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? 2007 THE AUTHOR
JOURNAL COMPILATION ? 2007 CIPFA In recent decades, access to financial services
has become much more widespread in the UK.
In 1975, for example, 45% of adults had a
current account (Kempson and Whyley, 1998)
and that figure is now 88%. There has been a
similar increase in the use of financial services
of all kinds. H owever, a minority of people
remain largely outside the world of mainstream
financial services. Poor, and concentrated both
geographically and among certain
demographic groups (for example people who
are unemployed through sickness or disability,
lone parents and single pensioners), for these
people the consequences of being financially
excluded in an increasingly cashless economy
have become more serious. It is far more
costly, for example, to operate a household
budget without basic financial services. It is
also much more costly to borrow money from
cash-based sub-prime lenders, such as home
credit companies, than it is from mainstream
lenders. For these reasons, financial exclusion
has moved up the policy agenda.
This article reviews the progress that has
been made in tackling financial exclusion in
the UK, and examines the challenges that
remain in achieving a more financially inclusive
society.
Policy Development
Financial exclusion first emerged as a policy
issue in the late 1990s as part of the Labour
government’s wider concern about social
exclusion, and provides an early example of
‘evidence-based’ policy-making. Academic
research in the early 1990s highlighted
problems in relation to geographical access to
financial services, focusing on bank and
building society branch closure (Leyshon and
Thrift, 1993, 1994, 1995). Later research
looked beyond the problems of physical access
to examine the types of people who were
financially excluded and the processes by which
they were excluded (see Kempson et al ., 2000
for an overview). It was also influential in providing some of the earliest blueprints for tackling financial exclusion, in particular the need for a basic bank account that would better meet the needs of people living on low incomes (Kempson and Whyley, 1999).Following a Social Exclusion Unit report on neighbourhood renewal in 1998, 18 policy action teams (PATs) brought together civil servants and outside experts to examine various aspects of social exclusion and make policy recommendations. The remit of policy action team 14 (PAT14) was to examine the scope for widening access to financial services. Its report,published in 1999, was the first strategic review of the problems of financial exclusion and how they might be addressed. Its recommendations included the development of credit unions,the promotion and extension of local authority insure-with-rent schemes and the development and promotion of basic bank accounts (H M Treasury, 1999a, 1999b). Similar recommendations were made in Scotland.Several years on, it was clear that progress in the areas highlighted by PAT14 had been rather mixed. Although basic bank accounts are now available from high street banks and larger building societies, low-income consumers still face problems accessing and using these accounts, and a significant minority of people remain outside the banking system.The credit union movement has undergone a period of consolidation and is now looking to better meet the needs of its membership through ‘quality’ credit union services, such as transactional banking and money advice.Membership of credit unions, however,remains low as a proportion of the general population. And, while the proportion of households without home contents insurance has fallen over time, poor households are still over-represented among the uninsured (Palmer et al., 2005).Moreover, in the period since PAT14’s Sharon Collard is a research fellow at the Personal Finance Research Centre,University of Bristol.T oward Financial Inclusion in the
UK: Progress and Challenges Sharon Collard
In an increasingly cashless economy, the consequences of being outside the
mainstream financial services market have become more serious. This article
reviews the progress that has been made in promoting financial inclusion in three areas of financial services provision—banking, consumer credit and insurance—
and the challenges that remain.
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report was published, other policy concerns
around personal finance have come to the
fore, in particular the extent of over-
indebtedness among UK households. While
over-indebtedness affects the population
generally, the government has identified it as
an integral aspect of financial exclusion that
has to be addressed if greater inclusion is to be
achieved (HM Treasury, 2004).
The 2004 Pre-Budget Report: Re-focusing
on Financial Inclusion
Produced as part of the 2004 Pre-Budget
Report, the government’s report on Promoting
Financial Inclusion provided the second major
review of financial exclusion. In keeping with
the government’s dual concerns of financial
exclusion and over-indebtedness, it identified
three key policy areas where action was
required:
?Access to banking.
?The provision of affordable credit.
?The availability of face-to-face debt advice
(HM Treasury, 2004).
A Financial Inclusion Fund of ￡120M over
three years was also announced, of which ￡36M
has been allocated to the Department for Work
and Pensions (DWP) to establish a growth
fund for third sector lenders (such as credit
unions and community-based loan schemes)
to increase the availability of affordable credit
in areas of high financial exclusion. A further
￡45M has been committed to expanding the
capacity of face-to-face money advice, a process
that will be overseen by the Department of
Trade and Industry.
A Financial Inclusion Taskforce based in
HM Treasury is monitoring progress in these
key areas as well as in other areas of financial
exclusion, such as insurance.
Transactional Banking Services
Transactional banking services are the bedrock
of financial inclusion. Most employers require
wages to be paid direct into a bank account,
and payment into an account is now the normal
method of paying social security benefits and
state pensions. Moreover, without a bank
account, money management—and bill
payment in particular—can be complex, time-
consuming and expensive (Kempson and
Whyley, 1998; National Audit Office, 2004;
Speak and Graham, 2000). The ability to repay
consumer credit commitments through a bank
account could also reduce the cost of borrowing
for low-income households (Collard and
Kempson, 2005).A number of factors have kept people outside the banking system:?Many people on low incomes fail the credit scoring used to screen potential customers for a conventional current account.?Current accounts do not enable people on low incomes to keep adequate control over their finances, as they cannot be certain how quickly transactions will be processed on their accounts. As a consequence people with little leeway in their budgets tend to go into overdraft for small sums of money over short periods of time, but incur standard fees for doing so.?Many people on low incomes find it difficult to provide the types of proof of identity required by banks and building societies to meet the money-laundering regulations.*?The payment of social security benefits and state pensions by order book or girocheque reinforced people’s propensity not to use a current account (Kempson and Whyley,1998; 1999).Basic Bank Accounts As a result of government pressure following PAT14’s report, most of the major banks now offer ‘no-frills’ basic bank accounts that cannot be overdrawn, and therefore do not require credit scoring. Some credit unions also now offer basic bank accounts. These accounts provide transactional services such as access to cash through ATMs and direct debit facilities,but generally do not come with a cheque book or debit card. The main benefit of this type of account for people living on low incomes is that it allows closer financial control than a conventional current account.Progress towards improving access to transactional banking services was driven by the government’s decision to pay social security benefits and state retirement pension directly into an account from 2003, rather than through girocheques and payment books. Since then,other policy initiatives have been introduced that generally require people to receive automatic payments into an account, most recently the DWP’s Local Housing Allowance *Since 1994, all banks, building societies and other financial services providers have had to put procedures in place to stop criminals from using them to launder money. This includes the need to obtain proof of identity from anyone who wants to open an account or buy any financial product or service.
