罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由
mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:
i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a 1 / 18
serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.
that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american 2 / 18
nation.
except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.
the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of 3 / 18
poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small. therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unha ppily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.
in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, 4 / 18
untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.
i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.
there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and 5 / 18
direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.
the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america. as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of 6 / 18
the congress face great responsibility-great accountability. the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
our national policy is this:
first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the 7 / 18
defense and the security of our own nation.
third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger. therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the 8 / 18
slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
to give you two illustrations:
we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.共2页，当前第1页12
to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime 9 / 18
production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need 10 / 18
billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars.
i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many 11 / 18
kinds which they can produce and which we need.
let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."
in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one 12 / 18
can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.
a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of 13 / 18
life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:
equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
jobs for those who can work.
security for those who need it.
the ending of special privilege for the few.
the preservation of civil liberties for all.
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the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:
we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care. we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call.
a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments
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in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.
the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.
the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.
the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite 16 / 18
basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.
to that high concept there can be no end save victory.
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FDR & a New Deal for America
“It is hard, today, to imagine the level of expectation that greeted Franklin Delano Roosevelt when he ascended to take the reins from the much-maligned Hoover‖ (Jennings 155).―People are looking to you almost as they look to God‖ (qtd. in Jennings 157). By the end of his twelve years as president, ―people would find it hard to remember a day when he was not their leader, when they could not expect, at a time of need, to hear his soothing voice‖ (Jennings 157).
Roosevelt Takes Office March 4, 1933
1933: A Nation in Crisis ?1933: The Great Depression was almost 4 years old. ?Hoover was seen as ineffective ?Roosevelt was a symbol of hope ?The economy including the stock market, banks and general unemployment was reeling.
关于梦想英语演讲稿5篇 关于梦想的英语演讲稿有哪些呢为大家整理了相关的英语演讲稿5篇，欢迎大家阅读。 关于梦想英语演讲稿篇1 Good morning, it's my honor to stand here and give you this speech about dreams. There I want to start my speech with two short stories. The first story happened when I was in primary school, I wrote in my composition that my dream was to be a teacher when I grew up. Meanwhile, what my classmates wrote about their dreams was that he or she wanted to be a doctor, a scientist or an astronaut. The second story happened at my first year in university. At the careers planning class, when the teacher asked about our dreams, one of my classmates stood up and said, “I want to be a farmer, because I grow up in a farmer's family and I love to be engaged in agriculture.” When he sat down, everyone clapped. These two stories happened during my growth process, from which I got my understanding of dreams. When I was a child I believed that a dream must be a big dream, but when I grow up I find this big dream is so far away from me, I know little about it, and I have done nothing
罗斯福首次就职演说 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。 罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is
