华盛顿《告别词》

一.选择题：1、2009年10月1日，中华人民共和国庆祝建国60周年举行盛大的阅兵式。

每年7月4日，美国人民都会载歌载舞欢度国庆，下列文件中宣告美利坚合众国成立的是A．《权利法案》B．《独立宣言》 C．《人权宣言》 D．《联邦宪法》2、“我们已决心与如此不公正不通人道的国家一刀两断，我们采取这一必然会促使我们幸福的步骤，是完全应该的。

”（华盛顿1776年）这个“不通人道的国家”是指谁A．美国 B．英国 C．意大利 D．法国3、为了和上题中所讲的这个“不公正不通人道的国家一刀两断”，这个国家采取了什么行动？A．海地独立战争 B．英国资产阶级革命C．北美独立战争 D．法国大革命4、按时间先后顺序排列由华盛顿亲自领导并获胜的战役有：①波士顿战役②约克镇大捷③萨拉托加大捷④土伦战役⑤普林斯顿战役A. ①③⑤②④B.①②⑤C.①⑤②D. ①⑤③④②5、华盛顿主持修订的美国《联邦宪法》体现了法国哪位启蒙思想家的什么观点？A.卢梭的社会契约论B.伏尔泰的开明君主说C.卢梭的三权分立说D.孟德斯鸠三权分立说6、华盛顿被部下称为“战争时期的第一人”，其原因包括：①领导独立战争赢得了民族独立②1781年在约克镇接受康华利将军投降③就任大陆军总司令④主持制定《联邦宪法》A．①②③ B．①②④ C．①③④ D．②③④7、在华盛顿的首届任期内，他①创立美国总统连任不超过两届的范例②网罗人才，组成内阁③实行三权分立原则④创立了总统否决权制度A．①②B．②④ C．③④ D．①④8、1787年华盛顿主持制定了美国联邦宪法，下列有关《联邦宪法》的说法正确的是①确立了美国是联邦制国家②确定中央政府的权力构建采取三权分立的原则③使得美国的妇女和奴隶享有了充分的民主权利④是近代世界上第一部成文宪法A．①②③ B.②③④ C.①③④D.①②④9、1796年华盛顿在告别辞中说，“我们对待外国应该遵循的最高行动准则是在扩大我们的贸易关系时，应该尽可能避免政治上的联系。

高中历史中外历史人物评说1-3单元测试题注意事项：1、本试卷备有答题卡，请在答题卡上作答，否则无效。

2、本卷分第Ⅰ卷（选择题）和第Ⅱ卷（非选择题），考试时间60分钟，满分100分。

一．选择题：（共45题，每题2分，共90分每题所列的四个选项中只有一个选项是符合题目要求的）1．“创新”是一个国家，一个民族不断发展的灵魂。

下列措施属于秦始皇首创的有①确立皇帝制度②推行郡县制③修筑长城④统一货币、文字、度量衡A．①③ B．①③④ C．①④ D．①②③④2．易中天在《帝国的终结》中说“秦，虽死犹存，它亡得悲壮。

”从政治上看“秦，虽死犹存”主要是指A.统一度量衡、货币B.开创皇帝制度C.中央建立三公九卿制D.建立统一国家和中央集权制3．据《资治通鉴》记载，在贞观年间“天下大稔(丰收)，流散者咸归乡里，斗米不过三四钱，终岁断死刑才二十九人。

东至于海，南及五岭，皆外户不闭，行旅不资(携带)粮，取给于道路焉。

”这一记载①反映了贞观年间经济发展②反映了贞观年间的社会安定③过分地粉饰和美化贞观之治④完全不符合唐初的实际A．①② B、③④ C．①②③ D．①②③④4．“君，舟也；人，水也。

