7美国总统尼克松就职演说(1969年)

5.2越南战争【教学素材】1.阅读下列材料:材料一[第二次世界大战后,]美国同苏联,以及它们各自的盟国之间,都发生了直接的和全球性的对抗。

[它们]在各自的世界之间划分“边疆”,并且把它们的竞争扩大到了第三世界。

——[美]斯帕尼尔《第二次世界大战后美国的外交政策》材料二1954年《日内瓦协议》的有关内容:①自北纬17度分割南北越南。

②法国撤出越南,并承认它前殖民地三邦变为独立国。

③南北越为中立国家,不得与任何国家缔结军事同盟,不得进口军火,不得依附任何集团国家。

④南北越在1956年7月以前实行普选,由普选再统一南北越。

⑤各国尊重三邦独立和主权完整,不干涉三国内政。

材料三越南民主共和国是中国唇齿相依的邻邦,越南人民是中国人民亲如手足的兄弟,美国对越南民主共和国的侵犯,就是对中国的侵犯,中国人民决不会坐视不救。

——中华人民共和国政府声明(1964年8月6日) 请回答:(1)依据材料一和所学知识,概括第二次世界大战后世界格局的突出特点,并举例说明美苏“把它们的竞争扩大到了第三世界”。

答案：特点:第二次世界大战后形成了以美国为首的资本主义阵营和以苏联为首的社会主义阵营的对抗,美苏两极格局形成。

举例:如朝鲜战争、越南战争等。

(2)由材料二可知,越南分裂的主要原因是什么?文中的“三邦”是指哪三个国家?答案：《日内瓦协议》的规定。

三邦指越南、老挝、柬埔寨。

(3)结合材料三和所学知识,试分析越南战争越南胜利的原因。

答案：①越南人民抗美救国战争的正义性。

②得到了中国等世界各国人民的支持和声援。

③越南军民的顽强抗击。

解析：分析：本题考查学生阅读材料,并根据材料中的有效信息分析概括问题的能力。

第(1)题注意审题,不仅要求根据材料还要结合所学知识,二者都要兼顾。

第(2)题根据材料回答,材料二主要是《日内瓦协议》,抓住这一中心问题就迎刃而解了;第(3)题与第(1)题相同,既要结合材料又要兼顾所学知识。

答题时要做到要点化、条理化、规范化。

第26练现代中国外交1．1950年，美国国会通过“中国地区援助法案”修正案，允许中国留学生就学期间和毕业以后在美国工作。

1953年8月，美国总统签署“难民解救法案”，允许至少一部分留在美国的中国留学生从学生身份转为永久居民。

这些法案的出台表明( )A．科技革命促使美国招揽中国人才B．美国对新中国进行科技封锁C．祖国强大提升了留美学生的地位D．美国向新中国释放外交善意2．(2018·某某某某一模，31)在《中苏友好同盟互助条约》签订时，斯大林迫使我国签订了一项秘密的《补充协定》规定在苏联的远东和中亚地区、我国的东北和某某“不给予外国人以租让权利。

并不许第三国的资本或其他公民以直接或间接形式所参加之工业的、财政的、商业的及其他的企业、机关、会社与团体的活动。

”该《补充协定》( )A．有利于我国开展独立自主外交B．有助于“一五”计划的开展C．影响我国独立自主的外交形象D．打破了美国孤立中国的政策3．(2018·某某某某一中第八次适应性训练，30)1949年以苏联为首的几个社会主义国家成立了经济互助委员会，虽然苏联也向中国发出了邀请，但中国一直没有加入，仅以观察员身份列席会议。

这体现了中国( )A．自力更生的建设方针B．放弃了“一边倒”的方针C．维护自身的经济主权D．实行严格的计划经济体制4．(2018·某某某某一模，31)1952年周恩来认为当今世界应划分为两大阵营(帝国主义阵营和社会主义阵营)、三类国家(帝国主义国家、民族主义国家和社会主义国家)，并指出世界局势不是“简单的两大阵营对立，没有什么工作可做。

”这说明当时的中国( )A．已放弃“一边倒”的外交策略B．强调独立自主政策的必要性C．不单纯以意识形态为外交准则D．切实推进新型区域外交合作5．(2018·某某某某高三模拟，31)1955年7月，美国通过英国向中国建议举行大使级会谈，中国表示同意。

8月1日，两国首次大使级会谈在日内瓦举行；9月10日双方就平民回国问题达成协议，钱学森由此踏上归国之路。

名人演讲：尼克松沉默的大多数TheGreat Silent Majority演讲者简介：理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松(Richard Milhous Nixon，1913年1月9日-1994年4月22日)，第36任美国副总统(1953年-1961年)与第37任美国总统(1969年-1974年)。