PUBLIC MONEY & MANAGEMENT FEBRUARY 2007
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JOURNAL COMPILATION ? 2007 CIPFA pilot schemes.
By the end of September 2005, nearly six
million basic bank accounts had been opened.
Around four in 10 of these accounts (2.3 million)
could be accessed at post office counters as well
as through a bank branch (British Bankers’
Association, 2005). We do not know how many
basic bank accounts have been opened by people
who were previously ‘unbanked’. Research
carried out for the British Bankers’ Association,
however, found that six in 10 people who had
opened a basic bank account in the past 12
months had no other bank account at the time;
half lived in households with no other bank
accounts (Millward Brown, 2006).
Universal Banking and the Post Office Card Account
It order to mitigate the adverse effect that
automatic payment of benefits and pensions
would have on the income of local post offices,
the concept of Universal Banking was developed,
comprising agency agreements to enable basic
bank accounts and current accounts to be used at
post offices, and the introduction of a Post Office
Card Account (POCA).
Launched in 2003, the POCA is an electronic
version of the girocheque or payment book used
to collect state benefits or pension. Benefit and
pension payments are credited to the account,
and the claimant can withdraw all or some of the
money at a Post Office counter via a keypad,
using a plastic card.
Criticised for the protracted account-opening
process and its very limited functionality, the
account has nonetheless proved popular, with
over 4 million POCAs opened. Despite the high
take-up, the DWP announced in January 2006
that it will terminate its POCA contract with the
Post Office from 2010, because it was only
intended to be an interim measure and had been
shown to have ‘significant limitations’. It also
seems to have been less of an income-generator
for post offices than was hoped, as sub-postmasters
have started to receive more income from basic
bank account transactions over the counter than
the one-off funding they receive from opening a
POCA.
Challenges to Banking Inclusion
Considerable progress has undoubtedly been
made towards greater banking inclusion, but a
number of serious challenges must be tackled if
the government is to meet its goal of reducing
the number of ‘unbanked’ adults from 2.8 million
to 1.4 million.
The most pressing concern is around access
to basic bank accounts. The Banking Code (a
voluntary code of practice for the banking
industry) includes a commitment that requires banks and building societies to offer a basic bank account to any customer for whom it is suitable.But research carried out by the Banking Code Standards Board (BCSB) concluded that, while there had been improvements in the availability of basic bank accounts, there were four important areas needing attention:?Basic bank account literature was not always readily available in banks and building society branches.?Customers needing or asking for a basic bank account were offered conventional accounts with overdrafts, credit cards or cheque books.?Credit searches were being undertaken on applicants for a basic bank account, even though these should not be necessary.?Anti money-laundering checks of identity were being undertaken with insufficient flexibility (BCSB, 2004).Citizens Advice and the Financial Services Consumer Panel (FSCP, 2002) have supported these findings.As a result, the most recent edition of the Banking Code (March, 2005) has been strengthened so that banks must assess whether an applicant’s needs are suited to a basic bank account and, if so, they must offer it if they have one. They must also offer a basic bank account if specifically asked, assuming that the qualifying conditions are met. While the banking industry considers this to be ‘equivalent to the French statutory right to a bank account’ (APACS/BBA,undated), others disagree, among them the consumers’ organization Which? and the independent think-tank the New Economics Foundation. Both have called for a universal service obligation to give consumers the right to a bank account, similar to that which exists for telecommunications.On the surface, this seems an attractive proposition. Research has found, however, that rigorous monitoring of banks and building societies in respect to the provision of accounts is more important than whether self-regulation or legislation has been used (Kempson et al ., 2004).It has also been argued that there is little point in giving consumers a right to a basic bank account if that account does not meet their needs, or they do not get the service they require from banks.There is evidence to suggest that the use of basic bank accounts can cause difficulties for some account-holders, mainly around two areas—the imposition of bank charges for failed payments (particularly direct debits), and ‘second class’services for basic bank account holders.
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The incidence of failed direct debits is
generally higher among low-income account-
holders because it can be difficult for them to
assess if they have sufficient income in their
account to cover the payment. And, because
most basic bank accounts do not have the cushion
of an overdraft facility but do allow direct debit
payments, account-holders run the risk of
incurring hefty charges for unpaid items (H erbert
and H opwood Road, 2006). A recent survey
found that one third of basic bank account holders
who used direct debits had experienced at least
one bounced payment, and most of these had
been charged a fee (Millward Brown, 2006).
One not-for-profit lender has overcome this
difficulty by allowing borrowers to request that a
direct debit payment not be collected by the
lender, if they have insufficient funds in their
account (Collard and Kempson, 2005). But
providing this flexibility is time-consuming, costly
and difficult to replicate on a larger scale. Other
possibilities include an improved system of direct
debits, where a payment is triggered by the
receipt of income into the account rather than
being paid on a specified date, or a bill payment
account linked to the basic bank account.
Alongside bank charges, there is concern
that the level of service offered to basic bank
account-holders may be downgraded as banks
look to cut the costs of providing an
unprofitable product. Examples include longer
periods of time to clear cheques through a
basic bank account than a conventional current
account and measures to discourage basic bank
account holders from using the branch network
(Herbert and Hopwood Road, 2006). There
are also fears that the continuing decline of
bank and building society branches (Leyshon
et al ., 2006) and the increasing prevalence of
fee-charging ATMs may impact
disproportionately on low-income account-
holders.
Affordable Credit
Despite the expansion of the UK consumer
credit market, access to high-street credit is still
severely constrained for people on low and
insecure incomes. Consequently, many of them
borrow from lenders operating at the lower end
of the sub-prime credit market (such as home
credit companies) where annual percentage rates
(APRs) typically range from 100 to 400% (see
figure 1 for details of the main sub-prime lenders).
