The Political Economy of China’s Rural-Urban Divide
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新视野大学英语读写教程第四册汉译英答案手打不易,多多支持,Thanks♪(・ω・)ノ第一单元The Doctrine of the Mean is the core ofConfucianism. The so- called “ mean”by Confuciusdoesn ’tmean “compromise b”ut a “moderate ”a“nd jus-t r ight ”wa y when understanding andhandlingobjective things. Confucius advocatedthat this thought should not only be treated as away tounderstand and deal with things but alsobe integrated into one ’s daily conduct to makeit a virtue through self-cultivation and training.The Doctrine of the Mean is not only the core ofConfucianism but also an importantcomponentof traditional Chinese culture. From the time itcame into being to the present, it hasplayed aninvaluable role in the construction of nationalspirit, the transmission of nationalwisdom, and the development of national culture.中庸思想是儒家思想的重要内容。
孔子所谓的“中”不是指“折中”,而是指在认识和处理客观事物时的一种“适度”和“恰如其分”的方法。
有关介绍新中国成立事件的英语作文The founding of New China in 1949 marks a pivotal moment in world history, representing the emergence of a new era in China's political, economic, and cultural development. This event not only changed the course of China's destiny but also had profound impacts on the international community.Following the end of the Second World War, China found itself in a state of civil war, with the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Communist Party of China (CPC) competing forcontrol of the country. After a long and brutal conflict, the CPC emerged victorious, led by Chairman Mao Zedong. On October 1, 1949, the People's Republic of China (PRC) was officially declared, marking the end of the feudal era and the beginning of a new socialist era.The founding of New China was not only a political transformation but also a cultural and social revolution. The CPC aimed to create a society where the people were the masters of their own destiny, free from exploitation and oppression. This vision was reflected in the country's newconstitution, which guaranteed the rights and freedoms of its citizens.The economic transformation that followed was equally remarkable. Under the leadership of Chairman Mao, China embarked on a path of industrialization and agricultural modernization, aiming to build a strong and prosperous nation. This period, known as the Mao Zedong Era, saw significant achievements in infrastructure development, science and technology, and education.Despite the challenges and difficulties faced by the new government, the founding of New China marked a new era of hope and optimism for the Chinese people. It symbolized a break with the past and a commitment to building a better future for all. This spirit of unity and determination has been a driving force for China's development ever since.The founding of New China also had profound impacts on the international community. China's entry into the United Nations in 1971 marked its recognition as a major power, and its economic and political influence has grown steadily since then. China's opening up and reform policies in the late 1970s and early 1980s further accelerated its rise,leading to rapid economic growth and increased integration with the global economy.Today, China stands as a global power, playing acrucial role in international affairs. The founding of New China remains a critical milestone in the country's history, a reminder of the sacrifices made by generations of Chinese people and a testament to their resilience and determination.**新中国成立:历史的里程碑**1949年新中国成立,这是世界历史上一个关键的转折点,它标志着中国政治、经济和文化发展的新纪元。
China's Current Political LandscapeChina, a country with a rich history and vibrant culture, is currently undergoing significant political transformations. These developments are shaping the future of the nation and influencing its global standing.One of the most notable political trends in China is the strengthening of the rule of law. The government is making efforts to improve the legal framework and ensure that all citizens are treated fairly under the law. This is evident in the increased number of laws being enacted to protect citizens' rights and promote social justice. The judiciary is also becoming more independent, allowing for fairer trials and reducing the influence of political interference.Another significant development is the increased emphasis on transparency and accountability in government. The Chinese government is making efforts to improve the transparency of its policies and decision-making processes. This includes publishing more information online, allowing citizens to access government data, and encouraging public participation in policy discussions. These measures are helping to increase trust in the government and fostering a more open and inclusive society.Additionally, China is also facing challenges in balancing economic growth with social stability. As the economy continues to grow rapidly, the government is facing pressure to ensure that the benefits of this growth are distributed fairly. This includes addressing issues like income inequality, poverty, and environmental degradation. The government is taking steps to address these challenges through policies like poverty alleviation, environmental protection, and promoting inclusive growth.Finally, China's role in international affairs is also evolving. As a major economic power, China is playing an increasingly important role in global governance and international cooperation. The country is participating in international peace and security efforts, promoting trade and economic cooperation, and contributing to global development.In conclusion, China's current political landscape is dynamic and complex. The government is making efforts to improve the legal framework, increase transparency and accountability, address social challenges, and play a more active role in international affairs. These developments are shaping the future of the nation and will have a profound impact on its global standing.。
中国新民主主义革命英文表达The New Democratic Revolution of ChinaThe New Democratic Revolution of China was a crucial period in the country's history. It began in 1911 with the fall of the Qing dynasty and the establishment of the Republic of China, and continued until 1949 when the Communist Party took control of the country. During this period, China underwent significant changes as various political and cultural forces sought to shape the country's future.The New Democratic Revolution was largely driven by the desire for democracy and modernization. For many Chinese people, the old Confucian order that had governed the country for centuries was seen as outdated and ineffective in the face of the challenges of modernity. This led to the rise of various political movements, including the Nationalists, who sought to create a modern, secular, and democratic China.However, the New Democratic Revolution was not without its challenges. China was still a primarily agrarian society with a weak industrial base, and there were many internal and external threats to its stability. The country was also trying to navigate the complex politics of the Cold War, which saw the US and Soviet Union vying for influence in Asia.Despite these challenges, the New Democratic Revolution ultimately succeeded in creating a new China. The Communist Party's victory in 1949 marked the end of the revolution and the beginning of a new phase inChinese history. The country began a process of rapid industrialization and modernization that has continued to this day.The New Democratic Revolution also had significant cultural and intellectual implications. The May Fourth Movement of 1919, which was sparked by China's weak response to the Treaty of Versailles and the subsequent transfer of German-held territories in Shandong to Japan, was a key moment in the country's intellectual and cultural history. It led to a reassertion of China's cultural identity and the rejection of traditional Confucian values in favor of a new, more modern, and more egalitarian vision of China.In conclusion, the New Democratic Revolution of China was a critical period in the country's history that helped shape its future. It was driven by a desire for democracy, modernization, and cultural renewal and ultimately succeeded in creating a new China that has become one of the most important countries in the world today.。
SUSAN H. WHITINGDepartment of Political Science 7433 Keen Way NorthUniversity of Washington, Box 353530 Seattle, Washington 98103-4832 Seattle, Washington 98195-3530 (206) 524-1467(206) 543-9163 *********************.eduFACULTY APPOINTMENTSAssociate ProfessorDepartment of Political Science, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington, 2000-presentAdjunct Associate ProfessorSchool of Law, 2007-presentJackson School of International Studies, 2000-presentAssistant ProfessorDept. of Political Science/Jackson Sch. of International Studies, University of Washington, 1994-2000EDUCATIONUniversity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MichiganPh.D., Political Science, 1995Yale University, New Haven, ConnecticutB.A., East Asian Studies, 1986WORK IN PROGRESSMonograph in process:When Does Law Matter? Law and Norms in China’s Second Land Revolution Articles in process:“Legal Consciousness and Legal Mobilization in Rural China: A Field Experiment,” presented at the Universityof Michigan, October 8, 2012“What’s Law Got to Do with It? Competition among Legal, Political, and Social Norms in the Generation andResolution of Rural Land Disputes” EAI Fellows Program Working Paper 25 (July 2010)“Do Aggrieved Workers Have Legal Recourse in China? Media Portrayals of Labor Disputes in the People’sRepublic of China (with Vi Nhan)”PUBLICATIONS (MONOGRAPHS)Power and Wealth in Rural China: The Political Economy of Institutional Change(Cambridge University Press, 2001)白素珊, 乡村中国的权力与财富:制度变迁的政治经济学,译者:郎友兴,方小平(浙江人民出版社, 2009) (Chinese edition, translated by Lang Youxing and Fang Xiaoping,published by Zhejiang University Press, 2009)PUBLICATIONS (ARTICLES AND CHAPTERS) (*anonymous peer-reviewed)“大调解与我国基层法院的功能:以湖南两个县的土地纠纷调查为例 (Comprehensive Mediation and theFunction of Local Courts: An Investigation of Land Disputes in Two Hunan Counties),” (co-authoredwith Shao Hua) 政法论丛 (Journal of Political Science and Law ) 2012 No. 2.