尼克松是美国史上唯一当过两届总统与两届副总统的人，但也是唯一于在位期间，以辞职的方式离开总统职位的美国总统。

演讲背景介绍：1969年，美国深陷越南战争的泥潭，为了应付国内国外的压力弄的焦头烂额。

在越南，美军损兵折将，而在国内，反战运动风起云涌(看过《阿甘正传》的应该对反战运动的“盛况”有所认识)。

越战这个烫手的山芋于是如同现在的伊拉克一般，成了食之无味而弃之可惜的鸡肋。

当时的美国总统尼克松为了应对危局，在国内寻求广泛的人民的首肯，提出了“沉默的大多数”这个说法。

尼克松说，那些站出来游行示威、强烈反对越战、甚至攻击警察机关的人们，虽然显得声势浩大，但实际上却并非是多数，而绝大多数美国人的声音却被这些激进的呼喊所掩盖;绝大多数美国人都是爱国的，不希望国家走入颓势，只是种种原因，他们并未站出来表达自己的意见，而是处于沉默状态。

虽然，也有批评人士认为这是尼克松为自己的越战政策涂脂抹粉。

但他们也不得不承认，尼克松的这番话还真取得了不俗的效果，听过其演说的人，对他的支持率将近八成，而随后1972年的大选，尼克松以压倒性的胜利获得连任，也不能不提这“沉默的大多数”的功劳。

Good evening, my fellow Americans.晚上好!亲爱的同胞们：Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concernto all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world,the war in Vietnam.今晚，我想与各位探讨一个问题，这是所有美国人和全球无数人所深切关注的一个问题——越南战争。

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous NixonMONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth.I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are sogreat, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at oneanother--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of ourpeople--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peacefulcompetition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worldstogether--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now addthis sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.我们都是地球的乘客-理查德-尼克松第一次就职演讲星期一,1969年1月20日历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。

2023年福建省泉州市安溪县中考历史二模试卷一、选择题：本题共28小题，每小题2分，共56分。

在每小题给出的四个选项中，只有一项是符合题目要求的。

A．周口店的自然环境B．遗址中的打制石器C．北京人头盖骨化石D．北京人生活想象图1．（2分）考古工作者制作完成“北京人头部复原像”（见图）的主要依据（ ）A．隶书或小篆B．大篆或小篆C．隶书或大篆D．甲骨文或金文2．（2分）有一天，王华去参观某一历史博物馆，其中一件刻有文字的商代文物深深地吸引着他。

根据你所学的历史知识，判断此文物中的文字可能是（ ）A．公元前二世纪初B．公元前二世纪末C．公元前三世纪初D．公元前三世纪末3．（2分）“且壮士不死即已，死即举大名耳。

王侯将相宁有种乎？”这是公元前209年中国历史上第一次农民大起义爆发时的呐喊。

公元前209年处于（ ）A．查看档案文献B．实地探访C．找寻口述资料D．搜集民间传说4．（2分）《史记•淮阴侯列传》写道：“其母死，贫无以葬，然乃行营高敞地，令其旁可置万家。

余视其母冢，良然。

”司马迁在这里采用的史学方法是（ ）A．关注农具革新B．主张作物轮作C．强调种植方法D．重视因地制宜5．（2分）谚语是我国传统文化的组成部分。

“夏至根边草，赛过毒蛇咬；田里锄一遍，胜过浇肥料。

”这一谚语体现了先民（ ）A．兼具胡汉双重的混合血统B．发挥混合意识形态的作用C．继承创新儒家思想的精粹6．（2分）隋文帝提倡汉儒的思想、习俗，礼仪，使南北都能达成共识；与此相辅相成的是法家思想，另一方面是佛教思想。

这体现了隋文帝（ ）D．了解南北方劳动人民愿望A．体现出妇女地位的提高B．揭示了贵族生活的奢靡C．反映出开放的社会风气D．深受西方生活方式影响7．（2分）如图为唐朝的彩绘陶打马球女俑，唐朝的妇女经常骑马出游、打猎、打马球。

妇女骑马握弓的勃勃英姿常见于唐代的绘画和雕塑中。

这些现象（ ）A．金属货币交易量迅速增长B．唐宋商业活动不受时空限制C．唐宋外贸收入占重要地位D．宋代商业繁荣程度超过唐朝8．（2分）下表是唐宋发行铜币数目的统计表。

2023年中考历史质检试卷（一）一、选择题（本大题共15小题，共30分）1. 1899年，日本驻华公使照会总理衙门，要求清政府不得将福建割让或租借给其他国家。

在日本的威逼下，清政府妥协屈服并发表声明：“福建省内及沿海一带均属中国要地，（除日本外）无论何国，中国断不让与或租给”。

这一声明发表的背景是A. 太平天国控制长江沿岸城镇B. 中国被迫五口通商C. 列强掀起了瓜分中国的狂潮D. 武昌城内新军起义2. 为“自强”，洋务派创办了一批军事工业；为“求富”，他们又创办了一批民用企业。