Recent research indicates that up to 6.2 million
people of working age could benefit from access
to more affordable credit (Collard and Kempson,
2005). There are two explanations for the high
charges paid by low-income borrowers:
?They generally only want to borrow small sums of money for short periods of time, yet the cost of setting up a loan is fairly constant whether someone wants to borrow ￡200 or ￡2,000.?On average they have a much higher risk of default on credit commitments, which translates into higher costs of default management (home collection of repayments,for example) or of arrears management and bad debt https://www.doczj.com/doc/ba18633834.html,ernment efforts to widen access to more affordable credit have focused on three areas:increasing the capacity of third sector lenders such as credit unions community-based loan schemes to deliver cheaper credit; the role of the Social Fund; and legislative changes to contain the costs of commercial credit.Third Sector Lenders Credit unions are the longest established not-for-profit lenders in the UK. Following recommendations made by PAT14, both the government and the Scottish Executive provided financial support to expand and consolidate the credit union network. The new regulatory regime for credit unions introduced in 2002 also opened up the possibility of larger, area-based credit unions, a move intended to increase the sustainability of credit unions, and community-based credit unions in particular (Brown et al.,2003).As a result, membership of credit unions has grown rapidly in Britain over the past 10 years,albeit from a low base. There are around half a million credit union members in Britain and membership is growing at around 10% a year.The number of registered credit unions has fallen by over 100, from 686 to 567, largely as a result of mergers following the introduction of the new regulatory framework.Other initiatives to deliver more affordable credit include community-based loan schemes and savings and loans schemes.Since the late 1990s several community-based loan schemes (also known as Moneylines)have been established, which offer lower-cost personal and business loans without the need to save. These are not-for-profit organizations, run in partnership with a commercial bank, and tend to serve relatively small geographic areas (CDFA,2004). The Community Development Finance Association was established in 2002 to promote and strengthen this sector.The APR for personal loans available from Moneylines ranges from around 22 to 31%.Charges are therefore higher than credit unions and other not-for-profit lenders, but the intention
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JOURNAL COMPILATION ? 2007 CIPFA is to establish services that will become sustainable
(or as close to sustainable as possible) and cover
their costs in full, while not requiring the security
of savings to underwrite loans.
Savings and loans schemes, on the other
hand, operate in a similar way to credit unions,
but are aimed at social housing tenants. Tenants
can borrow a multiple of their savings at a heavily
subsidized rate of interest, usually 1% above the
Bank of England base rate. Several schemes
have been set up through partnerships between
housing associations and building societies or
banks, but take-up has been modest (Collard
and Kempson, 2005), largely because they are
seen as vehicles for community development
rather than financial inclusion. In 2001, Scottish
H omes recommended that registered social
landlords did not consider establishing such
schemes as the set-up and running costs were
significant (Scottish Homes, 2001).
The Social Fund
The Social Fund provides interest-free budgeting
loans to people in receipt of qualifying benefits,
with loan repayments deducted directly from
benefits. Applicants do not have to demonstrate
a need for a particular item but have a personal
‘credit limit’, based on their circumstances.
PAT14 recommendations have resulted in
additional money for the Social Fund, and
administrative changes to ensure that existing
resources are directed to those most in need.
More recently, the government announced that
further funding would be made available to
reduce the maximum repayment level of loans
from 15 to 12% of the borrower’s income, and to
end a ‘double debt’ rule which had limited access
to budgeting loans in the past (HM Treasury,2004).Challenges to Improving Access to Affordable Credit Providing cheaper credit to people on low incomes is probably the biggest challenge in tackling financial exclusion.Third sector lenders have real potential to deliver more affordable credit but, despite recent expansion, their coverage is patchy. Significant progress is therefore required to achieve a national, co-ordinated and sustainable network of lenders. The key challenge is one of scale and capacity, which the government’s growth fund aims to help the sector achieve.Recent developments in the credit union movement are also encouraging. This has involved the piloting of a new ‘quality’ credit union model, which promotes ‘the commercialization of credit unions and a radical restructuring of their financial and organizational management’ (Jones, 2005). Participating credit unions have reported increased membership and levels of savings, and reduced reliance on grant-aid (ABCUL, 2004).Larger ‘modernized’ credit unions have also been shown to better serve the needs of people on low incomes (Jones, 2005). In particular, they have moved away from the traditional link between saving and borrowing, which acted as a significant barrier to people on low incomes,towards capacity-based lending, where loans are granted based on the member’s ability to repay,their circumstances and credit history rather than the amount they have saved with the credit union. Credit unions’ ability to serve low-income borrowers should be further enhanced by the Figure 1. Commercial credit sources available to low-income households.
Home credit companies, such as Provident, Greenwoods and Shopacheck, offer small-value short-term unsecured loans that are usually repaid weekly in cash. Traditionally, repayments are collected from customers’ homes by a network of agents. Typical APRs range from 100 to 400%depending on the lender and the size and term of the loan.
Pawnbrokers also offer small cash loans, which are secured on property, usually jewellery. Typical APRs range from 70 to 200% based on a loan of ￡100 over six months.
Sale and buyback shops, such as Cash Convertors and Cash Generator, buy second-hand goods and give the customer the option of buying back the goods at a higher price within an agreed period of time.
Payday loans are offered by a growing number of cheque cashers, pawnbrokers and home credit companies. The customer writes one or more personal cheques to the lender and receives the amount of the cheque, less a fee. The lender then waits for up to 30 days before presenting the cheque or cheques. Fees can range from ￡6 to ￡14 for a ￡100 cheque held for 30 days, and between ￡2 and ￡7.50 for a ￡50 cheque retained for 14 days (Dominy and Kempson, 2003).
Mail order catalogues often provide goods through a network of agents working on commission who either buy for themselves or for a number of customers. Goods bought in this way and repaid over 20 or 40 weeks are, technically, interest free. If repayments are spread over more than 40 weeks, interest is charged at 28.8% or more (Jones, 2002). The mark-up on goods is also high.
Rental purchase outlets, such as BrightHouse, allow customers to spread the cost of furniture, white goods and other household items by paying regular instalments to the shop. Although the advertised APR is usually 29.9%, there is evidence that customers are strongly encouraged to take out ‘optional’ insurances and service cover, which significantly increase the costs of borrowing (Jones, 2002). Like mail order, the mark-up on goods is high.
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recent increase in the statutory ceiling on the lending rate, from 1% per month on a reducing balance (equivalent to 12.68% APR) to 2% per month (25.4% APR). This means that credit unions can, if they choose, charge a higher rate of interest to cover the costs of lending to higher-risk borrowers.
Lack of capacity is also the key drawback of the Social Fund. Despite increases in its budget,the scheme simply cannot meet the demands of those eligible to use it. Consequently, large numbers of applicants are either turned down or only receive a partial award (Kempson et al.,2002; Whyley et al., 2000). Potential ways of increasing the capacity of the fund include capitalizing it, either from general taxation or through a partnership with banks or building societies, in much the same way as they currently provide loan capital for some of the community-based loan schemes. Alternatively, it could be achieved by the government negotiating an industry-wide initiative, as it did with Universal Banking. This additional capital in the fund could either be lent interest-free as at present, or alternatively applicants could have an initial interest-free credit limit, after which they could borrow at affordable interest rates (Collard and Kempson, 2005).
Arguably the greatest impact on widening access to affordable credit would come from a reduction in the charges levied by commercial lenders. The Competition Commission has been considering whether lending practices in the home credit sector impede competition and lead to excessively high charges. Recent changes to consumer credit legislation, encompassed in the Consumer Credit Act 2006, are intended to contain the costs of commercial credit, by broadening the existing (and ineffective)extortionate credit provisions to encompass unfair terms and practices as well as the cost of credit.