*“Values in Land: Fiscal Pressures, Land Disputes, and Justice Claims in Rural and Peri-Urban China,” UrbanStudies (February 2011)*“Law and Its Substitutes: Contracting and Dispute Resolution among Chinese Firms,” in Tse-Kang Leng andYun-han Chu, eds., Dynamics of Local Governance in China during the Reform Era (Lexington-Rowman & Littlefield, 2010)“Fiscal Reform and Land Public Finance: Zouping County in National Context,” in Joyce Man and Yu-HungHong, eds., China’s Local Public Finance in Transition (Cambridge: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy,2010)*“The Role of Law in China’s Economic Development,” (co-authored with Donald Clarke and Peter Murrell), inThomas Rawski and Loren Brandt, eds., China’s Great Economic Transformation (New York:Cambridge University Press, 2008).“Central-Local Fiscal Relations in China,” China Policy Series , No. XXII (April 2007).*“The Cadre Evaluation System at the Grassroots: The Paradox of Party Rule,” in Barry Naughton and DaliYang, eds., Holding China Together (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).*“The Regional Evolution of Ownership Forms: Shareholding Cooperatives and Rural Industry in Shanghai and Wenzhou,” in Andrew Walder and Jean Oi, eds., Property Rights and Economic Reform in China(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp. 171-200.*“The Mobilization of Private Investment as a Problem of Trust in Local Governance Structures,” in Valerie Braithwaite and Margaret Levi, eds., Trust and Governance (New York: Russell Sage Books, 1998),167-193.*“Market Discipline and Rural Enterprise in China,” in John McMillan and Barry Naughton, eds., Reforming Asian Socialism: The Growth of Market Institutions (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996),63-110.*“自主权: 乡镇企业走向市场的前提,” (Autonomy: A Prerequisite for Township Enterprises to Move towards the Market),” Shanghai Jiaoxian Gongye (Shanghai Suburban Industry), Number 3, June 1992.*“The Politics of NGO Development in China,” Voluntas, Volume 2, Number 2, Fall 1991, pp. 16-48. GRANTS, FELLOWSHIPS AND AWARDSCo-PI with Loren Brandt, International Fellowship, China Program, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Boston, Massachusetts, 2009-11Fellow, Program on Peace, Governance, and Development in East Asia, East Asia Institute, Seoul, South Korea, 2009-10PI, “New Perspectives on Chinese Culture and Society” Workshop Grant, American Council of Learned Societies, 2010Co-PI with Veronica Taylor, “Empowering Rural China: Legal Aid and the Rule of Law in Rural China,” U.S.Department of State, 2007-10Fellow, Public Intellectuals Program, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, 2005-07Harry Bridges Center for Labor Studies Research Grant, University of Washington, Summer 2004Royalty Research Fund Grant, “The Rule of Law and Dispute Resolution in China”University of Washington, 2002-03, extended 2003-04 due to SARSSenior Research Fellowship, Johns Hopkins University, Hopkins-Nanjing Institute for International Research Nanjing University, Autumn 2002-Spring 2003China Studies Program Faculty Research Grant,University of Washington, Summer 1996, 1997, 1998, 2001, 2005, 2006, 2008, 2011 East Asia Center Course Development Award: “Law, Development, and Transition in East Asia”University of Washington, Summer 2002New Research Development, Taylor Institute, Jackson School of International StudiesUniversity of Washington, 1999-2000Post-doctoral Fellowship, Center for Chinese Studies,University of California, Berkeley, 1998-99Boeing Faculty Assistance Research Grant,University of Washington, Summer 1995Rackham Dissertation Fellowship, Rackham School of Graduate Studies,University of Michigan, Spring/Summer 1994Teaching Award, Department of Political Science,University of Michigan, 1993-1994Rackham Predoctoral Fellowship, Rackham School of Graduate Studies,University of Michigan, 1992-1993Graduate Fellowship, National Program for Advanced Study and Research in China,Committee on Scholarly Communication with the People's Republic of China,National Academy of Sciences, 1991-1992Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation Dissertation Research Fellowship,American Council of Learned Societies, 1991-1992Fulbright-Hays Dissertation Research Fellowship,International Education, 1991-1992, declinedforInstituteCONFERENCE PAPERS“Fiscalization of Land in Comparative Perspective: The Unintended Consequences of Fiscal Constraints and Political Incentives on Local Governments in China and the U.S.,” presented at the Association forAsian Studies, Honolulu Hawaii, April 1, 2011.“How Fiscal Pressures Drive Land Disputes and Shape Dispute Resolution Mechanisms in Rural and Peri-Urban China,” presented at the Workshop on the Rule of Law, Yale University, April 24-25, 2009.“Fiscal Reform and ‘Land Public Finance’,” presented at the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, MA, May 12, 2008.“Public Finance and Land Disputes in Rural China,” presented at Chinese Justice Workshop, Fairbank Center, Harvard University, October 12-13, 2007.“Villagers Against the State: The Politics of Land Disputes,” co-authored with Christopher Heurlin, presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 30, 2007.“Triangulating among Sources and Methods: Mixing Qualitative and Qualitative Methods in to Explain the Privatization Process in China,” presented at the Workshop on Sources and Methods in ChinesePolitics, University of Michigan, November 3-4, 2006.“Assessing the Value of Law in China’s Economy (co-authored with Donald Clarke and Peter Murrell),”presented at the Conference on “China’s Economic Transition: Origins, Mechanisms, andConsequences,” University of Pittsburgh, November 5-7, 2004.“Law and Its Substitutes: Contracting and Dispute Resolution among Chinese Firms,” presented at the International Conference on “Grassroots Democracy and Local Governance in China During theReform Era,” Chinese Association of Political Science and National Chengchi University, Taiwan,November 2-3, 2004.“Enterprise Reform and the Generation and Resolution of Labor Disputes in China,” presented at the Association for Asian Studies, Washington, DC, April 5, 2002.“The Institutionalization of Fiscal Reform in China: The Problem of Extra-budgetary Funds,” presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Boston, March 11-14, 1999.“Government Sources and Uses of Funds at Sub-National Levels,” co-authored with Loraine West, prepared for the Ministry of Finance, PRC, under the auspices of Asian Development Bank Technical AssistanceNo. 2743-PRC, “A Study of Extrabudgetary Revenues and Expenditures,” April 1998.“The Financing of Urban Infrastructure and Services,” prepared for the Ministry of Finance, PRC, under the auspices of Asian Development Bank Technical Assistance No. 2743-PRC, “A Study ofExtrabudgetary Revenues and Expenditures,” April 1998.“Stasis and Change: Evolving Institutions for Revenue Extraction in Rural China,” presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, August 31- September 3, 1995.“Incentives, Endowments, and Property Rights in Rural China,” presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Boston, March 24-27, 1994.“The Comfort of the Collective: The Political Economy of Rural Enterprise in Shanghai, Wuxi, and Wenzhou,”presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Los Angeles, March 25-28,1993.“Who Pays? A Rational Choice Approach to Revenue Extraction in Reform China,” presented at the National Science Foundation Workshop on the Politics of Economic Reform in the Former Communist-BlocStates, University of California, Los Angeles, February 26-27, 1993.“Power and Wealth in the Chinese Township: The Political Economy of the Local Entrepreneur,” presented at the National Science Foundation Workshop on the Politics of Economic Reform in the FormerCommunist-Bloc States, University of California, Los Angeles, January 17-18, 1992.“The Non-Governmental Sector in China: A Preliminary Report,” The Ford Foundation, Beijing, Working Paper, July 1989.REVIEWSReview of Calvin Chen, Some Assembly Required: Work, Community, and Politics in China’s Rural Enterprises (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008) in Pacific Affairs Vol. 82, No. 4 (Winter 2010),forthcoming.Review of Dali Yang, Calamity and Reform in China: State, Rural Society, and Institutional Change Since the Great Leap Famine (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996) andMarc Blecher and Vivienne Shue, Tethered Deer: Government and Economy in a Chinese County(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996) in Comparative Political Studies,Vol. 30, No. 6 (December 1997), pp. 756-764.Review of Minxin Pei, From Reform to Revolution: The Demise of Communism in China and the Soviet Union (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994) in Comparative Political Studies,Vol. 29, No. 3 (June 1996), pp. 413-419.INVITED PRESENTATIONS“Legal Consciousness and Legal Mobilization in Rural China: A Field Experiment,” presented at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, October 8, 2012.“A Field Experiment in Legal Consciousness and Access to Justice: Evaluating Legal Technical Assistance in Rural China,” presented at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, April 22, 2010.“The Role of Courts in Enforcing Contracts in a Transition Economy,” School of Law, Shandong University, March 15, 2010.“Rural Land Disputes and Farmer Responses” Worldwide Universities Network Contemporary China Virtual Seminar Series, March 5, 2009.“The Role of the Courts in Guaranteeing Property Rights and Contracts in a Transition Economy,” presented to the State Council Development Research Foundation, July 22, 2008.“State Interests and the Role of the Courts in China: Land Contracts vs. Sales and Purchase Contracts,”presented at the East Asia Workshop, University of Chicago, May 13, 2008.“Public Finance and Land Disputes in Rural and Peri-Urban China,” presented at the Workshop on the Rule of Law, Yale University, March 28-29, 2008.“Law, Order, and Justice: Dispute Resolution in China’s Transitional Political Economy,” William Catron Jones Lecture, Washington University School of Law, November 14, 2007.“Law and Development in Asia,” Conference on Law, Development, and Transition: New Questions and Directions, School of Law, University of Washington, March 16-18, 2006.“When the Deal Goes Sour: Contracting and Dispute Resolution among Chinese Firms,” presented at Center for East Asian Studies, Stanford University, January 10, 2005.“Contracting and Dispute Resolution among Chinese Firms: Cultural and Institutional Factorspresented at the Department of Government, Cornell University, November 30, 2004.“The State of the China Field in the 1980s and 90s,” Symposium in Honor of Michel Oksenberg, Stanford University, October 7, 2000.Tail: Explaining Institutional Change in China,” Department of Political Science,“ACapitalistUniversity of Michigan, February 16, 2000.Tail: Explaining Institutional Change in China,” Department of Political Science,“ACapitalistUniversity of California, Berkeley, February 2, 2000.