my chinese dream 我的中国梦 i am very glad to stand here to give thier a short speech.today my topic is that the youth are the future of motherland 很高兴站在这里做这篇短小的演讲，我演讲的主题是青年是祖国的未来。 在准备英语演讲比赛的时候，我本想简单地从网上搜索一些文章作为我演讲的内容。我 看过很多文章，有著名主持人的、北大教授的、大学生的，也有初中生的。但是看完之后， 我放弃了当初的想法，我甚至为当初的想法感到有一些羞愧。因为今天我站在这里向大家演 讲的主题，是一个庄重而严肃的主题；是一个充满荣耀与自豪的主题；是每一个中华儿女共 同期盼的主题。每个人都有属于他们自己的中国梦，而我，当然也有一直萦绕在心怀只属于 我的中国梦。 so what?s my chinese dream ? finally i will announce. we had learned a lot of knowledge and understood a lot of truth in the book. we had a basic concept to our country at that time. we know that our country is full of sunshine , and we are the future of our country, and our dreams are to be the hope of our motherland. 我的中国梦是什么样的？先卖个关子。 记得刚刚上学那会儿，我们天真无邪。在课本里，我们学到了很多很多知识，也明白了 很多很多道理，我们对祖国也有了一个最基本的概念。我们知道我们的祖国到处充满阳光， 正在慢慢发展，而我们，就是祖国未来的花朵，未来的希望。我们梦想将来能够成为祖国的 希望。 这，是我们最初的中国梦。最真诚的我们，最真诚的梦。 但是，不知道什么时候开始，我们长大了，生活似乎一下子变得和以前不太一样了，与 此同时，虽然我们很不想承认但是却又不得不承认的是，我们的思想，我们的为人处世观， 我们对我们祖国的看法，也潜移默化中慢慢开始了转变。我们的社会变得到处充满欺骗、冷 漠、勾心斗角、压力、腐败、险恶，我们变得暴躁，不冷静，愤世嫉俗。我们的国家，似乎 也开始变得千疮百孔。而好多我们亲爱的祖国委以重任培养的青年学生们变得轻浮、急躁， 更别提什么梦想，什么中国梦了？ are we sick, or is our dear motherland sick? 我很惊讶，当大街上有老人摔倒，我们不敢再去扶起；我很难过，当有人做了好事被报 道，更多的人说他做作；我很伤心，当我看到我们众多的青年人变得冷漠、市侩、欺诈以及 缺乏理想。 到底是我们病了，还是我们亲爱的祖国病了？ i dont want to talk about the construction of our country politics, and also speak impassioned speech on the diaoyu island event .i just want to appeal young people,showing the side of youth,good and confidence.we must learn to organize our own thoughts, correct our own concept, and change our direction to the right side in future life. china dream actually lies in our young generation, especially of the intellectuals. 我的中国梦，不想大谈政治，也不想对钓鱼岛事件发表慷慨激昂的演讲。我只想呼吁， 呼吁我们年轻人，呼吁我们祖国的希望能够将我们的青春一面，将我们的善良一面，将我们 的自信一面好好展现出来。我们要学会整理自己的思想，端正自己看问题的观念，摆正自己 的人生方向。我们的中国梦实际上正掌握在我们自己手上，掌握在我们年青一代，尤其是知 识分子手上。
青春梦想英语演讲稿(共10篇)
篇一：英语演讲稿“青春_梦想” flying youth, master our future distinguished judges, teachers, dear friends life is a process of growing up. saying goodbye to childhood, we step into another important time of life‘the youth’.however, who can really say what the youth is ? a period of time? a belief？ an attitude to life? or anything else? we don’t know. a famous poet said ‘ youth is a lovely song ,where nothing is impossible ; youth is a meaningful book, you’ll be never bored of it ；youth is a rapid river ,it keeps on flowing day and night ；youth is a cup of tea ,it shows you different kinds of tastes in your life. ’ what’s more , never ignore the power of knowledge. read more books and travel around. for one thing, it can increase your knowledge, for another, it’ll broaden your horizon. i firmly believe one sentence that‘if you think you can, of course you can!’just believe we can make it!
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文,中文版） 美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版） President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation
优秀1分钟简短英语演讲稿五篇 优秀1分钟简短英语演讲稿篇一 Hello,everyone.My name is Yao Qingyu.I’m from Class6,Grade8. Today I will tell you a story about “Homes and have to”. There are many villages in northern Korea, persimmon garden. Every time after the harvest season, local fruit total number ofripe persimmon should remain on the books. People are curiousasked: These red and ask what is not a big persimmon picked come?”Growers said,” That is reserved for magpie food. “ Originally wanted to go tospend the winter here each year magpies. One year the winter isespecially cold in a row for several days under the snow, magpiesfail to find food, were all frozen to death overnight. The following spring,persimmon tree blossom, persimmon garden has given rise to anunknown caterpillar, could not knot garden of persimmon fruit isalmost never produced. After this incident, an annual autumnseason, fruit will not
英语演讲稿我的梦想 【篇一：小学生英语演讲稿：我的梦想】 my dream 凉州区中坝镇中坝小学俞晓凤 good afternoon everyone: my name is yu xiao feng. i’m twelve years old，i’m from zhongba primary school. everyone has a dream，now ill talk about my dream，what is my dream? i often ask myself. now i am a young girl with a new dream——to be a doctor. i want to be a famous doctor, helping the sick and saving their lives. why has my dream changed? well, at the age of 11 i was ill, badly ill. i had to leave both my school and my friends and go to the hospital. every day i suffered the troubles caused by this illness. i also saw some people who were suffering . i made up my mind to become a doctor, so that i can help the sick people and cure them of their diseases. i want to try my best to help the poor treat an illness. i want to let them have an opportunity to receive excel-lent treatments for their illnesses without having to pay much or any money. ill do every bit to cure the incurable. i hope to see a world, where there is no fatal diseases. im confident that through the joint efforts of you and me, man will put an end to his bodily sufferings and this dream of mine will one day be brought into reality. 我的梦想 大家下午好： 我的名字是俞晓凤。我12岁了，我来自中坝小学。每个人都有一个梦想，现在我将谈论我的梦想，我的梦想是什么？我常常问自己。现在我是一个年轻的女孩，一个新的梦想——成为一名医生。我想成为一名著名的医生，帮助病人和挽救他们的生命。为什么我的梦想改变了？在11岁的时候我病了，病得很重。我不得不离开我的学校都和我的朋友去医院，我每天都遭受病痛。 我也看到一些人受苦。我下定决心要成为一名医生，这样我可以帮助病人和他们治愈的疾病。