At the same time, the government decided not to introduce an interest rate ceiling (as exists in several European countries and some US states) despite a concerted campaign by anti-poverty groups. This was largely because of concerns that a rate cap would simply displace rather than reduce charges, and the danger that licensed lenders would move out of this market altogether, leaving poor people with even fewer credit options (Collard and Kempson, 2005;Policis, 2004).
Recent research has adopted a rather different approach to reducing commercial credit charges, and investigated the scope for reducing the underlying costs of lending small sums of money to people who have a high risk of default
(Collard and Kempson, 2005). This concluded that the greatest scope for cost reduction lies in finding a way of guaranteeing payment collection through automatic deduction from income,something that would benefit not-for-profit lenders as well as commercial credit users. Two possible options are direct deductions from benefit (as happens with Social Fund loans) or changes to the system of collecting direct debits so that they are automatically triggered by receipt of income rather than on a nominated date, as outlined above.As part of its 2004 Pre-Budget Report, the government announced that it would consider arrangements whereby commercial and third sector lenders could apply for repayments to be made by direct deduction from benefit, but only where normal repayment arrangements had broken down—a proposal more concerned with managing over-indebtedness than promoting financial inclusion. The response to this proposal from consumer groups has been muted (see, for example, Citizens Advice, 2005).Home Contents Insurance As with consumer credit, insurance provision has moved increasingly towards risk-reflective pricing. As a consequence, people on low incomes pay more for home contents insurance because they are more likely to live in areas of high crime and are often unable to afford security devices to reduce the risk of burglary (Whyley et al ., 1998).Two factors make contents insurance more expensive: the premium per ￡1 insured and high minimum sums insured which result in people paying for more cover than they require.In addition, insurance companies frequently require policy-holders to have a range of security devices, depending on the risk-rating of the area in which they live.Insurance with Rent The main response to reduce the number uninsured low-income households, promoted by PAT14, has been ‘insurance with rent’ for social housing tenants. First set up by local authorities about 30 years ago, insurance with rent pools the risks of scheme members and can generally offer lower levels of minimum cover.The local authority or housing association acts as an intermediary with a private insurer,administering the scheme and collecting the premiums—usually with any rent that is due. In return, they are paid a commission by the insurance company to cover the administrative costs, sometimes with a surplus that can be used to reduce premiums or to improve the security of properties.
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JOURNAL COMPILATION ? 2007 CIPFA The most recent information about the penetration of insure-with-rent schemes comes from a survey undertaken in 1999. This found that around half of the local authorities and larger housing associations that responded were running a scheme (Kempson, 1999). Most only offered insurance to their tenants, although a minority of local authorities also offered cover to former tenants who had exercised their right to buy. Take-up averaged around one in eight of eligible tenants, or about a quarter of those who did not have direct insurance, although this varied widely.
Challenges to Increasing Access to Home Contents Insurance
Despite having a product that seems to meet the need of low-income householders and an infrastructure to deliver it, progress towards increasing access to home contents insurance through insure-with-rent schemes has stalled.
A recent report makes several recommendations, most notably that central government should prioritize the provision of insure-with-rent schemes, and provide support and advice for housing providers to develop and implement schemes. Alongside this, insure-with-rent schemes need to better advertized, supported and administered to encourage take-up among tenants (Demos/SAFE, 2005).
But insurance-with-rent only provides a partial solution. Risk-based pricing of contents insurance may also make it unaffordable for low-income homeowners, particularly those who live in high-crime areas. One way of addressing this is to help people make their homes more secure.Evaluations of a recent crime prevention initiative indicated that the cost of preventing burglary was less than the financial cost of that burglary to victims and the state (Ekblom et al., 1996; Knox et al., 2000). In addition, both the Association of British Insurers and individual insurance companies have been investigating the link between crime and social exclusion, to identify ways of reducing crime losses in low-income neighbourhoods.
Conclusion
Since PAT14’s report in 1999, financial exclusion has moved up the policy agenda in the UK. The government’s renewed commitment to promoting inclusion in 2004 and the establishment of a ￡120M Financial Inclusion Fund have provided added momentum. But while considerable progress has been, serious challenges remain.
Of the three policy areas considered in this article, progress to date has been greatest in relation to banking. The availability of basic bank accounts through the branch network, along with the move to automatic payment of benefits and pensions, has resulted in a steady increase in banking inclusion. H owever, for the government and the banking industry to meet their ‘shared goal’ of reducing by half the number of unbanked adults, further work is needed to ensure that consumers can access these accounts at the frontline. In particular, they need to address the fact that, unlike other financial products, branch staff generally have no incentive to promote basic bank accounts.Widening access to affordable credit is likely to take longer. The new breed of community-based loan schemes and ‘quality’ credit unions have great potential to deliver affordable credit to people on low incomes, and provide a solid foundation on which the government’s growth fund can build. We are unlikely to know the impact of legislative changes on high-cost commercial lenders for some time, and the possibility of reducing the cost of credit through automated payment methods, such as an improved direct debit system, has only recently come under serious consideration.Both these policy areas have benefited from being in the government’s strategic spotlight. In contrast, access to home contents (and other forms of insurance) has largely been left in the shade, even though a suitable product and a means of delivering it already exist. Some form of impetus is needed to move things forward in this area—perhaps a recommendation from the Financial Inclusion Taskforce or the current Treasury Select Committee inquiry into financial exclusion. Otherwise, an opportunity for a potential ‘quick win’ will have been lost.Finally, in the drive for greater financial inclusion, government and others must guard against new forms of marginalization and exclusion. There are already signs that some banks are downgrading the services available to basic bank account-holders, and vigilance is needed to ensure that this does not become widespread.■References ABCUL (2004), An Introduction to PEARLS in Britain (Manchester).APACS/BBA (undated), Financial inclusion: access to advice, banking and credit (https://www.doczj.com/doc/ba18633834.html,).BCSB (2004), Survey of Subscribers Providing Basic Bank Accounts (London).British Bankers’ Association (2005), Basic bank account growth continues. Press release.Brown, M., Conaty, P. and Mayo, E. (2003), Life S aving: Community Development Credit Unions (New
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London).Kempson, E., Whyley, C., Caskey, J. and Collard,S. (2000), In Or Out? Financial Exclusion: A Literature and Research Review (Financial Services Authority,London).Knox, J., Pemberton, A. and Wiles, P. (2000),Partnerships in Community Safety: An Evaluation of Phase 2 of the S afer Cities Programme (DETR,London).Leyshon, A., Signoretta, P. and French, S. (2006),The Changing Geography of British Bank and Building S ociety Branch Networks 1995–2003 (ESRC,Swindon).Leyshon, A. and Thrift, N. (1993), The restructuring of the UK financial services industry in the 1990s:a reversal of fortune? Journal of Rural Studies, 9,pp. 223–241.Leyshon, A. and Thrift, N. (1994), Access to financial services and financial infrastructure withdrawal:problems and policies. Area, 26, pp. 268–275.Leyshon, A. and Thrift, N. (1995), Geographies of financial exclusion: financial abandonment in Britain and the United States. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, 20, pp.312–https://www.doczj.com/doc/ba18633834.html,lward Brown (2006), Understanding consumer experience when opening and using basic bank accounts (https://www.doczj.com/doc/ba18633834.html,)National Audit Office (2004), Social Action Plan and Household Energy Efficiency (The Stationery Office,London).Palmer, G., Carr, J. and Kenway, P. (2005),Monitoring Poverty and S ocial Exclusion 2005 (Joesph Rowntree Foundation, York).Policis (2004), The effect of interest rate controls on other countries (https://www.doczj.com/doc/ba18633834.html,).Scottish H omes (2001), Financial exclusion: the potential role of registered social landlords and Scottish Homes . Precis No. 129.Speak, S. and Graham, S. (2000), S ervice Not Included:Social Implications of Private Sector Restructuring in Marginalized Neighbourhoods (The Policy Press,Bristol).Whyley, C., McCormick, J. and Kempson, E. (1998),Paying for Peace of Mind: Access to Home Contents Insurance for Low-Income Households (Policy Studies Institute, London).Whyley, C., Collard, S. and Kempson, E. (2000),Saving and Borrowing (Department for Work and Pensions, London).