“Worker Rights and Labor Standards in China,” Lecture Series on Worker Rights, Labor Standards, and the World Trade Organization, Labor Studies Center, University of Washington, December 2, 1999.“Labor Standards and Women’s Labor in the Developing World: The Perspective from China,” Workshop on the World Trade Organization and Women’s Issues, Taylor Institute for Transnational Studies andCenter for Women and Democracy, University of Washington, November 19, 1999.“Constraining the Local State: Institutionalizing Fiscal Reform in China,” Berkeley China Seminar, University of California, Berkeley, May 5, 1999.“Power and Wealth in Rural China: The Political Economy of Institutional Change,” Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley, April 15, 1999.“Fiscal Aspects of China’s Unfinished Economic Revolution,” China Colloquium, Stanford University, January 12, 1999.“Fiscal Aspects of China’s Unfinished Economic Revolution,” presented at the “Conference on the Asian Economic Crisis,” University of Washington, Seattle, October 30-31, 1998.“The Mobilization of Private Investment in China: Exploring the Concept of Trust,” East Asia Workshop, University of Chicago, June 2, 1998.“Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations in Russia and the Role of Off-Budget Finance: Comparisons with China,”Workshop on Extrabudgetary Revenues and Expenditures, Asian Development Bank and Ministry ofFinance, Beijing, PRC, July 16, 1997.“The Relevance of the Chinese Reform Experience for Russia,” Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences, Moscow, Russia, May 16, 1997.“The Reform of Extractive Institutions: Insights from China,” Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia, May 19, 1997.“The Development of Local Extractive Institutions: Comparing Shanghai, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang,”China Colloquium, University of California, Berkeley, April 19, 1996.“Evolving Property Rights in China’s Rural Industrial Sector,” Asia/Pacific Research Center,Stanford University, Palo Alto, February 13, 1996.PROFESSIONAL ACTIVITIESCoursesUniversity of Washington, Department of Political Science and Jackson School of International Studies Introduction to Comparative Politics (POL S 204)Honors Seminar: Law and Rights in Authoritarian Regimes (POL S 398)Government and Politics of China (POL S 442/SISEA 449)State and Industry: Late Industrialization in East Asia (SIS 455)State-Society Relations in the Third World (SIS 456/POL S 450)Law, Development and Transition in East Asia (POL S 469/SISEA 469/LSJ 469)Theories of the State and Development (SIS 490/POL S 447)Graduate Core Seminar in Qualitative Research Methods (POL S 502)Graduate Core Seminar in Comparative Politics Theory (POL S 505)Interdisciplinary Seminar on the Study of China (SISEA 521-522)The Chinese Political System: Institutional Change in China (POL S 532/SISEA 532)Research Seminar on Contemporary Chinese Politics (POL S 533)Empirical Methods in Socio-Legal Research (LAW 573)Seoul National University, International Summer Institute (2009, 2010)Politics and Economy in Contemporary ChinaDoctoral CommitteesUniversity of WashingtonChairKimberley Manning, Ph.D. 2003, Assoc. Prof., Concordia UniversityLin Ying, Ph.D. 2007, Asst. Prof., Hong Kong University of Science & TechnologyChristopher Heurlin, Ph.D. 2011, Asst. Prof, Bowdoin CollegeChangdong Zhang, Ph.D. 2012 Asst. Prof., Peking UniversityMurg,WillSSRC International Dissertation Research Fellowship, IREX, 2010-12LoebKettyFellowshipBlakemoreYutingLiFellowshipFritz-BoeingMemberPh.D.Hsu,Hsiao-ch’iPh.D.Kawato,YukoPh.D.Shin,Ki-youngHattarTalalPh.D.Choe,Wongi(Law)KobayashiMasayukiLi Yongxiang, Ph.D. (Anthropology)Brian Tilt, Ph.D. (Anthropology)Ph.D.Omurchu,NiallPh.D.DianaPallais,Liu Ta, Ph.D. (Geography)Michael Bollom, Ph.D.Ph.D.LaurenFauchier,University of North Carolina, Chapel HillMemberPh.D.ChristineBoyle,National and International ServiceEditorial Board Member, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 2010-Member, Academic Advisory Group of the Congressional U.S.-China Working GroupMember, National Committee on U.S.-China RelationsChina Advisor, Washington Women’s FoundationElected Council Member, China and Inner Asia Council (CIAC) of the Association for Asian Studies, 2004-07 Panel Chair and Discussant, “Rights and Responsibilities of a Rising China,” American Political Science Association, Seattle, WA, September 1-4, 2011.Panel Chair and Discussant, “Governance at the Grassroots: Political Participation and Contention in China,”American Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, August 30-September 2, 2007.Invited Discussant, Workshop on Korean Studies in Social Science, Stanford University, November 5, 2005.Invited Member, US Scholars Election Observation Delegation to the Republic of China, Taipei, March 15–21, 2004.Panel Chair, “Contending Social Movements: Theories in the Asian Context,” Western Conference of the Association for Asian Studies, Seattle, WA, September 30-October 2, 2004.Panel Chair and Discussant, “A New Federalism in China: The Impact of Central State-Building on Regulation and Local Public Goods Provision,” American Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, September2-5, 2004.Panel Organizer and Presenter, “Enterprise Reform and the Rule of Law in China,”Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Washington, DC, April 2002.Peer Reviewer, Comparative Politics; Comparative Political Studies; American Political Science Review; Asian Survey; Cambridge University PressDiscussant, “Conference on Materializing Modernity,” University of Washington, October 28, 2000.Discussant, “The State, Institutions, and Economic Reforms in China,” Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, August 30-September 3, 2000.Panel Chair, “Colonial Refractions in Republican China,” Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, San Diego, March 9-12, 2000.Discussant, “Natural Resources, Networks and Nightclubs: The Role of Local Elites in Deepening Reforms,”Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, San Diego, March 9-12, 2000.Discussant, “Strategies of State Legitimation in Contemporary China,” Shorenstein Seminars onContemporary East Asia, University of California, Berkeley, May 8-9, 1999.Panel Chair, Organizer and Presenter, “The Institutionalization of Fiscal Reform in China,”Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Boston, March 11-14, 1999.Member, Luebbert Award Committee (for best article published in the discipline in the past two years), American Political Science Association, 1996-97Peer Reviewer, National Program for Advanced Study and Research in China,Committee on Scholarly Communication with China, National Academy of Sciences, 1995-96 University ServiceGraduate School Fritz-Boeing Fellowships Selection Committee, 2012Organizer and Chair, UW-PKU Graduate Workshop on Civil Society and the Non-Profit Sector, June 2011Chair, Severyns-Ravenholt Lectureship Committee, 1999-2011* Hosted lecturers to date include: Frank Ching, Jose Ramos-Horta, Long Yongtu, Zainah Anwar,Anwar Ibrahim, Jingjing Zhang, Ban Ki-moon, Yang LanFaculty Senate, 2006-07, 2007-08Colloquium Committee Chair, China Studies, 2007-08, 2008-09Executive Committee, China Studies, 2004-05Graduate Fellowship Committee Chair, China Studies, JSIS, 2003-4, 2004-05Drafted guidelines and oversaw competition for approximately $150,000 in graduate fellowships.Graduate Advisor, China Studies, JSIS, 2004-05East Asia Center, International Studies Center, and Taylor Institute for Transnational Studies,University of Washington, January – June, 2002Awarded approx. $20,000 for 15-speaker series on “Law, Transition, and Globalization.”Chinese Fellows for Scholarly Development, Committee on Scholarly Communication with China,American Council of Learned SocietiesUniversity of Washington, January – June, 2002Awarded approx. $13,000 with Prof. Donald Clarke to bring Tang Xin, Faculty of Law,Qinghua University, to collaborate on “Legal Reform and the Modernization of CorporateGovernance Structures in China”Northwest Center for Research on Women, Program on Transitions for Women in Academic 2000,Speaker, “Strategies for Obtaining Tenure,” May 10, 2000Global Trade, Transportation, and Logistics Program and Jackson School of International StudiesDiscussant, Lecture Series on The WTO, Greater China, and the USA, November 4, 1999 University of WashingtonCommentator, Ford Foundation Conference on Historical Methodology and Narrative, April 4, 1998 Pacific Northwest National Laboratory and University of WashingtonCommentator, Conference on Environmental Security, Winter 1998Center for Chinese StudiesHost, visiting scholars, Ministry of Finance, Beijing, China, January-June 1997Northwest Center for Research on WomenSpeaker, “Getting Your First Job in Academia,” April 13, 1995Departmental ServiceExecutive Committee, Department of Political Science, 2008-09Search Committee, Comparative/International Political Economy, Department of Political Science, 2008-09Search Committee, Comparative Politics, Department of Political Science, 2007-08Search Committee, International Political Economy, Department of Political Science, 2000-01Search Committee, Economics (China), Jackson School of International Studies (JSIS), 1997-98Search Committee, History (China), JSIS, 1995-96Graduate Admissions, Political Science, 1997-98, 2003-04, 2004-05, 2005-06, 2008-09Graduate Admissions, China Studies, JSIS, 1996-97, 1999-2000, 2003-04, 2004-05, 2005-06, 2008-09Graduate Admissions, International Studies, JSIS, 1995-96, 1996-97Tenure Review Committee, Political Science, (Wibbels 2003, Cichowski 2006, Menaldo 2012)Coordinator, International Political Economy Colloquium Series, JSIS, 2001-02Graduate Program Committee, Political Science, 1994-97, 2000-01, 2001-02, 2010-11, 2011-12, 2012-13Undergraduate Program Committee, Political Science, 2006-07Field Coordinator, Chinese Politics, 1994-presentCoordinator, Land Research Group, 2008-presentCoordinator, Law and Society Reading Group, 1999-2000IMEMO Exchange Committee,* JSIS, 1996-97*Entailed ten-day trip to Moscow and presentation of two scholarly talks;also entailed planning and hosting two-week visit of scholar to UW from IMEMO(Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences) Asian Wall Street Journal Internship Selection Committee, JSIS, 1996-97Social Sciences Field Committee, College of Education, 1995-96Executive-Curriculum Committee, International Studies, JSIS, 1994-2000Community ServiceRegional Sustainable Development Conference, King County, City of Seattle, and University of Washington, presented on “Fiscal Reform and ‘Land Public Finance in China’,” May 5, 2009 and October 10, 2012.China Club of Seattle“The Potential for Democratization in China: Theory and Evidence,” January 30, 2004.Columbia University Club of Seattle“The Political Economy of Reform in China,” March 15, 2000.Washington Agriculture and Forestry Educational Foundation“Greater China and Asian Trade Dynamics,” December 1, 1999.Kiwanis International, Port Angeles, Washington“The Potential for Democratization in China,” September 24, 1998.Seattle Pacific UniversityGuest Lecture, “Economic Reform in China,” May 16, 1996.Seattle Public Schools, Weekly classroom volunteer, 2006-07, 2007-08, 2008-09ConsultingWorld Bank, Research Project on the Rise of China and India, background paper, submitted July 28, 2006.Asian Development Bank, Technical Assistance No. 2743-PRC: “A Study of Extrabudgetary Revenues and Expenditures,” July 1997 – July 1999Ford Foundation, “The Non-Governmental Sector in China,” May 1989 – July 1989TranslationUS-China Conference on “China's Quest for Modernization: Historical Studies on Issues Concerning the Evolution of Modern Chinese Society,” Fudan University, Shanghai, PRC, May 25-30, 1992 Professional MembershipsAmerican Political Science Association, 1990 - presentAssociation for Asian Studies, 1990 - presentNational Committee on U.S.