水能载舟，亦能覆舟。

”唐太宗引用此语的原因是（）A．唐太宗任贤纳谏 B．唐太宗遍读诸子百家之书C．隋朝灭亡的教训 D．贞观之治的繁荣景象5．下列对文成公主入藏所起作用的叙述正确的是A．加强了唐对吐蕃的管辖 B．促进了吐蕃社会经济文化的发展C．唐与吐蕃已经“和同为一家” D．松赞干布归附唐朝6．有同学要写关于唐太宗民族政策的论文，看到《旧唐书》称：“贞观三年……中书侍郎颜师古奏言：‘昔周武时，天下太平，远国归款，周史乃书其事为《王会篇》，今万国来朝，至于此辈章服（绘有图文以区别等级的礼服）实可图写，今请撰为《王会图》。

’从之。

”对这段史料应采取的态度是A. 有夸大其词之嫌 B. 人物、时间、对话记录完整，可信度高C. 属于佞臣谄媚之言，不足取信 D. 符合课本结论，客观真实7．康熙帝用武力消灭某某X氏政权，设某某府，隶属某某省，某某重新统一于中央政府管辖之下。

利益永恒。

所谓孤立主义，就是自己将自己独立于世界之外，它作为一种政策主张，是以尽量避免对外国承担政治和军事义务的同盟关系的方式来维护和扩展美国的利益，且侧重政治、军事和外交，而在经济和文化等方面并不限制与外界的交往联系。

美国的孤立主义政策是形成于建国初期，1796年9月7日，美国总统华盛顿在宣布退出政坛时发表的《告别词》中阐述了孤立主义原则：“我们对待国外重大行为的准则是在扩大我们的商务关系的同时，应尽可能少与他们发生政治上的牵连”，要将美国建成自由进步的伟大国家，最为重要的是应该排除对某些个别国家抱永久且根深蒂固的反感，而对另一些国家则又有感情上的依附；不要与任何外国建立永久的联盟，这种孤立主义政策所形成的影响深深地影响着每一代美国领导人和美国公民，为美国十九世纪中后期美国的稳步和快速发展奠定了重要基础。

在21世纪的世界大融合时代，美国仍然没有抛弃孤立主义政策，虽然大多数美国人高举“全球主义”的大旗，他们认为，美国不能在一个动荡的国际环境中独善其身，美国必须积极介入国际事务，以道义的力量来领导世界，即扮演国际警察的角色，积极对外扩张，尤其是二战结束后西欧衰落，美苏争霸时期尤为明显，目的是维护美国的全球利益，但美国并不总是“胸怀世界”的，以共和党议员帕特·布坎南为代表的“新孤立主义者”要求美国政府终止对外援助，还主张将联合国赶出美国，关闭世界银行，减少或制止外来移民等。

持类似观点的还包括在美国极有影响的众议员荣保罗，他不仅反对美国参与任何海外战争，甚至主张美国退出联合国，不再缴纳会费，也不再承担任何维和任务。

他们认为美国没有必要关心其他国家的境况，而美国如此强大，也不会有国家愿意主动挑起与美国的战争，美国可以独立于世界之外享受永久的和平。

美国的孤立主义形成有一定的历史背景，独立战争胜利后，美国仍面临着诸多来自外部的威胁，欧洲各强国又在虎视眈眈地注视着这个新兴的独立国家，美国在国力上也不足以与列强分庭抗礼。