The way 的用法 Ⅰ常见用法： 1)the way+ that 2)the way + in which（最为正式的用法） 3)the way + 省略（最为自然的用法） 举例：I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. Ⅱ习惯用法： 在当代美国英语中，the way用作为副词的对格，“the way+ 从句”实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰整个句子。 1)The way =as I am talking to you just the way I’d talk to my own child. He did not do it the way his friends did. Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are—all we have to do is to clean and peel them. 2）The way= according to the way/ judging from the way The way you answer the question, you are an excellent student. The way most people look at you, you’d think trash man is a monster. 3）The way =how/ how much No one can imagine the way he missed her. 4）The way =because
The way的用法及其含义（二） 二、the way在句中的语法作用 the way在句中可以作主语、宾语或表语： 1.作主语 The way you are doing it is completely crazy.你这个干法简直发疯。 The way she puts on that accent really irritates me. 她故意操那种口音的样子实在令我恼火。The way she behaved towards him was utterly ruthless. 她对待他真是无情至极。 Words are important, but the way a person stands, folds his or her arms or moves his or her hands can also give us information about his or her feelings. 言语固然重要,但人的站姿,抱臂的方式和手势也回告诉我们他(她)的情感。 2.作宾语 I hate the way she stared at me.我讨厌她盯我看的样子。 We like the way that her hair hangs down.我们喜欢她的头发笔直地垂下来。 You could tell she was foreign by the way she was dressed. 从她的穿著就可以看出她是外国人。 She could not hide her amusement at the way he was dancing. 她见他跳舞的姿势，忍俊不禁。 3.作表语 This is the way the accident happened.这就是事故如何发生的。 Believe it or not, that's the way it is. 信不信由你, 反正事情就是这样。 That's the way I look at it, too. 我也是这么想。 That was the way minority nationalities were treated in old China. 那就是少数民族在旧中
定冠词the的用法： 定冠词the与指示代词this ,that同源,有“那(这)个”的意思,但较弱,可以和一个名词连用,来表示某个或某些特定的人或东西. (1)特指双方都明白的人或物 Take the medicine.把药吃了. (2)上文提到过的人或事 He bought a house.他买了幢房子. I've been to the house.我去过那幢房子. (3)指世界上独一无二的事物 the sun ,the sky ,the moon, the earth (4)单数名词连用表示一类事物 the dollar 美元 the fox 狐狸 或与形容词或分词连用,表示一类人 the rich 富人 the living 生者 (5)用在序数词和形容词最高级,及形容词等前面 Where do you live?你住在哪? I live on the second floor.我住在二楼. That's the very thing I've been looking for.那正是我要找的东西. (6)与复数名词连用,指整个群体 They are the teachers of this school.(指全体教师) They are teachers of this school.(指部分教师) (7)表示所有,相当于物主代词,用在表示身体部位的名词前 She caught me by the arm.她抓住了我的手臂. (8)用在某些有普通名词构成的国家名称,机关团体,阶级等专有名词前 the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国 the United States 美国 (9)用在表示乐器的名词前 She plays the piano.她会弹钢琴. (10)用在姓氏的复数名词之前,表示一家人 the Greens 格林一家人(或格林夫妇) (11)用在惯用语中 in the day, in the morning... the day before yesterday, the next morning... in the sky... in the dark... in the end... on the whole, by the way...
“tｈｅwａｙ+从句”结构的意义及用法 首先让我们来看下面这个句子: Ｒead the foｌloｗｉnｇpassagｅａnd talkａbout ｉt wi ｔh your classmaｔes．Try tｏｔeｌl whaｔyｏu thiｎk ｏf Tom aｎd ｏｆｔhe ｗay the chiｌｄrenｔrｅated ｈim. 在这个句子中，ｔhe waｙ是先行词,后面是省略了关系副词that或in whｉch的定语从句。 下面我们将叙述“the ｗaｙ+从句”结构的用法。 1.tｈe wａy之后，引导定语从句的关系词是tｈat而不是hoｗ,因此，<<现代英语惯用法词典＞＞中所给出的下面两个句子是错误的：Ｔhｉs is ｔｈeｗayｈowｉtｈａppened. This is the way how he ａlwａｙs treats me. 2．在正式语体中,thaｔ可被in which所代替;在非正式语体中，ｔhat则往往省略。由此我们得到theｗay后接定语从句时的三种模式：1) tｈe ｗaｙ＋ｔhａt-从句２）the way +ｉn whiｃh－从句3) the ｗay +从句 例如：Ｔｈe way(in whiｃh ，thａt) ｔhｅｓｅｃomｒade ｓloｏｋａｔｐrobｌems is wrong．这些同志看问题的方法
不对。 Ｔｈｅｗａy(that ,ｉn ｗhiｃh)yoｕ’ｒe doinｇit is comple ｔeｌy crａzy.你这么个干法,简直发疯。 Wｅａdmiｒｅd him for thｅｗay ｉｎｗhｉch he fａｃeｓdiｆficultieｓ． Waｌlａｃe ａｎd Ｄarwiｎｇreed ｏn the way ｉｎwhi ｃh ｄｉfｆｅrｅnt forms ｏf life had ｂegｕn.华莱士和达尔文对不同类型的生物是如何起源的持相同的观点。 Thｉs is ｔｈe ｗaｙ（tｈａｔ) hｅdｉd it. I lｉkeｄｔhe waｙ(ｔhat) ｓｈeｏｒganized ｔhe ｍeetｉng． 3.theｗay(tｈat)有时可以与hｏw(作“如何”解）通用。例如： That’s tｈe ｗaｙ(tｈaｔ) shｅspoke. = Tｈat’s how shｅspoke.