下列哪个企业是洋务派为“求富”而兴建的？（）A. 江南制造总局B. 福州船政局C. 安庆内军械所D. 开平矿务局3. 1969年1月20日，尼克松在美国总统就职演说中暗示他有意改变对华政策。

根据毛泽东的安排，《人民日报》于1月28日破例刊登了尼克松的这篇演说。

这表明（）A. 中美双方都有意改善两国关系B. 中美双方彻底结束了对抗状态C. 美国仍顽固坚持对华敌对态度D. 中美关系已经实现了正常化4. 18世纪中期以后的英国，倡导爱护自然的诗歌层出不穷，如彭斯的《杜河两岸》、布罗姆菲尔德的《农夫之子》均描绘了少年时代乡村自然的美丽景色，克莱尔在《致倒下的榆树》中则深情地把童年时期屋后的榆树当作朋友来看待。

这反映出当时英国（）A. 社会环境问题日益突出B. 乡村教育提高了农民素养C. 政府重视保护乡村环境D. 诗歌主题以乡村生活为主5. 王家范指出：西周政治是“共主”名义下的地方分权体制……与秦以后一统的君主“独制”格局泾渭分明。

“独制”与“地方分权制”相比，其特点在于（）A. 地方的治理权力得到强化B. 地方长官由世袭产生C. 郡县长官由朝廷直接任命D. 县令由郡守直接任命6. 唐太宗曾说：“凡事皆需务本。

国以民为本，民以食为本。

凡营衣食，以不失时为本……”他治理国家的政策中，最能体现这一思想的是（）A. 知人善任，鼓励大臣谏言B. 轻徭薄赋，减轻农民负担C. 制定法律，减省刑罚D. 整顿吏治，考核官吏7. 历朝历代都注重加强对西北边疆地区的管辖。

历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说优习网> 英语听力> 听力教程> 历届美国总统就职演说
1933年罗斯福、1949年杜鲁门、1953年艾森豪威尔、1961年肯尼迪、1963年约翰逊、1969年尼克松、1974年福特、1977年卡特、1981年里根、1989年乔治·H·W·布什、1993年克林顿、2001年乔治·W·布什、2009年奥巴马就职演说！·2009年美国第44任总统奥巴马就职演说
·2001年美国总统布什就职演说
·1993年美国总统克林顿就职演说
·1989年美国总统老布什就职演说
·1981年美国总统里根就职演说
·1974年美国总统福特就职演说
·1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说
·1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说·1965年美国总统约翰逊就职演说·1953年美国总统艾森豪威尔就职演说·1949年美国总统杜鲁门就职演说·1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说·1974年美国总统福特就职演说。

尼克松总统就职演讲：为国家带来希望的时刻为国家带来希望的时刻尊敬的各位国会议员、联邦最高法院大法官、各位外宾以及所有美国人民：今天，我们在这里共同见证了一个令人振奋的时刻——我正式就任美利坚合众国总统。