-China Relations, 2001-presentYale-China Association, 1982 - presentPersonalMarried with two children, ages 12 and 7.U.S. Masters swimmer.。
中国发展英语演讲稿Socialist political development road with Chinese characteristics is in the long-term revolution construction and reform practice of the formation and development is the socialist democratic politics which accords with the situation of our country in the new road has a strong vitality socialist political development road with Chinese characteristics is the history and the people's choice is the important guarantee of scientific development promote social harmony. Socialist political development road with Chinese characteristics is the Chinese social and political development mode with independent intellectual property rights.1 what is the socialism political development road with Chinese characteristicsThis way the main contents include: adhere to the leadership of the party the people are masters of the country in accordance with the law governing the anic unification to uphold and improve the system of people's congress the munist party of China leads the multi-party cooperation and political consultation system system of regional national autonomy and grass-roots mass self-government system.2 why do you want to the road of socialist political development with Chinese characteristicsThe political road of socialism with Chinese characteristics it is the choice of history the people's choice stick to the road can achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Adhere to and develop the road which is beneficial to strengthen andimprove the leadership of the party is beneficial to promote the development of people's democracy to form and maintain a lively political situation developing the strong vitality of the socialist democratic politics.3 how can I get to the socialism political development road with Chinese characteristics the report of the 17th national congress explicitly put forward the deepening the reform of political system of the task to enhance the vitality of the party and state arouse the enthusiasm of the people as the goal expand socialist democracy build socialism country under the rule of law develop socialist political civilization. Current need to seriously doa good job the following ects:(1) the development of democracy at the grassroots level consolidate the basis of the socialist democratic politics.(2) the build socialism country under the rule of law legal guarantee of constructing socialist democratic politics.(3) actively promote inner-party democracy construction expand intra-party democracy to develop people's democracy.4 the advantage of the socialist political development road with Chinese characteristicsSocialist political development road with Chinese characteristics is good for the democratic participation of the people and various democratic rights are fully guarantee socialist democracy shows strong vitality. At the same time to consolidate and expand the patriotic united front promote socialist democracy and promote the great unity of the Chinese people of all ethnic groups addition of implementation of the party and the state is of great significance.A country to choose what kind of political development path not only the relationship between the democratic political construction and the relationship between the economic and social development and the state power of the firm. The munist party of China insists on the basic principle of marxism with Chinese concrete practice and The Times characteristic bining the development of socialist democratic politics and building socialist political civilization in practice out of a socialism with Chinese characteristics which accords with the situation of China's political development road.中国发展英语演讲稿范文(二)20 xx years the eighteenth national congress of the party was held in our country advocate the holding the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics with deng xiaoping theory and \"three represents\" important thought the concept of scientific development as guidance emancipate the mind reform and opening up the cohesive forces overe difficult unswervingly along the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics strive to build a well-off society in an all-round way. Today let us review the past.Play between the mand the vicissitudes of life change 60 years ago the People's Republic of China was proclaimed opened a new era in the history of China. Under the leadership of the munist party of China hundreds of millions of people's hard work efforts to explore the development path of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the course of reform and opening up and modernization construction created a miracle after anotherrealize the strongly the one hundred dream of national rejuvenation. Today's China everywhere is full of vitality each enterprise progresses day by day the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics showed strong vitality.60 years China's prosperity step by step the Chinese sons and daughters to live and work in peace and contentment. The qinghai-tibet railway a new railway is almost impossible the Chinese people made it; The train speed for many times let people's life more convenient; The Olympic venues the successful hosting of the Olympic Games let the nation a cheer... China is with their own wisdom and sweat to do with one another!60 years China's space industry is developing rapidly in China in history a brilliant one page. Xx 20 years the successful launch of the shenzhou Yang liwei uncle realized flying dreams of the Chinese nation one thousand; Xx 20 years China's first lunar satellite \"charng-er's no.1\" to fly into space to visit the moon the goddess of the moon and the moon; The same 20 xx years launch the shenzhou number seven zhai zhigang became China's first astronauts on the space walk. In the development of China's science and technology progresses day by day for made great contribution to China!60 years China's construction of new countryside in the footsteps of more walk more quickly. Previously very few rural knowledge only know work. Now the concept of \"never too old to learn\" is being more mon many elderly people is hard to learn. Agriculture not only use the strength but also fully use the wisdom. More and more rural people in high school college bee the construction of the interwar independence generationthink-tank; Previously rural life is eat bad wear not warm is bitter. Now rural people's economic strength is getting better and better to live a well-off life. Mobile phones TV refrigerator... These once even dare not even think about things everything became a reality. Previously rural gives the impression of being dirty and messy. A rain the road became a \"feel\" the mountain overgrown and neglected... Now when it es to the countryside people think of fresh air beautiful mountains... Reform and opening up make the rural showed great vitality let people live more happiness.Our republic has gone through 60 years of glorious history. Reviewing the past our pride; Looking ahead we confidence one hundred times.中国发展英语演讲稿范文(三)The People's Republic of China a country ended one hundred years of humiliation and destruction history a bearing the national rejuvenation and people rich mission one in the world political economic and cultural landscape emanates countries more and more glare ushered her 60 years anniversary.60 years in the process of running in 5000 the Chinese civilization its time to share the little really hard but its achievement and contribution significance and effects of hard rao qualities think of the spring and autumn the empire of qin and han dynasties sui and tang dynasties created the Ming and qing dynasties evolution all in the past several wind also see today: change the look of the conventionality of one thousand agricultural society of industrialization; Market through thebondage of creative economy tunnel of nature; Urbanization has brought a new social structure and way of life; Information to reconstruct the social production and the way of interpersonal munication; Internationalization opens the unprecedented economic and social development process."Five bined a" modern contemporary China's economic and social changes with each passing day let the people of all ethnic groups in China the Chinese civilization to the world.All this from the establishment of the socialist system. New China the first is that the new social system. In history China has experienced a long and mature of the slave society and feudal society in modern times and experienced the deformity of the semi-feudal and semi-colonial society. In all these societies under the oppression of the people in all sorts of alien force always in the loss of human freedom rights dignity and value of the state of alienation. The new of the socialist system is to seek plete liberation and mon development among all the members of the social values of the new. Socialism to break the people's alienation open a new era of the people are masters of