表示“方式”、“方法”，注意以下用法： 1.表示用某种方法或按某种方式，通常用介词in(此介词有时可省略)。如： Do it (in) your own way. 按你自己的方法做吧。 Please do not talk (in) that way. 请不要那样说。 2.表示做某事的方式或方法，其后可接不定式或of doing sth。 如： It’s the best way of studying [to study] English. 这是学习英语的最好方法。 There are different ways to do [of doing] it. 做这事有不同的办法。 3.其后通常可直接跟一个定语从句(不用任何引导词)，也可跟由that 或in which 引导的定语从句，但是其后的从句不能由how 来引导。如： 我不喜欢他说话的态度。 正：I don’t like the way he spoke. 正：I don’t like the way that he spoke. 正：I don’t like the way in which he spoke. 误：I don’t like the way how he spoke. 4.注意以下各句the way 的用法： That’s the way (=how) he spoke. 那就是他说话的方式。 Nobody else loves you the way(=as) I do. 没有人像我这样爱你。 The way (=According as) you are studying now, you won’tmake much progress. 根据你现在学习情况来看，你不会有多大的进步。 2007年陕西省高考英语中有这样一道单项填空题： ——I think he is taking an active part insocial work. ——I agree with you_____. A、in a way B、on the way C、by the way D、in the way 此题答案选A。要想弄清为什么选A，而不选其他几项，则要弄清选项中含way的四个短语的不同意义和用法，下面我们就对此作一归纳和小结。 一、in a way的用法 表示：在一定程度上，从某方面说。如： In a way he was right.在某种程度上他是对的。注：in a way也可说成in one way。 二、on the way的用法 1、表示：即将来(去)，就要来(去)。如： Spring is on the way.春天快到了。 I'd better be on my way soon.我最好还是快点儿走。 Radio forecasts said a sixth-grade wind was on the way.无线电预报说将有六级大风。 2、表示：在路上，在行进中。如： He stopped for breakfast on the way.他中途停下吃早点。 We had some good laughs on the way.我们在路上好好笑了一阵子。 3、表示：(婴儿)尚未出生。如： She has two children with another one on the way.她有两个孩子，现在还怀着一个。 She's got five children，and another one is on the way.她已经有5个孩子了，另一个又快生了。 三、by the way的用法
The way的用法及其含义（一） 有这样一个句子：In 1770 the room was completed the way she wanted. 1770年，这间琥珀屋按照她的要求完成了。 the way在句中的语法作用是什么？其意义如何？在阅读时，学生经常会碰到一些含有the way 的句子，如：No one knows the way he invented the machine. He did not do the experiment the way his teacher told him.等等。他们对the way 的用法和含义比较模糊。在这几个句子中，the way之后的部分都是定语从句。第一句的意思是，“没人知道他是怎样发明这台机器的。”the way的意思相当于how；第二句的意思是，“他没有按照老师说的那样做实验。”the way 的意思相当于as。在In 1770 the room was completed the way she wanted.这句话中，the way也是as的含义。随着现代英语的发展，the way的用法已越来越普遍了。下面，我们从the way的语法作用和意义等方面做一考查和分析： 一、the way作先行词，后接定语从句 以下3种表达都是正确的。例如：“我喜欢她笑的样子。” 1. the way+ in which +从句 I like the way in which she smiles. 2. the way+ that +从句 I like the way that she smiles. 3. the way + 从句(省略了in which或that) I like the way she smiles. 又如：“火灾如何发生的，有好几种说法。” 1. There were several theories about the way in which the fire started. 2. There were several theories about the way that the fire started.
way 的用法 【语境展示】 1. Now I’ll show you how to do the experiment in a different way. 下面我来演示如何用一种不同的方法做这个实验。 2. The teacher had a strange way to make his classes lively and interesting. 这位老师有种奇怪的办法让他的课生动有趣。 3. Can you tell me the best way of working out this problem? 你能告诉我算出这道题的最好方法吗？ 4. I don’t know the way (that / in which) he helped her out. 我不知道他用什么方法帮助她摆脱困境的。 5. The way (that / which) he talked about to solve the problem was difficult to understand. 他所谈到的解决这个问题的方法难以理解。 6. I don’t like the way that / which is being widely used for saving water. 我不喜欢这种正在被广泛使用的节水方法。 7. They did not do it the way we do now. 他们以前的做法和我们现在不一样。 【归纳总结】 ●way作“方法，方式”讲时，如表示“以……方式”，前面常加介词in。如例1； ●way作“方法，方式”讲时，其后可接不定式to do sth.，也可接of doing sth. 作定语，表示做某事的方法。如例2，例3；
t h e-w a y-的用法
The way 的用法 "the way+从句"结构在英语教科书中出现的频率较高, the way 是先行词, 其后是定语从句.它有三种表达形式:1) the way+that 2)the way+ in which 3)the way + 从句(省略了that或in which),在通常情况下, 用in which 引导的定语从句最为正式,用that的次之,而省略了关系代词that 或 in which 的, 反而显得更自然,最为常用.如下面三句话所示,其意义相同. I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. 一.在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,"the way+从句"实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰全句. the way=as 1)I'm talking to you just the way I'd talk to a boy of my own. 我和你说话就象和自己孩子说话一样. 2)He did not do it the way his friend did. 他没有象他朋友那样去做此事. 3)Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are ----all we have to do is clean or peel them . 大部分水果天然甜润,可以直接食用,我们只需要把他们清洗一下或去皮.