我深感荣幸和谦逊地站在这个宏伟而富有历史意义的国会大厦的讲台上，与你们分享我对国家的愿景和期望。

我们的国家面临着重大的挑战。

经历了长期的内外困境，美国人民渴望找回自己的身份和自豪感。

我们的经济发展受到了困扰，就业率下降，通胀问题严重，社会不公平现象日益严重。

此外，冷战的阴霾继续笼罩着国际舞台，国与国之间的紧张局势时刻威胁着世界和平。

然而，尽管我们面临的困难重重，我坚信，这个时刻蕴含着巨大的希望。

因为我相信，只要我们团结一心，共同努力，我们就能够化解困境，为国家和人民带来更加美好的未来。

在经济方面，我们将致力于重振美国的经济实力。

我们将采取必要的措施，鼓励企业创新和投资，减少税负和繁琐的监管，改善商业环境。

同时，我们也会加大对教育、科技和基础设施的投资，以提高我们的人力资本和国家竞争力。

我们将努力实现全民就业，促进经济增长，消除贫困和不平等现象，让每个美国人都能够分享到国家繁荣的成果。

在国际事务中，我们将积极推动世界和平与合作。

我们将本着互相尊重和互利共赢的原则，与世界各国展开对话与合作，共同应对气候变化、恐怖主义、贫困等全球性挑战。

我们将坚守国际法治和多边主义原则，维护国际关系稳定，推动解决世界各地的冲突与纷争。

我们将加强与盟友的合作，拓展与新兴国家的伙伴关系，共同构建一个和平、稳定、繁荣的世界。

此外，为了重塑国家精神和凝聚人民力量，我们将加强国内的社会改革和文化建设。

我们将推动公民意识的培养，倡导公正、平等、宽容和尊重多元化的价值观。

我们将投入更多的资源，改善教育体系，提高人民的素质和能力。

我们将加大社会福利和医疗保障的覆盖范围，确保每个人都能够享受到基本的生活保障和公平的机会。

我要向所有美国人民发出呼吁：我们需要团结一心，共同为国家的未来努力奋斗。

美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国是世界上最强大的国家之一，每当一个新总统上任时，他都需要在国会大厦的就职典礼上发表演讲，宣誓就职并介绍他的政治愿景。

这些就职演讲稿是美国历史上一些最重要的政治讲话之一，它们描绘了该国的未来方向，同时向全世界展示该国的价值和道德标准。

现在，让我们回顾一下一些重要而难忘的美国历届总统就职演讲稿。

华盛顿的就职演讲(1789)乔治·华盛顿成为美国第一任总统时，他在1789年4月30日在联邦大厦前宣誓就职。

在他的演讲中，华盛顿强调了联邦政府的重要性，并试图消除各个州之间的分歧，奠定了美国政府的基础。

林肯第二次就职演讲(1865)林肯第二次就职演讲是美国历史上最有名的就职演讲之一。

在恢复国家的艰难时期，林肯在典礼上提出了“和平、团结、正义”的口号，他的讲话也被认为是对奴隶制度废除的胜利在道义上的肯定。

罗斯福第一次就职演讲(1933)富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺通过“新政”政策扭转大萧条的局面。

他提出了“唯有恐惧本身才是我们所应害怕的”这一名言，鼓舞了美国人的信心，促进了国家的复苏。

肯尼迪就职演讲(1961)约翰·肯尼迪的就职演讲被誉为美国历史上最具启发性和激情澎湃的演讲之一。

他在演讲中提出了“不要问国家为你们能做些什么，而要问你们可以为国家做些什么”的名言，这真正地激励了所有的美国人为自己的国家做出贡献。

尼克松第一次就职演讲(1969)理查德·尼克松在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺结束越南战争，并带领美国人民消除一切分裂。

他表示，他的首要任务是在极其分裂的美国社会中建立和谐。

这一演讲推动了美国的社会改革，缩小了美国社会的分裂。

奥巴马第一次就职演讲(2009)巴拉克·奥巴马成为第一个非白人美国总统，并在他的第一次就职典礼典礼上表达了自己对2008年大选的胜利兴奋以及对美国人民的期望。

他的演讲中，奥巴马渲染了美国困境，特别是经济上的困境，并谈到了一个更加团结的美国。

【名人演讲】理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松：首任总统就职演说首任总统就职演说（美国）理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松1969年1月20日德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们：今天，在这个时刻，我要求你们和我分享这种崇高肃穆的感情。

在有秩序的权力交接中，我们欢庆我们的团结一致，它使我们保有自由。

历史巨轮飞转，分分秒秒的时间都十分宝贵，也独具意义。

但是有些瞬间却成为新的起点，定下其后数十年及至几个世纪的行程。

现在，由于世界人民要求和平，各国领导人惧怕战争，所以在历史上第一次，时代站到了和平方面。

历史能授予的最光荣称号莫过于“和平的缔造者”了。

这最高荣誉现在正召唤美国。

美国有机会引导世界最终从动乱的深渊中拔足，走向人类自有文明以来即梦寐以求的和平宽阔高地。

如果我们能够成功，后辈子孙提到我们现在活着的人时，将会说我们驾驭了我们的时代，为人类求得了世界安全。

三分之一世纪以前，富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福曾经站在这里向全国演说，当时国家正受经济不景气困扰，陷于惶恐中。

他看到国家当时的种种困难，却仍然能够说：“感谢上帝，我国的困难毕竟只在物质方面。

”今天我们的危机正相反。

我们物质丰富，却精神贫乏；我们以非凡的准确程度登上了月球，但地球上却陷入了一片混乱。

我们卷人了战争，没有和平。

我们四分五裂，没有团结。

我们看到周围的人生活空虚，没有充实的内容；我们看到许多工作需要完成，却没有人手去做。

对于精神的危机，我们需要精神的解决办法。

为了找到解决办法，我们只需省视自身。

当我们估量能够做什么时，我们只应许诺能做到的事。

但在制订目标时，却要有远大的理想。

如果你的邻舍没有自由，你就不会得到完全的自由。

只有共同前进才能前进。

这就是说黑人和白人共有一个国家，不是分为两个。

法律是按照我们的良心制订的。

剩下的问题就是赋予法律条文以生命：保证既然一切人在上帝面前生来就有同等的尊严，在人的面前也应有同等的尊严。

重庆市2022年初中学业水平暨高中招生考试历史试题（B卷）（开卷本卷共两个大题，满分50分，与道德与法治学科共享90分钟）注意事项：1．试题的答案书写在答题卡上，不得在试题卷上直接作答。