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿 【--就职演讲稿】 就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了，下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！ 胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends: 值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. 我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们支付能力下降了；各级政府都遇到严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易贸易过程中遭到了冻结，工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄付之东流。
简单英语演讲稿3分钟6篇 简单英语演讲稿3分钟篇一 Ladies and Gentlemen： Good morning! I’m very glad to stand here and give you a short speech. Man’s life is a process of growing up, actually I’m standing here is a growth. If a person’s life must constituted by various choices, then I grow up along with these choices. Once I hope I can study in a college in future, however that’s passed, as you know I come here, now I wonder what the future holds for me. When I come to this school, I told to myself: this my near future, all starts here. Following I will learn to become a man, a integrated man, who has a fine body, can take on important task, has independent thought, an open mind, intensive thought, has the ability to judge right and wrong, has a perfect job. Once my teacher said :” you are not sewing, you are stylist; never forget which you should lay out to people is your thought, not craft.” I will put my personality with my interest and ability into my study, during these process I will combine learning with doing. If I can achieve this “future”, I think that I really grow up. And I deeply believe kindred, good-fellowship and love will perfection and happy in the future. How to say future? Maybe it’s a nice wish. Lets make up our minds,
关于梦想的英文演讲稿（篇1） Wide sea diving, the days of the birds to fly. Everyone carries a dream of their own. However, what is the dream? What is dream? Dream is looking forward to, and the dream is strong - is fleeting dream you insist on the ideal as their courage and perseverance, are you responsible for their own highest level. But ask yourself, how many of us to accomplish his original dream in mind? Our dream is a simple belief, is a future and life of their own responsibility. Perhaps, is the Youth grand ambitions; perhaps, is the adolescent confusion and impulsive; maybe just a plain desire, desire applause, eager for success. Countless "may," innumerable "hope" because of our youthful full of miracles, large and small dreams in our hearts, in every corner of life filled with fragrance. Only the ideal but no effort is useless. If you want to be a teacher, you should to study hard. If you want to be a player, you should do more exercises. If you want to become a businessman, he should learn to get along with people. For example, my wish is to be a famous writer grew up, because I really love writing, so from now on, I should read more, more accumulate knowledge, and strive to improve writing level. No pains, no gains, because my efforts, so my article was punished in many newspapers , and in many composition contest, I see the success I'm happy, so, struggle is the bridge to the ideal. Yes, my dream. to give my famliy a warm, give my friend happy. Yes, my dream. The podium from the first station began his love this place, started from the first published an article looking forward to the world of words, decided to stay here from the beginning, stick to bottom of my heart desire. Years in our faces no matter how many additional traces, no matter how much things to us across the chest wounds, as long as we have the right to breathe, to have a passion for remodeling dreams! Oxygen to survive as long as we have to have the courage to create a passion! Choose to continue, select the value, select the achievements of the passion of life, the brave hearts of the initial dream of success! 海阔凭鱼跃，天高任鸟飞。每个人都怀揣着一个属于自己的梦想。 然而，什么是梦?什么又是梦想?梦是期待，而梦想是坚强--是你把飘渺的梦坚持作为自己理想的勇气和执著，是你对自己负责的最高境界。但扪心自问，我们有多少人能够成就自己心中最初的梦想? 我们的梦想，是一个简单的信念，是一份对自己未来与生命的责任。也许，是二十岁的豪情壮志;也许，是青春期的迷茫与冲动;也许只是一份平淡的渴望，渴望掌声，渴望成功。无数的“可能”，无数的“希望”，因为我们的青春岁月充满奇迹，我们心中大大小小的梦，在生活的每一个角落里芬芳弥漫。 是的，我的梦想。一份从一而终的守望--给我的学生希望，给我的读者温暖，给我的爱人幸福。是的，我的梦想。从第一次站上讲台开始迷恋这个地方，从第一次发表文章开始憧憬文字世界，从决定留在这里开始，坚守心底的渴望。 无论岁月在我们脸上增添了多少痕迹，无论世事在我们胸口划过多少到伤痕，只要我们还有呼吸的权利，就拥有重塑梦想的激情!只要我们还有生存的氧气，就拥有缔造激情的勇气!
富兰克林．德拉诺．罗斯福 (FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT) 首次就职演说 First Inaugural Address I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself―nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give the support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our fore-fathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our door-steps, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. . . . Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. . . . Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forth-with on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which to-day are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly. Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the