the country for development. All this from the unswervingly adhere to the reform and opening up. New China's first 30 years of exploration success failure experience lesson have pleasure with pain. It is in this on the basis of opened to another 30 years of reform and opening up as the main melody of the new journey. Is a great new revolution of reform and opening-up and promote theself-improvement and development of the socialist system established in the process of the pursuit of happiness in the true sense of the people's sovereignty provides businessinnovation and profit for the plete freedom but it will greatly inspire the enthusiasm and creativity of the people; Market economy and opening to the outside world the development of efficient mechanism is constructed.Reform and opening up and demonstrated the superiority of the socialist system making it the genuine humanism humanitarian system; An unprecedented liberation and development of social productivity guide the country took to the prosperous and people rich on track. All this es from the gr and the rare historic opportunity. Since modern times of China was is closely related to the Chinese nation has lost a rare historical opportunity. "High" bring intoxicated with arrogance coupled with scorn suppression literary inquisition booth butyl moved into mu coastal industry and so on cause the first scientific and technological revolution and industrial revolution the loss of opportunity; Westernization movement failed abortion wuxu reform movement lead to loss of opportunity for the second revolution of science and technology in practice since the rise of Japan maguan treaty the sino-japanese war and the war of resistance for his eight years to follow. New China 60 years especially in the last 30 years of booming development it is because the captures the third revolution of science and technology especially the new technology revolution of historical opportunity prehensively promote the modernization of China. And was able to because the establishment of the socialist system and the reform and open policy great practice.All this from the continuously create new theory to guide thethought liberation. From set out actually the sinicization of marxism forming the correct theory instruction is the secret of keeping the pace with The Times. Revolution period the marxist in gully channel and the liberation of the old China workers and peasants turn class awakening the bination of powerful ideological weapon to transform society. Construction period and in the new period of socialist development enrich the system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the will of the people change the poverty the pursuit of rich the bination of the impetus of the development of China's strong and the inexhaustible spiritual motivation.All this in the final analysis from the leadership of the munist party of China. The establishment of new China the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics dependent on the leadership of the munist party of China; Reform and opening up seize the historical opportunity persistent thought liberation and use and so on are inseparable from the leadership of the munist party of China. Since modern times many political force only truly represent the interests of the masses of the people the munist party of China has established flesh-and-blood ties with the masses of the people thus plete the historical mission of national independence and liberation. The Chinese munist party became the ruling party it is the people's choice the choice of history. Entered the new period and lead the Chinese people of all ethnic groups of the munist party of China reform and opening up pioneering and innovative has achieved a great success for the construction of the socialist cause with Chinese characteristics China's prehensive national strengthenhanced unprecedented unprecedented improve China's international status an unprecedented improvement in the lives of the people how many generations of Chinese pioneer could not do the munist party of China did ready and thus has repeatedly proved that the long history of the ruling legitimacy.。
中国的政治体系英语作文Title: The Political System of China。
China, as one of the world's most influential countries, boasts a unique political system that has evolved over millennia. The current structure, characterized by the Communist Party's leadership, has played a pivotal role in shaping China's modern trajectory. Understanding China's political system requires delving into its historical roots and examining its contemporary manifestations.The foundation of China's political system lies in the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Established in 1921, the CPC has grown from a revolutionary movement into the paramount political entity in China. The CPC's leadership is enshrined in the country's constitution, reflecting its dominant role in governance.At the apex of China's political system is the National People's Congress (NPC), the highest organ of state power.The NPC represents the principle of democratic centralism, where the Party exercises leadership over state institutions. Delegates to the NPC are elected from across China and convene annually to deliberate on key national issues, such as economic development, legislation, and foreign policy.Another crucial aspect of China's political system is its emphasis on collective leadership. Unlike Western democracies characterized by individual leaders, China adopts a collective leadership model, epitomized by the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC). The PSC comprises senior Party officials, including the General Secretary, President, and Premier. Decision-making within the PSC is consensus-driven, emphasizing stability and continuity.Furthermore, China's political system integrates elements of meritocracy. The recruitment and promotion of officials emphasize competence, integrity, and Party loyalty. The Party's Organization Department oversees cadre selection, training, and placement, ensuring a technocratic approach to governance.China's governance extends beyond the central government to provincial and local levels. The hierarchical structure of the Party ensures vertical control and coordination. Provincial Party Committees and People's Congresses mirror the central government's structure, enabling policy implementation tailored to regional needs.The Chinese political system is also characterized by a strong emphasis on stability and social harmony. TheParty's legitimacy hinges on its ability to deliver economic growth and maintain social order. This pragmatic approach underpins China's development model, emphasizing rapid industrialization and poverty alleviation.Moreover, China's political system intertwines with its unique cultural and historical context. Confucian values of hierarchy, order, and filial piety influence governance practices, reinforcing the Party's paternalistic role.Despite its strengths, China's political system faces challenges. The centralized authority of the CPC can stifledissent and political pluralism. Issues such as corruption, inequality, and environmental degradation pose significant governance hurdles.In conclusion, China's political system represents a distinctive fusion of Communist ideology, Confucian values, and pragmatic governance. Its evolution reflects China's complex history and contemporary aspirations. As China assumes a prominent global role, understanding itspolitical system is essential for comprehending its domestic policies and international behavior.。
中国政治英语作文In the contemporary global landscape, political engagement plays a pivotal role in the development and progress of nations. China, with its rich history and rapidly evolving political landscape, offers a unique perspective on the interplay between politics and societal advancement. This essay aims to explore the significance of political engagement in China and how it has contributed to thecountry's remarkable growth and development.Firstly, it is essential to understand the politicalframework within which China operates. The People's Republicof China is governed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which has been the ruling party since the establishment ofthe PRC in 1949. The CCP's leadership has been instrumentalin shaping the country's political engagement strategies, which are characterized by a top-down approach to policy-making and implementation.Political engagement in China is multifaceted, encompassingnot only the participation of citizens in the political process but also the state's efforts to involve the populacein national development goals. The Chinese government has made significant strides in raising the standard of livingfor its citizens through various social and economic policies. This has led to increased political awareness and a desirefor greater participation in the decision-making process.One of the key areas where political engagement has been evident is in the realm of economic reform. Since the late 1970s, China has undergone a series of economic reforms that have transformed it into the world's second-largest economy. These reforms, often referred to as "Socialism with Chinese characteristics," have been driven by the government's commitment to modernization and the integration of market mechanisms within a socialist system. The political will to enact these reforms has been a testament to the CCP's ability to engage with and adapt to the changing needs of the country.Another aspect of political engagement in China is the emphasis on social stability and harmony. The government has implemented various measures to ensure that the rapideconomic growth does not lead to social unrest. This includes investment in social welfare programs, education, and healthcare, as well as the promotion of the concept of the "Chinese Dream," which encourages citizens to strive for a better life for themselves and their country.However, it is important to note that political engagement in China is subject to certain constraints. The CCP maintains a tight control over the media and public discourse, which can limit the extent of open debate and dissent. Despite these limitations, there are avenues for citizens to express their opinions and concerns, such as through online platforms and community meetings, albeit within the boundaries set by the state.In conclusion, political engagement in China is a complex and nuanced phenomenon that has played a crucial role in thecountry's development. The Chinese government's ability to mobilize resources and direct the efforts of its citizens towards national goals has been a key factor in its success. As China continues to evolve and face new challenges, the role of political engagement will remain vital in ensuring the country's continued progress and the well-being of its people.。