way的用法总结大全 way的用法你知道多少，今天给大家带来way的用法，希望能够帮助到大家，下面就和大家分享，来欣赏一下吧。 way的用法总结大全 way的意思 n. 道路,方法,方向,某方面 adv. 远远地，大大地 way用法 way可以用作名词 way的基本意思是“路,道,街,径”,一般用来指具体的“路,道路”,也可指通向某地的“方向”“路线”或做某事所采用的手段,即“方式,方法”。way还可指“习俗,作风”“距离”“附近,周围”“某方面”等。 way作“方法,方式,手段”解时,前面常加介词in。如果way前有this, that等限定词,介词可省略,但如果放在句首,介词则不可省略。
way作“方式,方法”解时,其后可接of v -ing或to- v 作定语,也可接定语从句,引导从句的关系代词或关系副词常可省略。 way用作名词的用法例句 I am on my way to the grocery store.我正在去杂货店的路上。 We lost the way in the dark.我们在黑夜中迷路了。 He asked me the way to London.他问我去伦敦的路。 way可以用作副词 way用作副词时意思是“远远地,大大地”,通常指在程度或距离上有一定的差距。 way back表示“很久以前”。 way用作副词的用法例句 It seems like Im always way too busy with work.我工作总是太忙了。 His ideas were way ahead of his time.他的思想远远超越了他那个时代。 She finished the race way ahead of the other runners.她第一个跑到终点,远远领先于其他选手。 way用法例句
t h e_w a y的用法大全
The way 在the way+从句中, the way 是先行词, 其后是定语从句.它有三种表达形式:1) the way+that 2)the way+ in which 3)the way + 从句(省略了that或in which),在通常情况下, 用in which 引导的定语从句最为正式,用that的次之,而省略了关系代词that 或 in which 的, 反而显得更自然,最为常用.如下面三句话所示,其意义相同. I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. 如果怕弄混淆，下面的可以不看了 另外，在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,"the way+从句"实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰全句. the way=as 1)I'm talking to you just the way I'd talk to a boy of my own. 我和你说话就象和自己孩子说话一样. 2)He did not do it the way his friend did. 他没有象他朋友那样去做此事. 3)Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are ----all we have to do is clean or peel them . 大部分水果天然甜润,可以直接食用,我们只需要把他们清洗一下或去皮. the way=according to the way/judging from the way 4)The way you answer the qquestions, you must be an excellent student. 从你回答就知道,你是一个优秀的学生. 5)The way most people look at you, you'd think a trashman was a monster. 从大多数人看你的目光中,你就知道垃圾工在他们眼里是怪物. the way=how/how much 6)I know where you are from by the way you pronounce my name. 从你叫我名字的音调中,我知道你哪里人. 7)No one can imaine the way he misses her. 人们很想想象他是多么想念她. the way=because 8) No wonder that girls looks down upon me, the way you encourage her. 难怪那姑娘看不起我, 原来是你怂恿的
The way 的用法 "the way+从句"结构在英语教科书中出现的频率较高, the way 是先行词, 其后是定语从句.它有三种表达形式:1) the way+that 2)the way+ in which 3)the way + 从句(省略了that或in which),在通常情况下, 用in which 引导的定语从句最为正式,用that的次之,而省略了关系代词that 或in which 的, 反而显得更自然,最为常用.如下面三句话所示,其意义相同. I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. 一.在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,"the way+从句"实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰全句. the way=as 1)I'm talking to you just the way I'd talk to a boy of my own. 我和你说话就象和自己孩子说话一样. 2)He did not do it the way his friend did. 他没有象他朋友那样去做此事. 3)Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are ----all we have to do is clean or peel them . 大部分水果天然甜润,可以直接食用,我们只需要把他们清洗一下或去皮.
the way=according to the way/judging from the way 4)The way you answer the qquestions, you must be an excellent student. 从你回答就知道,你是一个优秀的学生. 5)The way most people look at you, you'd think a trashman was a monster. 从大多数人看你的目光中,你就知道垃圾工在他们眼里是怪物. the way=how/how much 6)I know where you are from by the way you pronounce my name. 从你叫我名字的音调中,我知道你哪里人. 7)No one can imaine the way he misses her. 人们很想想象他是多么想念她. the way=because 8) No wonder that girls looks down upon me, the way you encourage her. 难怪那姑娘看不起我, 原来是你怂恿的 the way =while/when(表示对比) 9)From that day on, they walked into the classroom carrying defeat on their shoulders the way other students carried textbooks under their arms. 从那天起,其他同学是夹着书本来上课,而他们却带着"失败"的思想负担来上课.
The way的用法及其含义（三） 三、the way的语义 1. the way=as（像） Please do it the way I’ve told you.请按照我告诉你的那样做。 I'm talking to you just the way I'd talk to a boy of my own.我和你说话就像和自己孩子说话一样。 Plant need water the way they need sun light. 植物需要水就像它们需要阳光一样。 2. the way=how（怎样，多么） No one can imagine the way he misses her.没人能够想象出他是多么想念她！ I want to find out the way a volcano has formed.我想弄清楚火山是怎样形成的。 He was filled with anger at the way he had been treated.他因遭受如此待遇而怒火满腔。That’s the way she speaks.她就是那样讲话的。 3. the way=according as （根据） The way you answer the questions, you must be an excellent student.从你回答问题来看，你一定是名优秀的学生。 The way most people look at you, you'd think a trash man was a monster.从大多数人看你的目光中,你就知道垃圾工在他们眼里是怪物。 The way I look at it, it’s not what you do that matters so much.依我看，重要的并不是你做什么。 I might have been his son the way he talked.根据他说话的样子，好像我是他的儿子一样。One would think these men owned the earth the way they behave.他们这样行动，人家竟会以为他们是地球的主人。
一．Way：“方式”、“方法” 1.表示用某种方法或按某种方式 Do it (in) your own way. Please do not talk (in) that way. 2.表示做某事的方式或方法 It’s the best way of studying [to study] English.。 There are different ways to do [of doing] it. 3.其后通常可直接跟一个定语从句(不用任何引导词)，也可跟由that 或in which 引导的定语从句 正：I don’t like the way he spoke. I don’t like the way that he spoke. I don’t like the way in which he spoke.误：I don’t like the way how he spoke. 4. the way 的从句 That’s the way (=how) he spoke. I know where you are from by the way you pronounce my name. That was the way minority nationalities were treated in old China. Nobody else loves you the way(=as) I do. He did not do it the way his friend did. 二．固定搭配 1. In a/one way：In a way he was right. 2. In the way /get in one’s way I'm afraid your car is in the way， If you are not going to help，at least don't get in the way. You'll have to move－you're in my way. 3. in no way Theory can in no way be separated from practice. 4. On the way (to……) Let’s wait a few moments. He is on the way Spring is on the way. Radio forecasts said a sixth-grade wind was on the way. She has two children with another one on the way. 5. By the way By the way，do you know where Mary lives? 6. By way of Learn English by way of watching US TV series. 8. under way 1. Elbow one’s way He elbowed his way to the front of the queue. 2. shoulder one’s way 3. feel one‘s way 摸索着向前走；We couldn’t see anything in the cave, so we had to feel our way out 4. fight/force one’s way 突破。。。而前进The surrounded soldiers fought their way out. 5.. push/thrust one‘s way（在人群中）挤出一条路He pushed his way through the crowd. 6. wind one’s way 蜿蜒前进 7. lead the way 带路，领路；示范 8. lose one‘s way 迷失方向 9. clear the way 排除障碍，开路迷路 10. make one’s way 前进，行进The team slowly made their way through the jungle.
