,ishallnotevadetheclearcourse ofdutythatwillthenconfrontme.ishallaskthecongressfortheoneremaininginstrumenttomeetthecrisis--broadExecutivepowertowageawaragainsttheemer gency,asgreatasthepowerthatwouldbegiventomeifwewereinfactinvadedby aforeignfoe. Forthetrustreposedinmeiwillreturnthecourageandthedevotionthatbefittheti me.icandonoless. wefacethearduousdaysthatliebeforeusinthewarmcourageofthenationalunit y;withtheclearconsciousnessofseekingoldandpreciousmoralvalues;withthe cleansatisfactionthatcomesfromthestemperformanceofdutybyoldandyoung alike.weaimattheassuranceofaroundedandpermanentnationallife. wedonotdistrustthefutureofessentialdemocracy.ThepeopleoftheUnitedStat eshavenotfailed.intheirneedtheyhaveregisteredamandatethattheywantdirec t,vigorousaction.Theyhaveaskedfordisciplineanddirectionunderleadership. Theyhavemademethepresentinstrumentoftheirwishes.inthespiritofthegiftit akeit. inthisdedicationofanationwehumblyasktheblessingofGod.mayHeprotectea chandeveryoneofus.mayHeguidemeinthedaystocome.我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。

美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。

我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。

我们所处的时刻是艰难的。

我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。

然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。

这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。

我们必须首先解决经济问题。

我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。

我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。

此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。

我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。

我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。

我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。

在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。

我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。

我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。

最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。

我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。

我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。

国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。

让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。

罗斯福第二次就职演说篇一：罗斯福总统就职演说FirstinauguraladdressofFranklind.RooseveltSaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamcertainthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePreside ncyiwilladdressthemwithacandorandadecisionwhichthepresentsituationof ournationimpels.Thisispreeminentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth ,franklyandboldly.norneedweshrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourco untrytoday.Thisgreatnationwillendureasithasendured,willreviveandwillpro sper.So,firstofall,letmeassertmyfirmbeliefthattheonlythingwehavetofearisf earitself--nameless,unreasoning,unjustifiedterrorwhichparalyzesneededeff ortstoconvertretreatintoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeaders hipoffranknessandvigorhasmetwiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeo plethemselveswhichisessentialtovictory.iamconvincedthatyouwillagaingiv ethatsupporttoleadershipinthesecriticaldays. insuchaspiritonmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.Theycon cern,thankGod,onlymaterialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentofantasticlevels;ta xeshaverisen;ourabilitytopayhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseri ouscurtailmentofincome;themeansofexchangearefrozeninthecurrentsoftra de;thewitheredleavesofindustrialenterpriselieoneveryside;farmersfindnomarketsfortheirproduce;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffamiliesarego ne.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumbertoilwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcande nythedarkrealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta generoususeofitlanguishesintheverysightofthesupply.Primarilythisisbecau setherulersoftheexchangeofmankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubbornnessandtheirow nincompetence,haveadmittedtheirfailure,andabdicated.Practicesoftheunsc rupulousmoneychangersstandindictedinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejectedb ytheheartsandmindsofmen.Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureofcredittheyhavepropo sedonlythelendingofmoremoney.Strippedofthelureofprofitbywhichtoinduc eourpeopletofollowtheirfalseleadership,theyhaveresortedtoexhortations,pl eadingtearfullyforrestoredconfidence.Theyknowonlytherulesofageneratio nofself-seekers.Theyhavenovision,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeopleperis h.Themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilizatio n.wemaynowrestorethattempletotheancienttruths.Themeasureoftherestorationli esintheextenttowhichweapplysocialvaluesmorenoblethanmeremonetarypr ofit.Happinessliesnotinthemerepossessionofmoney;itliesinthejoyofachieveme nt,inthethrillofcreativeeffort.Thejoyandmoralstimulationofworknolonger mustbeforgotteninthemadchaseofevanescentprofits.Thesedarkdayswillbe worthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministeredunt obuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen. Recognitionofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandi nhandwiththeabandonmentofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpolitica lpositionaretobevaluedonlybythestandardsofprideofplaceandpersonalprofi t;andtheremustbeanendtoaconductinbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenh asgiventoasacredtrustthelikenessofcallousandselfishwrongdoing.Smallwo nderthatconfidencelanguishes,foritthrivesonlyonhonesty,onhonor,onthesa crednessofobligations,onfaithfulprotection,onunselfishperformance;witho utthemitcannotlive.Restorationcalls,however,notforchangesinethicsalone.Thisnationasksforac tion,andactionnow. ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeaccomplishedinpartbydirectrecruitingbytheGovernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyof awar,butatthesametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlynee dedprojectstostimulateandreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources. Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationi nourindustrialcentersand,byengagingonanationalscaleinaredistribution,en deavorto provideabetteruseofthelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskcanbehelp edbydefiniteeffortstoraisethevaluesofagriculturalproductsandwiththisthep owertopurchasetheoutputofourcities.itcanbehelpedbypreventingrealisticall ythetragedyofthegrowinglossthroughforeclosureofoursmallhomesandourf arms.itcanbehelpedbyinsistencethattheFederal,State,andlocalgovernments actforthwithonthedemandthattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcanbehelped bytheunifyingofreliefactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,uneconomical ,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforand supervisionofallformsoftransportationandofcommunicationsandotherutilit ieswhichhaveadefinitelypubliccharacter.Therearemanywaysinwhichitcanb ehelped,butitcanneverbehelpedmerelybytalkingaboutit.wemustactandactq uickly.Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofworkwerequiretwosafeguardsa gainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;theremustbeastrictsupervisionofallba nkingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtospeculationwithother people'smoney,andtheremustbeprovisionforanadequatebutsoundcurrency.Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyurgeuponanewcongressinspecial sessiondetailedmeasuresfortheirfulfillment,andishallseektheimmediateassi stanceoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweaddressourselvestoputtingourownnational houseinorderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelation s,thoughvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandnecessitysecondarytotheesta blishmentofasoundnationaleconomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoff irstthingsfirst.ishallsparenoefforttorestoreworldtradebyinternationalecono micreadjustment,buttheemergencyathomecannotwaitonthataccomplishme nt. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itistheinsistence,asafirstconsideration,upontheinterdepe ndenceofthevariouselementsinallpartsoftheUnitedStates--arecognitionofth eoldandpermanentlyimportantmanifestationoftheamericanspiritofthepione er.itisthewaytorecovery.itistheimmediateway.itisthestrongestassurancethat therecoverywillendure. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwoulddedicatethisnationtothepolicyofthegood neighbor--theneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso, respectstherightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespe ctsthesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors. ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealizedbeforeourinterdependenceoneachother;thatwecannotmerelytakebutwemu stgiveaswell;thatifwearetogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarm ywillingtosacrificeforthegoodofacommondiscipline,becausewithoutsuchdisciplineno progressismade,noleadershipbecomeseffective.weare,iknow,readyandwilli ngtosubmitourlivesandpropertytosuchdiscipline,becauseitmakespossibleal eadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgingthatthelar gerpurposeswillbinduponusallasasacredobligationwithaunityofdutyhithert oevokedonlyintimeofarmedstrife.withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleadershipofthisgreatarmyo fourpeoplededicatedtoadisciplinedattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourconstitutionissosimpleandpracticalt hatitispossiblealwaystomeetextraordinaryneedsbychangesinemphasisanda rrangementwithoutlossofessentialform.Thatiswhyourconstitutionalsystem hasproveditselfthemostsuperblyenduringpoliticalmechanismthemodernwo rldhasproduced.ithasmeteverystressofvastexpansionofterritory,offoreignw ars,ofbitterinternalstrife,ofworldrelations. itistobehopedthatthenormalbalanceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymay bewhollyadequatetomeettheunprecedentedtaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatan unprecedenteddemandandneedforundelayedactionmaycallfortemporaryde parturefromthatnormalbalanceofpublicprocedure.iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutytorecommendthemeasuresthatastri ckennationinthemidstofastrickenworldmayrequire.Thesemeasures,orsuch othermeasuresasthecongressmaybuildoutofitsexperienceandwisdom,ishall seek,withinmyconstitutionalauthority,tobringtospeedyadoption. Butintheeventthatthecongressshallfailtotakeoneofthesetwocourses,andinth eeventthatthenationalemergencyisstillcritical,ishallnotevadetheclearcourse ofdutythatwillthenconfrontme.ishallaskthecongressfortheoneremainingins trumenttomeetthecrisis--broadExecutivepowertowageawaragainsttheemer gency,asgreatasthepowerthatwouldbegiventomeifwewereinfactinvadedby aforeignfoe. Forthetrustreposedinmeiwillreturnthecourageandthedevotionthatbefittheti me.icandonoless. wefacethearduousdaysthatliebeforeusinthewarmcourageofthenationalunit y;withtheclearconsciousnessofseekingoldandpreciousmoralvalues;withthe clean satisfactionthatcomesfromthestemperformanceofdutybyoldandyoungalike .weaimattheassuranceofaroundedandpermanentnationallife. wedonotdistrustthefutureofessentialdemocracy.ThepeopleoftheUnitedStat eshavenotfailed.intheirneedtheyhaveregisteredamandatethattheywantdirec t,vigorousaction.Theyhaveaskedfordisciplineanddirectionunderleadership. Theyhavemademethepresentinstrumentoftheirwishes.inthespiritofthegiftit akeit.inthisdedicationofanationwehumblyasktheblessingofGod.mayHeprotectea chandeveryoneofus.mayHeguidemeinthedaystocome.译文：富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。