中国时政英文China's Ascendancy in the Global ArenaIn recent years, China has been making strides on the world stage, asserting its influence through economic growth, cultural exchange, and diplomatic efforts. The country's rapid development has not only transformed its own landscape but also had a profound impact on the global community.Economically, China has become a powerhouse, with its GDP ranking second in the world. Its Belt and Road Initiative, aimed at enhancing regional connectivity and embracing a brighter shared future for all involved nations, has been a cornerstone of its foreign economic strategy. This initiative seeks to promote not only physical infrastructure but also cultural and technological exchanges, fostering a true spirit of cooperation and mutual growth.Culturally, China has been promoting its rich heritageand traditions globally. The concept of "cultural confidence" has become a guiding principle, encouraging the nation to take pride in its history and to contribute positively to the world's cultural diversity. The protection and promotion of intangible cultural heritage, such as traditional festivals and crafts, have been emphasized, showcasing the depth and breadth of Chinese culture to the world.Diplomatically, China has been active in international affairs, advocating for a more equitable world order. It has been a strong proponent of multilateralism and has been working towards establishing a global community of shared future. China's approach to diplomacy is one of peaceful coexistence and mutual respect, aiming to resolve disputes through dialogue rather than confrontation.Socially, the country has made significant progress in lifting millions out of poverty, a testament to its commitment to social welfare and equality. The government's poverty alleviation efforts have beenrecognized globally for their effectiveness and scale.Technologically, China is at the forefront of innovation, with advancements in areas such as 5G technology, artificial intelligence, and space exploration. The country's lunar exploration program, for instance, has made history with its successful landing on the far side of the moon, demonstrating China's capabilities in space science.However, China's rise has not been without challenges. The country faces scrutiny over its human rights record, trade practices, and intellectual property issues. Yet, China continues to engage in dialogue and cooperation, striving for mutual understanding and peaceful resolution of conflicts.In conclusion, China's ascendancy in the global arena is a story of rapid transformation and growing influence. As the country continues to evolve and engage with the world, its impact on the international community is likely to be profound and lasting. Theworld watches with interest as China charts its course in the 21st century, shaping not only its own destiny but also contributing to the global narrative.。
CENTER FOR RESEARCH ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTAND POLICY REFORMWorking Paper No. 62The Political Economy of China’s Rural-Urban DividebyDennis Tao Yang* and Cai Fang**August, 2000Stanford Univertsity579 Serra Mall @ Galvez, Landau Economics Building, Room 153Stanford, CA 94305-6015* Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, Duke Univertsity** Director, Institute of Population Studies, Chinese Academy of Social SciencesThe Political Economy of China’s Rural-Urban Divide1Dennis Tao YangDepartment of EconomicsDukeUniversity andCai FangInstitute of Population StudiesChinese Academy of Social SciencesAbstractChina’s economic inequalities between rural and urban regions were high but stable during the centrally planned period. Since the inception of reforms in 1978, the disparities have exhibited a marked cyclical pattern: the declines in early years were followed by a period of increases and then by renewed declines. We find that the sharp sectoral divide in the planning episode was a result of industrial development strategy, but since the reforms the politically powerful urban population has pressured the government for fast income growth using various transfer programs. The central government has maintained an urban bias in order to preserve regime stability and political legitimacy. Our analysis indicates that, although the urban coalition may pressure the state for favors, political activities are not a necessary condition for the existence of an urban bias. As this study on China shows, the pursuit of industrial development strategy alone can result in a rural-urban divide. We suggest that removing distortions in factor markets is the policy reform most needed to bridge China’s rural-urban gulf.Conference on Policy Reform in ChinaCenter for Research on Economic Development and Policy ReformStanford University, November 18-20, 19991 The authors are grateful to Nick Hope, D. Gale Johnson, and conference participants on Policy Reform in China at Stanford University for their valuable suggestions and comments. The authors are responsible for all remaining errors.12I. IntroductionGovernments in most developing countries have adopted policies that discriminate against agriculture. Interventions take a variety of forms, including the pricing and distribution of agricultural commodities and inputs, and fiscal and credit policies that favor the industrial sector. Governments also use indirect instruments, such as trade regimes and exchange rate policies, which often amplify the discriminatory impacts against the countryside. The results of a large body of research indicate that these interventions introduce distortions in the economic systems, cause large income transfers away from the rural sector, and, ultimately, lead to slower agricultural and overall economic growth.2While urban bias is virtually universal in the process of economic development, there are primarily two competing analytical paradigms for explaining policy formations. One theory, associated primarily with the work of Michael Lipton (1977) and Robert Bates (1981), finds answers in the political structure of those countries, arguing that agriculture is disfavored in development because urban groups are politically powerful.3 The second theory emphasizes the development strategy of the modernizing elites who, as evidence shows, believe that industry is the catalyst sector for rapid growth and that taxing agriculture provides the much needed financial support for industrialization.4 Despite the clarity of views at the conceptual level,2 A series of research projects organized by the World Bank, including the well-known study by Krueger et al. (1991, 1992), have analyzed the agricultural pricing policies in developing countries. This project covers eighteen case countries on a wide range of issues, including the history of agricultural price interventions in each country, policy instruments implemented, estimates of the effects of both direct and indirect interventions on agricultural prices, the distribution of income among the various income groups, and the evolution of the country’s pricing policies.3 As articulated by Lipton, “The rural sector contains most of the poverty and most of the low-cost sources of potential advance; but the urban sector contains most of the articulateness, organization and power. So the urban classes have been able to win most of the rounds of the struggle with the countryside.” Bates advanced the analysis by examining the political basis for the selection of agricultural policies: the states in Africa have successfully divided up the countryside into supporters (through subsidies and projects) and opponents (through various forms of taxation). Moreover, Bates attributed the powerlessness of the peasantry to high communication costs for collective actions because they are geographically dispersed and the products of individual farmers only account for small shares of agricultural output, which introduces the free-rider problem.4 As Krueger (1992) summarized the World Bank project based on studying agricultural pricing policies in eighteen countries: “There was a strong consensus among the modernizing elite that raising living 3empirical assessment of these two hypotheses is difficult because of an identification problem. The coexistence of political activities of urban groups and the belief of the modernizing elites in industrialization complicates the measurement of the two causes, making it hard to separate the individual effects of the causes on policy formation. As a consequence, the explanatory power of the two hypotheses remains largely untested.This paper has two main purposes. First, we document the extent of China’s rural-urban inequality for periods both before and after the initiation of reforms, and we investigate the institutions and policies that have been responsible for the disparity. Second, through a case study on China, we assess the relevance of the two existing explanations for the formation of urban bias. China’s experience is unique because the period under consideration spans two episodes of distinct economic and political circumstances. During the centrally planned period before 1978, China had tight economic and political controls in a hierarchical system in which pressure groups and voter voices were largely absent, contrasting with norms found in many other developing countries. In the post-reform era, China has corrected the heavy-industry-oriented development strategy and relaxed political controls, creating an environment that is responsive to the pressures of interest groups. These regime changes provide special opportunities for isolating the influence of industrial development strategy on policy formation in the first period, and for examining the impact of political pressures on government behavior in the second period. The findings from this social experiment will provide insights into the determinants of urban bias for China in particular as well as general implications for the political economy of policy formation.The rest of the paper will proceed as follows. In section II, we estimate the extent of China’s urban bias by examining the differences in per capita income and consumption expenditures between the rural and urban sectors. Data indicate that during the centrally planned period the gap was large but stable. Since the reforms, the inequality has exhibited