2．作答前认真阅读答题卡上的注意事项。

3．考试结束，由监考人员将试题卷和答题卡一并收回。

一、选择题：本大题共15小题，每小题1分，共15分。

在备选答案中只有一项是符合题目要求的。

请按要求在答题卡上作答。

1.实物史料是研究历史的重要证据。

下图所示实物遗存可以证明当时已经出现A.原始农业B.青铜铸造C.纺织业D.冶铁业2.汉武帝时，将京畿以外地区分为十三州部，设剌史，每年定期巡视所部郡国。

汉武帝此举是为了A.分化王国力量B.提升儒学地位C.监察地方势力D.拓展统治范围3.西汉王朝派细君公主与乌孙和亲，随带官属侍从数百人，和亲使团包含各方面人才，这些人的技艺也随之带到乌孙。

唐朝文成公主入藏后，松赞干布派遣上层子弟入长安国子学以习诗书。

这表明A.古代中原政权与少数民族和亲均是被迫所为B.中原与周边少数民族地区实现了经济互补C.和亲可能促进中原文化向少数民族地区传播D.和亲消除了古代中原政权与少数民族贵族的矛盾4.下边两幅作品分别出自重庆大足宝顶山和文艺复兴时期的意大利。

其相同之处是A.体现妇女地位提高B.展示精湛雕刻技艺C.源于本土宗教题材D.反映人们现实生活5.历史解释是对史实的分析或评判。

下列选项中属于历史解释的是A.鸦片战争改变了中国历史发展的进程B.1860年，英法联军放火烧毁圆明园C.1895年，中日双方签订《马关条约》D.《辛丑条约》规定清政府赔款白银4．5亿两6.1912年到1919年，中国新建的厂矿企业达470多家，投资近1亿元，加上原有企业的扩建，新增资本达到1．3亿元以上，相当于之前50年的投资总额。

这可以用来说明A.洋务运动开启了中国近代化的历程B.辛亥革命促进了中国民族工业发展C.帝国主义经济势力加大对华侵略D.国民党官僚资本出现后急剧扩张7.1969年1月20日，尼克松在美国总统就职演说中暗示他有意改变对华政策。

美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照五篇第一篇：美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照PRESIDENT NIXON’S SPEECH1Mr.Prime Minister and all of your distinguished guests this evening, On behalf of all of your American guests, I wish to thank you2 for the incomparable hospitality for which3 the Chinese people are justly famous throughout the world.I particularly want to pay tribute, not only to those who prepared the magnificent dinner, but also to4 those who have provided5 the splendid music.Never have I heard American music played better in a foreign land.Mr.Prime Minister, I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks.At this very moment6 through the wonder7 of telecommunications, more people are seeing and hearing what we say than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world.Yet, what we say here will not be long remembered.What we do here can change the world.As you said in your toast, the Chinese people are a great people, the American people are a great people.If our two people are enemies the future of this world we share together is dark indeed.But if we can find common ground8 to work together, the chance for world peace9 is immeasurably increased.In the spirit of frankness which10 I hope will characterize our talks this week, let us recognize at the outset11 these points: we have at times in the past been enemies.We have great differences today.What brings us together is that we have common interests which transcend those differences.As we discuss our differences, neither of us will compromise our principles.But while we cannot close the gulf between us, we can try to bridge it so that we maybe able to talk across it.So, let us, in these next five days, start a long march together, not in lockstep12, but on different roads leading to the same goal, the goal of building a world structure of peace and justice in which13 all14 may stand together with equal dignity and in which each nation, large or small, has a right to determine its own form of government, free of outside interference or domination15.The world watches.The world listens.The world waits to see what we will do.What is the world? In a personal sense, I think of my eldest daughter whose birthday is today.As I think of her, I think of all the children in the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Europe, in the Americas, most of whom were born since the date of the foundation of the People’s Republic of China.What legacy shall we leave our children? Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world, or are they destined to live because we had the vision16 to build a new world? There is no reason for us to be enemies.Neither of us seeks the territory of the other;neither of us seeks domination over the other, neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world.Chairman Mao has written, “So many deeds cry out to be done, and always urgently;the world rolls on , time presses.Ten thousand years are too long, seize the day, seize the hour!”This is the hour.This is the day for our two peoples to rise to the heights of greatness which can build a new and a better world.In that spirit, I ask all of you present to join me in raising your glasses to Chairman Mao, to Prime Minister Chou, and to the friendship of the Chinese and American people which can lead to friendship and peace for all people in the world.美国总统尼克松的讲话总理先生及今晚在座的诸位贵宾：我谨代表你们的所有美国客人向你们表示感谢，感谢你们的无可比拟的盛情款待。