The Farewell Address（华盛顿《告别词》，1796.9.19）The period for a new election of a Citizen, to Administer the Executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be cloathed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.I beg you, at the sametime, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful Citizen to his country--and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my Situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.The acceptance of, & continuance hitherto in, the Office to which your Suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last Election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed & critical posture of our Affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; & am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.The impressions, with which, I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the Organization and Administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthned the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotizm does not forbid it.In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude wch I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the stedfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful & persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that, under circumstances in which the Passions agitated in every direction were liable to mislead, amidstappearances sometimes dubious, viscissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of Success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence--that your Union & brotherly affection may be perpetual--that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained--that its Administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and Virtue--that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection--and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a People. These will be offered to you with the more freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to biass his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your endulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the Attachment.The Unity of Government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes & from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal & external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly & insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective & individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual & immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same Religeon, Manners, Habits & political Principles. You have in a common cause fought & triumphed together--The independence & liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts--of common dangers, sufferings and successes.But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your Interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding & preserving the Union of the whole.The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal Laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of Maratime & commercial enterprise and--precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same Intercourse, benefitting by the Agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow & its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation envigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish & increase the general mass of the National navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a Maratime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land & water, will more & more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth & comfort--and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the Secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of Interest as one Nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own seperate strength, or from an apostate & unnatural connection with any foreign Power, must be intrinsically precarious.While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate & particular Interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means & efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their Peace by foreign Nations; and, what is of inestimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and Wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments & intriegues would stimulate & imbitter. Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown Military establishments, which under any form of Government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty: In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting & virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective Subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason, to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.In contemplating the causes wch may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographicaldiscriminations--Northern and Southern--Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of Party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions & aims of other Districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies & heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations. They tend to render Alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal Affection. The Inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have Seen, in the Negociation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their Interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two Treaties, that with G: Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our Foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by wch they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those Advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their Brethren and connect them with Aliens?To the efficacy and permanency of Your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No Alliances however strict between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions & interruptions which all Alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation & mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its Laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political Systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, 'till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole People, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the People to establish Government presupposes the duty of every Individual to obey the established Government.All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and Associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, controul counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the Constituted authorities are distructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to Organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force--to put in the place of the delegated will of the Nation, the will of a party; often a small but artful and enterprizing minority of the Community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public Administration the Mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the Organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modefied by mutual interests. However combinations or Associations of the above description may now & then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the Power of the People, & to usurp for themselves the reins of Government;destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.Towards the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of Governments, as of other human institutions--that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a Country--that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypotheses & opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypotheses and opinion: and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a Government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of Liberty is indispensable--Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest Guardian. It is indeed little else than a name, where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the Society within the limits prescribed by the laws & to maintain all in the secure & tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person & property.I have already intimated to you the danger of Parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on Geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, & warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the Spirit of Party, generally.This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseperable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human Mind. It exists under different shapes in all Governments, more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages & countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders & miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security & repose in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common & continual mischiefs of the spirit of Party are sufficient to make it the interest and the duty of a wise People to discourage and restrain it.It serves always to distract the Public Councils and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill founded Jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot & insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence & corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country, are subjected to the policy and will of another.There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the Administration of the Government and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probablytrue--and in Governments of a Monarchical cast Patriotism may look with endulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate & assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming it should consume.It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free Country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its Administration, to confine themselves within their respective Constitutional Spheres; avoiding in the exercise of the Powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power; by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, & constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient & modern; some of them in our country & under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If in the opinion of the People, the distribution or modification of the Constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men & citizens. The mere Politican, equally with the pious man ought to respect & to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private & public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the Oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure--reason & experience both forbid us to expect that National morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of Free Government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric.Promote then as an object of primary importance, Institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.As a very important source of strength & security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible: avoiding occasions of expence by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently preventmuch greater disbursements to repel it--avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of Peace to discharge the Debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue--that to have Revenue there must be taxes--that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient & unpleasant--that the intrinsic embarrassment inseperable from the Selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the Conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.Observe good faith & justice towds all Nations. Cultivate peace & harmony with all--Religion & morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a People always guided by an exalted justice & benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages wch might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human Nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular Nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just & amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one Nation against another--disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate envenomed and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill will & resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister & pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels & Wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification: It leads also to concessions to the favourite Nation of priviledges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions--by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained--& by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom eql priviledges are withheld: And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite Nation) facility。

了解美国法治必读：影响美国的25个宪法案例（任东来）了解美国法治必读：影响美国的25个宪法案例(任东来)第一案:马伯里诉麦迪逊案(1803)2000年的美国总统选举最后出现了最高法院大法官“选”总统的奇特局面。

民主党总统候选人戈尔（Al Gore）尽管心里一百个不服气，背后又有赢得多数普选选票的民意撑腰，但表面上也不得不表示完全尊重和服从最高法院的权威，老老实实地宣布竞选失败。