a cyclicalstandards and achieving economic development were major social objectives. That consensus translated, however, into the view that industry was to be highly encouraged … It was further believed that most of agriculture represented “backwardness,” that agricultural output is unresponsive to incentives, and that, therefore, agriculture could be discriminated against in order to raise a surplus for industry without larger economic costs. … This set of ideas, or rationales, for policy was supported, or at least not seriously challenged, by the state of economic knowledge at that time.”4pattern, where the declines in initial years were followed by a period of increases and then by renewed declines. For the entire period, China’s disparity has been larger than the disparity in most other countries. In section III, we analyze policy measures and institutions that have been responsible for the high level of disparity as well as its changes over time. We find that some policy instruments are unique to China, including direct restrictions on labor mobility and large-scale income transfers to the State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). There has been an interesting pattern in which the government has increasingly utilized direct transfers to protect the income of urban dwellers since the inception of economic reforms.In section IV, we investigate economic and political factors that have influenced the making of urban-biased policies. We find that the sharp sectoral divide in the planning episode was a result of industrial development strategy, but since the reforms the politically powerful urban population has pressured the government for fast income growth using various transfer programs. The central government has continued urban bias in order to preserve regime stability and political legitimacy. Our analysis indicates that, while the urban coalition may pressure the state for favors, political activities are not a necessary condition for the existence of urban bias. The pursuit of industrial development strategy alone can result in a rural-urban divide. Finally, in section V, we discuss the feasibility of policy reforms. We suggest that improvements in factor markets are strategically important for bridging China’s rural-urban gulf, which will enable China to tap her potential for sustained economic growth.II. The Rural-Urban GapThe impact of discriminatory policies on the well-being of rural and urban dwellers can be assessed in several ways. One approach is to examine closely each of the specific policy interventions, quantify various policy measures, and estimate their direct impact on income transfers across the groups of agents in the two sectors. The total effects of the policies can be aggregated from the individual programs. This is the primary approach taken by the series of World Bank studies that assessed the effects of agricultural pricing policies. More specifically, for instance, to examine the distributional consequences of a particular program, like a price ceiling for an agricultural commodity, one could first estimate the demand and supply schedules5for this commodity, and then proceed to assess the welfare consequences to producer and consumer groups. If the program under consideration is related to an exportable or importable product, then the difference in the domestic and the world market price would serve as a measure of the extent of the distortion.5 While these methods are appropriate tools for assessing agricultural pricing programs, it is difficult to apply them to China for several reasons. First, for a long period China did not have well-functioning agricultural commodity markets which rendered the estimation of demand and supply schedules virtually impossible. Second, many governmental interventions went beyond the standard measures in agricultural pricing so that the usual tools of welfare analysis are not directly applicable. Finally, because China’s institutions and policies have changed dramatically over time, it would be difficult, if not impossible, to trace all the specific policies and to aggregate their effects.In what follows, we use an alternative approach that focuses on the outcomes of the discriminatory policies by examining the disparities in per capita consumption and incomes across urban and rural regions. This approach rests on a simple premise: despite the complexity in measures of intervention and complicated channels of policy effects, sector-biased policies would eventually lead to differences in consumption expenditures and incomes across the sectors, which are directly observable and easily measurable. Therefore, if the consumption and e arnings f or comparable labor differ greatly between urban and rural areas, that would indicate the severity of the effects of policies and institutions on sectoral segmentation.However, we should be cautious in making rural-urban comparisons in consumption and incomes. First, labor quality, including schooling, training, and experience, has to be adjusted when considering earnings in the alternative areas. Second, the comparison should be made in real, not monetary, terms. Third, any differences in the cost of living between urban and rural areas should be taken into account. Furthermore, the comparison should also reflect differences in the provision of subsidized public services, such as health care and housing, across the sectors. At the empirical level, it is difficult to adjust for all these factors because usually some information is unavailable. Here, we will first compare rural-urban per capita consumption5 See Tolley et al. (1982) and Krueger et al. (1991, 1992) for the analytical frameworks and applications to estimate the impact of various pricing policies.6expenditures. Then, we will utilize newly published information by the State Statistical Bureau to examine intersectoral income differences and compare them with the trends in consumption expenditures. We will make attempts to adjust for the values of social welfare provision in urban regions and the differential inflation rates across rural and urban areas. Unfortunately, we were unable to adjust for differences in labor quality and the cost of living due to a lack of information. However, our analyses will cover an extended period so that, if the intersectoral differences in the two sets of factors stayed stable over time, there would be only a time–invariant, fixed-effect bias. Consequently, our assessment on the changes in the rural-urban divide would not suffer from the two potential biases.Table 1 presents per capita consumption expenditures and their ratios for rural and urban residents between 1952 and 1997. The figures in columns (2)-(5) are in nominal prices, taken from various volumes of Statistical Yearbook of China, corresponding to the national average, separate statistics for rural and urban levels, and the ratio of expenditures for the two sectors. However, because the two regions can have varying consumer price indices over time, one should deflate sector-specific consumption levels by the corresponding price deflator. Column (6) reports the consumption ratios in real terms since 1978, reflecting the fact that SSB started collecting sector-specific price indices in that year. Therefore, the best series of consumption ratios that are available to us are the nominal ratios for the period 1952-77 in column (5), continued with the ratios in real terms for the period 1978-97 in column (6). Given the facts that the government set and rarely changed the prices for a large bundle of commodities during the centrally planned period, consumer prices were stable before 1978. Therefore, the nominal consumption ratios for that period should not deviate much from the ratio in real terms.6 This series on rural-urban consumption ratios reveals long-term patterns of change. Inequality between rural and urban regions was high but stable during the centrally planned regime. However, since the reforms, the level of disparity has exhibited marked cyclical6 The original data sources for these consumption expenditures are the Urban Household Survey and the Rural Household Survey administered by the SSB which has collected data annually since 1952. These surveys consist of large, national random samples and contain diary information on an exhaustive set of consumption items. SSBb (1985-95) contains the questionnaires and detailed descriptions of the survey designs.7changes: the declines in initial years were followed by a period of increases and then by recurring declines. Throughout the period, the per capita consumption in urban areas has been about two to three times higher than the level in rural areas.More specifically, the data have suggested four distinctive periods: (1) 1952-77, the centrally planned period in which the consumption ratio fluctuated within a narrow range around 2.5, except for the two years during the Great Leap famine when the ratio reached 3.2 in 1959 and 1960; (2) 1978-85, the initial period of economic reforms in which the ratio dropped from 2.9 to 1.9, the lowest point over the entire period; (3) 1986-1993, a period in which the ratio slowly climbed to 2.7, almost as high as at the start of the reforms; and (4) 1994-present, marked again by consistent declines. These results represent more accurate and extended consumption patterns documented by Yang and Zhou (1999) who analyzed the ratios in nominal terms and their last year of coverage was 1992. In doing so, they indicated a V-shaped change for 1978-92, which contrasts with the cycles just documented that have reduced amplitudes, a result of expressing the ratios in real terms.Although relative consumption expenditure is indicative of the comparative welfare between rural and urban dwellers, it does not reflect real purchasing power because savings are omitted. For this reason, incomes are usually better indicators of rural-urban disparity. To calculate household incomes in China, one must be aware of the institutions that determine the sources of earnings. In cities, wages only represent a fraction of the total income, which also includes welfare provisions such as housing, health services, in-kind transfers, and various price subsidies. But the Urban Household Survey does not contain many of these non-wage earnings. In contrast, earnings in the Rural Household Survey are more inclusive. They contain labor market incomes from agricultural and non-agricultural sources, value-added from self-employed activities, transfer incomes including remittances, and asset earnings. Because of those differences in earning sources