在the way+从句中, the way 是先行词, 其后是定语从句.它有三种表达形式:1) the way+that 2)the way+ in which 3)the way + 从句(省略了that或in which),在通常情况下, 用in which 引导的定语从句最为正式,用that的次之,而省略了关系代词that 或in which 的, 反而显得更自然,最为常用.如下面三句话所示,其意义相同. I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. 如果怕弄混淆，下面的可以不看了 另外，在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,"the way+从句"实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰全句. the way=as 1)I'm talking to you just the way I'd talk to a boy of my own. 我和你说话就象和自己孩子说话一样. 2)He did not do it the way his friend did. 他没有象他朋友那样去做此事. 3)Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are ----all we have to do is clean or peel them . 大部分水果天然甜润,可以直接食用,我们只需要把他们清洗一下或去皮. the way=according to the way/judging from the way 4)The way you answer the qquestions, you must be an excellent student. 从你回答就知道,你是一个优秀的学生. 5)The way most people look at you, you'd think a trashman was a monster. 从大多数人看你的目光中,你就知道垃圾工在他们眼里是怪物. the way=how/how much 6)I know where you are from by the way you pronounce my name. 从你叫我名字的音调中,我知道你哪里人. 7)No one can imaine the way he misses her. 人们很想想象他是多么想念她. the way=because 8) No wonder that girls looks down upon me, the way you encourage her. 难怪那姑娘看不起我, 原来是你怂恿的 the way =while/when(表示对比) 9)From that day on, they walked into the classroom carrying defeat on their shoulders the way other students carried textbooks under their arms.
“the way+从句”结构的意义及用法 首先让我们来看下面这个句子： Read the following passage and talk about it with your classmates. Try to tell what you think of Tom and of the way the children treated him. 在这个句子中，the way是先行词，后面是省略了关系副词that 或in which的定语从句。 下面我们将叙述“the way+从句”结构的用法。 1．the way之后，引导定语从句的关系词是that而不是how,因此，<<现代英语惯用法词典>>中所给出的下面两个句子是错误的：This is the way how it happened. This is the way how he always treats me. 2. 在正式语体中，that可被in which所代替；在非正式语体中，that则往往省略。由此我们得到the way后接定语从句时的三种模式：1) the way +that-从句2) the way +in which-从句3) the way +从句 例如：The way(in which ,that) these comrades look at problems is wrong.这些同志看问题的方法不对。
The way(that ,in which)you’re doing it is completely crazy.你这么个干法，简直发疯。 We admired him for the way in which he faces difficulties. Wallace and Darwin greed on the way in which different forms of life had begun.华莱士和达尔文对不同类型的生物是如何起源的持相同的观点。 This is the way (that) he did it. I liked the way (that) she organized the meeting. 3.the way(that)有时可以与how(作“如何”解)通用。例如： That’s the way (that) she spoke. = That’s how she spoke. I should like to know the way/how you learned to master the fundamental technique within so short a time. 4．the way的其它用法：以上我们讲的都是用作先行词的the way，下面我们将叙述它的一些用法。
定冠词the的12种用法 定冠词the 的12 种用法，全知道?快来一起学习吧。下面就和大家分享，来欣赏一下吧。 定冠词the 的12 种用法，全知道? 定冠词the用在各种名词前面，目的是对这个名词做个记号，表示它的特指属性。所以在词汇表中，定冠词the 的词义是“这个，那个，这些，那些”，可见，the 即可以放在可数名词前，也可以修饰不可数名词，the 后面的名词可以是单数，也可以是复数。 定冠词的基本用法： (1) 表示对某人、某物进行特指，所谓的特指就是“不是别的，就是那个!”如： The girl with a red cap is Susan. 戴了个红帽子的女孩是苏珊。 (2) 一旦用到the，表示谈话的俩人都知道说的谁、说的啥。如：
The dog is sick. 狗狗病了。(双方都知道是哪一只狗) (3) 前面提到过的，后文又提到。如： There is a cat in the tree.Thecat is black. 树上有一只猫，猫是黑色的。 (4) 表示世界上唯一的事物。如： The Great Wall is a wonder.万里长城是个奇迹。(5) 方位名词前。如： thenorth of the Yangtze River 长江以北地区 (6) 在序数词和形容词最高级的前面。如： Who is the first?谁第一个? Sam is the tallest.山姆最高。 但是不能认为，最高级前必须加the，如： My best friend. 我最好的朋友。 (7) 在乐器前。如： play the flute 吹笛子
Way用法 A:I think you should phone Jenny and say sorry to her. B:_______. It was her fault. A. No way B. Not possible C. No chance D. Not at all 说明：正确答案是A. No way，意思是“别想！没门！决不！” 我认为你应该打电话给珍妮并向她道歉。 没门！这是她的错。 再看两个关于no way的例句： （1）Give up our tea break? NO way! 让我们放弃喝茶的休息时间？没门儿！ （2）No way will I go on working for that boss. 我决不再给那个老板干了。 way一词含义丰富，由它构成的短语用法也很灵活。为了便于同学们掌握和用好它，现结合实例将其用法归纳如下： 一、way的含义 1. 路线
He asked me the way to London. 他问我去伦敦的路。 We had to pick our way along the muddy track. 我们不得不在泥泞的小道上择路而行。 2. （沿某）方向 Look this way, please. 请往这边看。 Kindly step this way, ladies and gentlemen. 女士们、先生们，请这边走。 Look both ways before crossing the road. 过马路前向两边看一看。 Make sure that the sign is right way up. 一定要把符号的上下弄对。 3. 道、路、街，常用以构成复合词 a highway（公路），a waterway（水路），a railway（铁路），wayside（路边）
way/time的特殊用法 1、当先行词是way意思为”方式.方法”的时候,引导定语从句的关系词有下列3种形式： Way在从句中做宾语 The way that / which he explained to us is quite simple. Way在从句中做状语 The way t hat /in which he explained the sentence to us is quite simple. 2、当先行词是time时,若time表示次数时,应用关系代词that引导定语从句,that可以省略; 若time表示”一段时间”讲时,应用关系副词when或介词at/during + which引导定语从句 1.Is this factory _______ we visited last year? 2.Is this the factory-------we visited last year? A. where B in which C the one D which 3. This is the last time _________ I shall give you a lesson. A. when B that C which D in which 4.I don’t like the way ________ you laugh at her. A . that B on which C which D as 5.He didn’t understand the wa y ________ I worked out the problem. A which B in which C where D what 6.I could hardly remember how many times----I’ve failed. A that B which C in which D when 7.This is the second time--------the president has visited the country. A which B where C that D in which 8.This was at a time------there were no televisions, no computers or radios. A what B when C which D that