美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）内容简介美国总统的就职演讲是美国政治的一种形式，但它已经成为了美国的一种文化，美国总统的演讲辞更成为美国、乃至世界的文化遗产。

美国是实行总统制的典型国家。

美国总统身兼国家元首和行政首脑，在三权分立的政治结构中居重要地位。

美国实行总统内阁制，每四年选举一次总统，可连选连任一次。

每当新总统当选后，便要举行庄严而隆重的就职典礼。

这是美国政治生活中的一项重大的庆典。

总统就职典礼一般有4个程序：首先是就职宣誓；宣誓之后，总统发表就职演说；演说完毕，便开始盛大的庆祝游行；最后举行舞会。

美国总统借就职演说，表明自己政见和立场，起着鼓舞人民、教育人民的作用。

为了给人民留下良好的印象，总统对演说词斟酌推敲，以求打动人心。

好的演说词常常诞生在重大历史时刻，时势造英雄，这演说词也造就了传诵千古的名篇。

这里收集的《美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）》主要参考了李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》，另有一部分是从网络媒体下载的，并增加了最新的2013年奥巴马第二次就职演讲内容。

但第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟、第二十九届第二十六任西奥多•罗斯福、第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝、第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门和第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊的就职演讲译文未找到。

截至目前，这个版本应该是收集的美国总统就职演讲大全了。

另附李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》“前言”。

目录第一届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1789～1793）首次就职演讲第二届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1793～1797）第二次就职演讲第三届第二任约翰·亚当斯（1797～1801）就职演讲第四届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1801～1805）首次就职演讲第五届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1805～1809）第二次就职演讲第六届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1809～1813）首次就职演讲第七届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1813-1817）第二次就职演讲第八届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1817-1821）首次就职演讲第九届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1821～1825）第二次就职演讲第十届第六任约翰·昆西·亚当斯（1825～1829）就职演讲第十一届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1829-1833）首次就职演讲第十二届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1833～1837）第二次就职演讲第十三届第八任马丁·范·布伦（1837～1841）就职演讲第十四届第九任威廉·亨利·哈里森（1841）就职演讲第十四届第十任约翰·泰勒（1841～1845）就职演讲第十五届第十一任詹姆斯·波尔克（1845～1849）就职演讲第十六届第十二任扎卡里·泰勒（1849～1850）就职演讲第十六届第十三任米勒德·菲尔莫尔（1850～1853）就职演讲第十七届第十四任富兰克林·皮尔斯（1853～1857）就职演讲第十八届第十五任詹姆斯·布坎南（1857～1861）就职演讲第十九届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861～1865）首次就职演讲第二十届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865）第二次就职演讲第二十届第十七任安德鲁·约翰逊（1865～1869）就职演讲第二十一届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1869-1873）首次就职演讲第二十二届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1873～1877）第二次就职演讲第二十三届第十九任拉瑟福德·海斯（1877～1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十任詹姆斯·加菲尔德（1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟（1881～1885）就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第二十五届第二十二任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885～1889）就职演讲第二十六届第二十三任本杰明·哈里森（1889-1893）就职演讲第二十七届第二十四任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893～1897）就职演讲第二十八届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1897～1901）首次就职演讲第二十九届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1901）第二次就职演讲第二十九届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1901～1905）首次就职演讲第三十届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1905～1909）第二次就职演讲第三十一届第二十七任威廉·塔夫特（1909～1913）就职演讲第三十二届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1913-1917）首次就职演讲第三十三届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1917～1921）第二次就职演讲第三十四届第二十九任华伦·哈丁（1921～1923）就职演讲第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1923～1925）就职演讲第三十五届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1925-1929）就职演讲第三十六届第三十一任赫伯特·胡佛（1929～1933）就职演讲第三十七届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1933～1937）首次就职演讲第三十八届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1937～1941）第二次就职演讲第三十九届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1941～1945）第三次就职演讲第四十届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1945）第四次就职演讲第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1945～1949）首次就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第四十一届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1949～1953）第二次就职演讲第四十二届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1953-1957）首次就职演讲第四十三届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1957～1961）第二次就职演讲第四十四届第三十五任约翰·肯尼迪（1961～1963）就职演讲第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1963～1965）首次就职演讲（无演讲词）第四十五届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1965～1969）第二次就职演讲第四十六届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1969～1973）首次就职演讲第四十七届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1973～1974）第二次就职演讲第四十七届第三十八任杰拉德·鲁道夫·福特（1974～1977）就职演讲第四十八届第三十九任杰米·卡特（1977～1981）就职演讲第四十九届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1981-1985）首次就职演讲第五十届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1985-1989）第二次就职演讲第五十一届第四十一任乔治·布什（1989～1993）就职演讲第五十二届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1993～1997）首次就职演讲第五十三届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1997-2001）第二次就职演讲第五十四届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2001～2005）首次就职演讲第五十五届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2005～2009）第二次就职演讲第五十六届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2008～2013）首次就职演讲第五十七届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2013～2017）第二次就职演讲（注：以下所谓届、任——届：根据美国宪法，总统选举每四年举行一次，总统任期四年，任满四年为一届。