and survey coverage, the sectoral incomes inferred from the household surveys are not readily comparable. In a recent study, researchers at the SSB (Zhang et al. 1994) made an effort to construct comparable incomes for rural and urban households. Supplementing the household surveys with information on urban non-wage earnings, their study was capable of dealing with the institutional ambiguities that affect the estimation of full8incomes.Based on the methods suggested by Zhang and his collaborators, Table 2 presents total per capita disposable income and its components for urban residents between 1978 and 1997.7 We divide the total income into two broad categories, wages and non-wage earnings, where the latter consists of housing subsidies, various welfare and health care services, and in-kind compensation. Although non-wage incomes are not recorded in the Urban Household Surveys, aggregate magnitudes are available at city levels (MOL, 1990, 1992-98). We use aggregate information for computing per worker allocations of non-wage compensation to obtain estimates for the “hidden earnings.” The figures in Table 2 show that non-salary earnings counted for a large share of urban disposable income (about 24 percent in 1978), and, despite a steady decline, they still counted for about 15 percent of total income in 1997. These non-wage benefits were provided by specific institutions to their employees with urban registration, and therefore were unavailable to rural migrants working temporarily cities. Later, we will discuss these urban welfare provisions as barriers to permanent rural-to-urban migration.Table 3 reports urban and rural per capita total incomes and their ratios deflated by sector-specific price indices. While urban income has been adjusted for non-wage components, rural income is full earnings based on the original Rural Household Surveys. Our coverage starts with 1978 because it was the first year when SSB reported income by-sector. Those figures on the ratio of urban to rural earnings confirm the cyclical patterns found earlier for relative consumption expenditures in the post-reform era: the rural-urban gap first declined in the initial years of reforms, reaching the lowest level of 1.93 in 1985, but it then increased steadily to 2.6 in 1993, after which followed another period of decline.To summarize the findings on rural-urban gaps in consumption and incomes and to visualize their changes over time, we have plotted the series for consumption and income ratios in Figure 1. Several noticeable features emerge immediately. One is that estimating these ratios based on real prices has a smoothing effect on the trend that is exhibited by nominal ratios. Another is that the real sectoral disparities displayed in terms of consumption and incomes share7 The analysis presented by Zhang and his collaborators only covered a sub-period between 1980 and 1992. We have extended the analysis to the missing periods: 1978-79 and 1993-97.9remarkably similar patterns for the period after 1978. Moreover, the broad picture indicates that marked cyclical movements in the post-reform era have replaced a high yet steady level of disparity in the pre-reform period.As noted earlier, large disparities in consumption and income between rural and urban regions are the results of government discriminatory policies against agriculture. Consequently, the magnitude of China’s inequality relative to other countries may indicate the relative extent of discrimination in China. Table 4 presents the ratio of non-agricultural to agricultural incomes for a standard worker for 36 countries. The ratios for the majority of the countries are below 1.5, contrasting sharply with the range for China, which generally fluctuates between 2 and 3. More specifically in 1985, there are only four countries for which average urban earnings were more than twice average rural earnings. There are five countries in 1990 and three countries in 1995 that had ratios of 2 or more. Although caution is required for cross-country comparisons, these figures suggest that China’s rural-urban gap has been very large indeed.III. Determinants of the DisparitiesIf governments do not intervene in output and factor markets across rural and urban regions, the allocation of capital and labor would tend to adjust to equalize wages and capital returns in a spatial equilibrium context. Large sectoral differentials in earnings for comparable labor generally imply the existence of governments’ interventions and are indicators of misallocation of labor. Government interventions can take a variety of forms: they can be related to the output market, such as suppression of agricultural prices and imposition of export taxes; regulations in the factor markets, such as credit allocations or restrictions on labor mobility; and they can take the form of direct transfers across urban and rural groups. Moreover, the choice of these policy instruments is often influenced by the overall economic policies of the government. Consequently, major changes in policies over time, such as a revision of the development strategy or implementations of certain economic reforms, are often associated with changes in the policy instruments that influence the rural-urban disparity.In this section, we analyze the policies and institutions that were employed by the Chinese government in each of the four periods specified earlier. In particular, we attempt to identify the10major economic plans of the government in each of the periods, and how they translated into the corresponding policy measures and institutions that directly affected the rural-urban gap. Thus, we offer consistent explanations for the observed patterns of disparity and their changes over time.Period One (1952-78): Episode of Central PlanningDuring this period, the central government formed and pursued the development strategythat promoted heavy industries, which became the root of China’s rural-urban divide.8 This strategy aimed at achieving rapid industrialization by extracting agricultural surplus for capital accumulation in industries and for supporting urban-based subsidies. The main enforcement mechanisms were a trinity of institutions that included the Unified Procurement and Unified Sale of agricultural commodities, the People’s Communes, and the Household Registration System. This strategy resulted in massive distortions in the factor market with an excessive concentration of capital in urban areas and of labor in rural areas.9 Prior to the reforms in 1978, urban workers’ productivity and earnings far exceeded those of their rural counterparts.Shortly after the founding of the People’s Republic, the state acquired agricultural products at lower prices than those in the commodity markets. When the purchases became increasingly difficult in 1953, the state initiated the Unified Purchase and Unified Sale system with its completion occurring in 1958. Under this system, the government monopolized the whole process of production and procurement of agricultural commodities in rural areas and, at the same time, controlled the distribution of food and other agricultural products through rations in the cities. Because this system lowered the cost of living in urban regions, the government had to implement corresponding policies to control intersectoral labor movements. At that time, the People’s Communes were already established, and they became effective institutions for carrying8 See previous works by Rawski (1979), Perkins and Yusuf (1984), Riskin (1987), Putterman (1993), Lin et al. (1996), and World Bank (1997a) on the origin and development of China’s rural-urban divide.9 In 1978, the urban sector employed 95 million workers while the rural sector had a labor force of approximately 306 million. In contrast, the total value of fixed assets in the state-owned enterprises (primarily urban) counted for 449 billion yuan while the value of the fixed assets in agriculture was only about 95 billion yuan (SSBa 1993; Perkins and Yusuf 1984). These numbers indicate a capital/laborratio of 4726 yuan per urban worker and a ratio of 310 yuan per rural worker. The capital concentration 11out the government’s economic as well as administrative plans. Because the control of labor flows was a key link for implementing the development strategy, a formal Household Registration System was established in the late 1950s that, in effect, designated the legal place of residency and work for the entire population. A rural registration status would restrict a family and its future generations to live in the countryside. This package of policies and institutions enabled the state effectively to suppress agricultural prices and to control tightly the mobility of productive factors, especially labor. The results were highly distorted output and input markets that favored urban dwellers. As Table 1 illustrates, the urban-rural consumption ratios stayed at a high level between 2.3 to 2.9 for the entire period except for the two years during the Great Leap Forward famine. These ratios indicate a stable level of urban bias that resulted from the set of government interventions associated with the development strategy.It is instructive to take a closer look at the two crisis years of the Great Leap Forward during which the level of urban bias jumped to 3.2. In 1959, China’s total grain output suddenly dropped by 15 percent and, in the following two years, food supplies reached only about 70 percent of the 1958 level. During this period, massive hunger and starvation prevailed in China, resulting in 20 to 30 million excess deaths, which mostly occurred in rural regions. This disaster is one of the worst catastrophes in human history. According to Lin and Yang (2000), a primary cause of the tragic deaths was the food entitlement originating from policies biased in favor of urban residents, who were given the legal right to food through the rationing system. The peasants, as food producers, were burdened with coercive quotas and were entitled only to the residual food. Therefore, when the nation experienced dramatic food shortages, the peasants were more likely to suffer from the famine. This tragic event is captured by the consumption data in Table 1 that indicate the extent to which urban bias increased during the course of adversity.Period Two (1979-85): Initial Years of ReformsThe above discussions suggest that the trinity of urban-biased institutions introduced distortions in the Chinese economic system. Therefore, along with reforms that began removing certainin the urban sector is more than 15 times of the rural sector.12。