是谁赋予了最高法院如此巨大的政治权力呢？是宪法吗？不是。

美国宪法只是规定了行政、立法和司法三权分立和制衡的政府格局，并没有明文赋予最高法院一槌定音的最终权威。

是选民和民意吗？当然也不是。

与行政首脑（总统）和立法者（联邦参众两院议员）经选举产生不同，最高法院九位大法官是由总统提名，经参议院半数通过产生，而且终身任职（除非受到国会弹劾），跟选民和民意根本不搭边儿。

说出来可能都没人敢信，最高法院至高无上的政治权力是最高法院大法官自己赋予自己的。

1803年，最高法院首席大法官马歇尔（John Marshall）通过对马伯里诉麦迪逊（Marbury v. Madison）一案的判决，初步确立了联邦最高法院在美国政治生活中至高无上、一锤定音的权威。

一、党派斗争法官星夜任命威廉?马伯里（William Marbury）是美国首都华盛顿特区乔治城（Washington Georgetown）一位41岁的富商；詹姆斯?麦迪逊（James Madison）是美国的开国元勋，当时任美国政府国务卿。

富商马伯里究竟有何政治背景？他为什么要起诉国务卿麦迪逊呢？说起来，这桩影响极为深远的诉讼大案与当时美国政坛中的党派斗争有直接关系。

经过六年的反英独立战争，美国终于在1783年赢得了独立。

美国人虽然赶走了殖民地的英国军队和总督，但却继承和发扬了英国法治传统的合理部份。

1787年9月，经联邦制宪会议制定通过，人类历史上第一部成文宪法在美国费城（Philadelphia）诞生。

如何评价华盛顿总统的《告别辞》？“卑鄙是卑鄙者的通行证高尚是高尚者的墓志铭”，这是当代诗人北岛在1976年《回答》的一句经典。

美国开国总统华盛顿显然是高尚的，有人曾建议他称帝做君主，被他拒绝了，因为他自认为他没有这个能力一直驾驭这么一个新生的国家。

从他的《告别辞》中就有很明确的体现，这可能是一种自谦，但这跟显得其十分的高尚。

他是这么说的：Not unconscious in the outset of theinferiority of my qualifications, experiencein my own eyes, perhaps still more in theeyes of others, has strengthened themotives to diffidence of myself; and everyday the increasing weight of yearsadmonishes me more and more that theshade of retirement is as necessary to meas it will be welcome.华盛顿说他自上任之初就深知自己才疏学浅，能力有限，经验不足，认为别人可能也是这么看他的，这更让他执政的时候深感压力如履薄冰，战战兢兢，最后越发感到是该退休了，毕竟岁数大了，他希望别人能够理解，并欢迎他这么做。

华盛顿的能力是公认的，如果没有这份能力和勇气，也不可能带领一盘散沙的13块殖民地和一群民兵打败宗主国，实现民族独立。

乱世尚且能够驾驭，和平建设又岂在话下。

然而他对民主的这份坚持和对国家未来的发展，要求他必须放下这份重担，让贤给他人。

他对自己的执政能力和年龄没有信心，因为他深知，一旦某一个政策出现问题，就可能会使这个国家误入歧途。

执政的时间越长就会增加这种风险。

当时的客观条件也确实分复杂，毕竟国家初建十分弱小，面临着宗主国的反扑；各项法律制度都不是很健全，需要权力的分散制衡才能长远发展；国家处于一种非常松散的状态，有按照地区成立党派分裂的危险。