中考通关——《外交事业的发展》【内容标准（2022版）】（1）了解改革开放后的外交成就。

一、选择题1．（2022·安徽省·8）在中国“入世”关键阶段，中美经过多轮磋商和激烈的讨价还价，最终达成《关于中国加入世界贸易组织的双边协议》。

这说明（）A．中美共同利益大于分歧 B．国际经济新秩序已经建立C．美国开始放弃霸权主义 D．发展中国家主导世界贸易2．（2022·广西百色·11）20世纪70年代初，国际形势发生了巨大变化，中美两国领导人都认为有必要结束长达20多年的敌对状态。

为此,1972年，美国总统尼克松访华，两国关系开始走向正常化。

此举（）A．彻底消除了中美两国矛盾 B．使中美两国正式建立外交关系C．成为新中国外交的转折点 D．恢复中国在联合国的合法席位3．（2022·甘肃天水·7）2022年2月28日，王毅国务委员说：“两国老一辈领导人洞察世界各国对缓和国际紧张局势的期盼，顺应中美人民对两国和平友好的愿望，以巨大的政治勇气，跨越世界上最辽阔的海洋，实现了历史性的握手。

”50年前的“历史性握手”指的是（）A．中美“乒乓外交”B．基辛格秘密访问中国C．美国总统尼克松访华D．中美正式建立外交关系4．（2022·广西河池·11）1971年10月25日晚，第26届联合国大会通过一项决议，表决刚结束，会议大厅一片沸腾，支持中国的国家代表用不同的语言欢呼：“我们胜利了！”这项决议是（）A．恢复中国在联合国的合法席位 B．成立亚洲基础设施投资银行C．成立亚太经合组织 D．中国加入世贸组织5．（2022·河北省·6）下图所示目录节选自《百年中美关系史》一书。

目录中的“_________”处应填入（）A．美国开始介入中国内战 B．美国试图调整对华政策C．中美建交与邓小平访美 D．中美军事关系不断加强6．（2022·黑龙江牡丹江·15）新中国的成立，结束了我国百年的屈辱外交，翻开了外交事业的新篇章。

尼克松就职演说篇一：尼克松第一次就职演讲中英文mondaY,JanUaRY20,1969Senatordirksen,mr.chiefJustice,mr.VicePresident,PresidentJohnson,VicePr esidentHumphrey,myfellowamericans--andmyfellowcitizensoftheworldco mmunity:德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们iaskyoutosharewithmetodaythemajestyofthismoment.intheorderlytransfer ofpower,wecelebratetheunitythatkeepsusfree.今天，我请求你们与我共度这一庄严的时刻。

当此有条不紊地进行权力交接之际，我们欢庆我们的团结一致，它使我们永享自由。

Eachmomentinhistoryisafleetingtime,preciousandunique.Butsomestandou tasmomentsofbeginning,inwhichcoursesaresetthatshapedecadesorcenturie s.时光飞逝，历史上的每一刻都弥足珍贵，而又独一无二。

但有些时刻却十分引人注目，它标志着一个开端，为未来数十年乃至几个世纪确立方针路线。

Thiscanbesuchamoment.现在可能就是这样一个时刻。

Forcesnowareconvergingthatmakepossible,forthefirsttime,thehopethatma nyofman'sdeepestaspirationscanatlastberealized.Thespiralingpaceof changeallowsustocontemplate,withinourownlifetime,advancesthatoncewouldhavetakencenturies.现在，各种力量正汇聚在一起，使得人类夙愿的最终实现首次成为可能。

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous NixonMONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voicesthat speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.理查德-尼克松第一次就职演讲星期一,1969年1月20日历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。