first inaugural address of franklin d. rooseveltsaturday, march 4, 1933i am certain that my fellow americans expect that on my induction into thepresidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situationof our nation impels. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the wholetruth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we haveto fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzesneeded efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our nationallife a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.true they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of moremoney. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow theirfalse leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have novision, and when there is no vision the people perish.the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetaryprofit.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy ofachievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark dayswill be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to beministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goeshand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and highpolitical position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place andpersonal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in businesswhich too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfishwrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfishperformance; without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation asksfor action, and action now.hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution,endeavor toprovide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. the taskcan be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homesand our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, state, and localgovernments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. itcan be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. it can be helped by national planning for andfinally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguardsagainst a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervisionof all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation withother peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. there are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress inspecialsession detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the several states.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is notnarrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon theinterdependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spiritof the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of thegoodneighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who r espects his obligations and respectsthe sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have neverrealized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take butwe must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained andloyal army willing toaction in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of governmentwhich we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes inemphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. it has met every stress of vast expansionof territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authoritymay be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be thatanunprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.but in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evadethe clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress forthe one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we werein fact invaded by a foreign foe.for the trust reposed in me i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. i can do no less.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the nationalunity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; withthe cleanwe do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the unitedstates have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they wantdirect, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spiritof the gift i take it.译文：富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt，1882年1月30日-1945年4月12日)，美国第32任总统，美国历史上唯一连任超过两届(连任四届，病逝于第四届任期中)的总统，美国迄今为止在任时间最长的总统。

罗斯福家族在美国大约有近320xx年的历史，美国第26任总统西奥多·罗斯福是富兰克林·罗斯福的堂叔。

以下是给大家分享了美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文，希望大家有帮助。

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。

我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。

现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。

我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。

这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。

因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。

凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。

我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。

感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。

价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。

只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。

但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。

我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。

我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。

美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。

他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。

值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。

现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。

我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。

我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。

因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。

在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。

我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。

感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。

价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。

更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。

只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。

但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。

我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。

我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。

大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。

我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。

这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。

贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。

他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。

面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。