1.建国初期，美国对外政策的基本原则美国建国初期，应当指的是1783年到1812年这样一段时间。

美国刚刚从殖民地变为一个独立的国家，它的对外政策目标是摆脱欧洲列强（主要是英国）的控制，实现并巩固独立，孤立主义因此而产生。

美国对欧洲采取孤立的政策，又掩护了它在北美大陆的扩张活动，所以说孤立和扩张这种依存关系，便是美国建国初期的基本原则了美国的扩张思想师承英国。

最初，约翰·洛克根据其“自然权利”学说断言英国国内的繁荣和社会的安定需要积极的帝国扩张，后来这一理论被本杰明·富兰克林为代表的殖民地思想家所接受。

对于殖民地来说，扩张主要为商业扩张和地域扩张，两者存在着互相联系、互为补充的关系，同为资本积累的手段。

尤其在七年战争结束之后，英国加强了对殖民地发展的限制，包括对殖民地扩张权利的限制，比如1774年的魁北克问题。

事实上，孤立思想也是源于英国。

首先，新旧两个大陆上的空间遥远是孤立思想的重要原因，尔后，英国的政治压迫和经济掠夺使得殖民地的孤立思想更加强烈。

在七年战争之后，殖民地人对英国殖民当局愈加失望，孤立情绪膨胀发展。

在最初，尽管英国承认了美国的独立，但是事实上还是不甘心失去偌大一片殖民地的，所以英国利用其经济和政治优势，对美国实行了孤立。

当时，美国的对外贸易有75%以上是同英国进行的，其中一半以上是由英国船只担任运输。

美国进口有90%来自英国。

美国对英国的经济依赖使得初建国的美利坚举步维艰。

而且当时英国迫于国内皮毛商人的压力，并没有按照1783年的合约撤出英军，而英军占有的美国和加拿大边界上位于美国一侧的七个军事据点，在战略上控制了整个北部边疆，也控制了大湖区和俄亥俄流域，垄断了同印第安人的皮毛贸易，堵塞了美国向西发展的通道。

与西班牙的关系也因边界划定的纠纷问题而倍显锋锐。

在邦联时期，美国甚至同法国的关系也趋向恶化。

事实告诉美国，在软弱无力的邦联政府统治下是无法摆脱外交困境的。

宪法的制定和1789年联邦政府的成立，加强了美国的外交实力，使美国有可能利用国际上的有力形势，进行独立自主的外交活动。

电影中展现的美国史系别:政治系专业:人文教育班级:1303姓名:贺霞霞学号:2013013101从美国总统看历史在我们传统的观念中，认为美国是一个年轻的国家。

历史暂短，文化浅薄，根本无法与中国同日而语。

但是仅有两百多年历史的美国现在作为世界上唯一的超级大国，创造了为世人驻目共睹的奇迹。

在这个年轻的国家中曾涌现出无数的雄才大略的伟人奇事，当然在这些人物中，也许只有引领美国走过各类风雨的总统更能凸显出这个国家的不凡之处。

华盛顿出生在弗吉尼亚的一个大种植园奴隶主家庭,从小受到良好的文化教育,富有开拓精神,吃苦耐劳,待人谦和,心地善良,后来成为美国独立运动的主要领导人. 美国独立斗争是一场十分艰苦的斗争,因为英国军队的实力远远超过大陆军.但是,在华盛顿的领导下,美国人民不屈不饶,英勇奋战.1777年10月,美国独立斗争中的军事对抗阶级借宿,1783年,美英签署《巴黎合约》,英国正式承认美国独立.1789年,华盛顿的卓越功勋使他当选为美国第一任总统.四年后,他再次当选为美国总统.在做了两届总统之后,1796年9月17日,华盛顿发表《告别词》.他宣布:"我现在应当向大家有所表示......就是我已下定决心谢绝把握放在被选之列."从而主动放弃了继续当选美国总统的权利.华盛顿的这一举动开创了一个先例,那就是美国没有人可以成为终身总统,也不允许连任三届总统.1799年1 2月14日,华盛顿逝世,享年67岁. 华盛顿是美国独立战争时期，杰出的资产阶级革命领导者，他领导和指挥美国人民取得了独立战争的胜利，是杰出的资产阶级革命加，军事加，他领导美国人民推翻英国封建主义，是美国走上资本主义道路，为美国资本主义经济发展做出了重大贡献，他担任了美国的第一任总统，确立了民主的政治原则，开创了美国政治的民主之风，是伟大的资产阶级政治家，深受美国人民的爱戴，被尊称为“国父”。

华盛顿领导美国人民取得了民族独立,又开创了民主政治的先河.作为开国元勋和伟大的政治家,华盛顿成为美国最著名的历史人物之一。