20XX年戴高乐说服了尼克松转变态度导语：戴高乐正要派马纳克大使去北京赴任，便让马纳克将尼克松的转告给中国领导人.尼克松后来承认，戴高乐与他的谈话对美国政府改变对华政策起了很大作用.1972 年，尼克松的破冰之旅揭开了中美建交的序幕.但鲜为人知的是，尼克松在对中国政府态度上的巨大改变，曾深受法国总统戴高乐的影响. 从厌恶到崇拜，一次会面改变尼克松对戴高乐的态度1953 年-1960 年，尼克松作为艾森豪威尔的搭档，出任美国副总统一职.当时的尼克松自恃才高，国际上的政要他大都不放在眼里，其中就包括法国总统戴高乐.尼克松一度认为，戴高乐“冷酷，小气，傲慢，极端自负，简直是无法相处”尼.克松的这种认识当然也与战后美法关系并不融洽有关，反映了一部分美国政要对戴高乐要搞独立外交的真实看法.戴高乐然而，1960 年，尼克松与戴高乐在美国会晤后，几乎在一夜之间彻底扭转了对戴高乐的印象，他甚至立即对戴高乐产生了“无比崇高的敬仰”戴.高乐惊人的记忆，深邃的思想让尼克松震惊不已.戴高乐当时还预言，尼克松会当选为美国总统，但他得跨越一段远离权力的“荒漠”岁月.后来的事实证明，戴高乐确有先见之明，从1961 年开始，尼克松果然在政坛屡屡受挫，先是竞选总统失败，接着又在加利福尼亚州州长竞选中败北.从此，尼克松对戴高乐更加佩服.从1961 年到1968 年，尼克松进入了政治上的“荒漠”岁月.1962 年，极度失意的尼克松带着全家去法国旅行，出人意料地受到戴高乐的接待.通常，戴高乐只接见那些在台上掌权的人，而这次他不仅邀请尼克松夫妇在爱丽舍宫共进晚餐，还邀请了美国驻法大使作陪.戴高乐还鼓励尼克松说，他一定会在美国“一个最高级的职位上”起作用.良言一句三冬暖，这种诚挚的祝愿使尼克松感动不已.这样，尼克松对戴高乐的崇拜之中也增添了一种由衷的感激.苦读戴高乐著作，尼克松酝酿对华“新思维”正是由于这种非同寻常的关系，戴高乐的言行使尼克松产生了巨大的影响.戴高乐所著的《战争回忆录》、《剑锋》等书，尼克松都曾详细拜读过.与此同时，戴高乐的对华战略也极大地影响尼克松的对华政策.1964 年法中建交后不久，戴高乐在会见尼克松时，反复解释了法国与中国建交的理由.他对尼克松说：“我无意干预美国的政策，但我认为，美国应当考虑承认中国. ”他还说：“中国还不强大，现在就承认中国比等到中国强大起来你们被迫承认它要好实际上，在整个“荒漠”岁月中，尼克松也在反复思考着美国对华政策的得与失.在战后历史上，尼克松一开始曾是著名的右派人物，在反共方面不遗余力.然而，在上世纪60 年代中后期，尼克松改变了他僵硬的对华政策，在受到戴高乐的启发和引导之后，他更加坚定了自己改善中美关系的信念.1967 年10 月，决心“重出江湖”的尼克松在美国权威刊物《外交》季刊上发表《越战之后的亚洲》一文，提出同中国接近十分必要.在文章中，尼克松提出，从长远来看，我们承担不起把一个世界上人口最多的国家孤立于世界之外的责任.文章中的许多内容，都与戴高乐的对华战略不谋而合. 尼克松当选总统后，亲自向戴高乐请教对华政策1968 年底，尼克松当选为美国总统.1969 年1 月，他在就职演说中间接提到了对华政策问题，暗示中美之间应建立某种关系为了能尽快改善与中国关系，尼克松上任后不久就出访法国，向戴高乐总统请教对华政策问题.戴高乐劝他说，美国不应该“让他们（中国）在愤怒中陷于孤立”尼克松立即明确地回应说，无论困难多么大，他都要同中国进行“对话”他.还表示：“十年以后，当中国在核技术方面取得了显著进展时，我们就将没有别的选择了.我们应该和他们进行更多的交往，这是十分重要的. ”戴高乐对此表示赞同，而且重复了一句当年的妙语：“你现在承认中国要比将来中国强大起来而被迫承认它更好一些. ”尼克松还表示，美国要改变对华政策，尽一切可能同中国接触，并打算从越南逐步撤军.当时，戴高乐正要派马纳克大使去北京赴任，便让马纳克将尼克松的转告给中国领导人.尼克松后来承认，戴高乐与他的谈话对美国政府改变对华政策起了很大作用在访问法国之后，尼克松政府加快了改善中美关系的步伐此后不久，中美双方抓住稍纵即逝的历史机遇，展开了“乒乓外交”，以“小球转动大球”，终于使两国关系迎来了历史性的转折。