美国总统林肯演讲稿
Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln
March 4th 1861
Speech：
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of this office."
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is
susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause - as cheerfully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:
No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution - to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all,
both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. Top
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it - break it, so to speak - but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can
lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. Top
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them.
To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
英文版 MR. OBAMA: Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of H appiness.” Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of,
美国总统周末电台演讲：华盛顿白宫奥巴马电台演讲 WASHINGTON, DC—In this week’s address, President Obama called on Congress to act now to extend tax cuts for the 98% of Americans making less than $250,000 for another year. If Congress fails to act, taxes will go up on January 1st and will be a blow to millions of middle class families and to our economy. Both parties agree on extending the tax cuts for the middle class, and the President believes it’s time for Congress to act so that we can give the middle class and our small businesses the certainty they need as we work to create an economy that is built to last. Remarks of President Barack Obama Weekly Address The White House Saturday, July 14, 2012 Over the past couple weeks I’ve been talking with folks across the coun try about how we’re going to rebuild an economy where if you work hard, you and your family can get ahead. And right now, there’s a big debate going on in Washington over two fundamentally different paths we can take as a country to do that. One path – pushed by Republicans in Congress and their nominee for President – says that the best way to create prosperity is to let it trickle down from the top. They believe that if we spend trillions more on tax cuts for the wealthy, it’ll somehow create jobs – even if we have to pay for it by gutting education and training and by raising middle-class taxes. I think they’re wrong.We already tried it that way for most of the last decade, and it didn’t work. We’re still paying for trillions of dollars in tax cuts that benefitted the wealthiest Americans more than anyone else; tax cuts that didn’t lead to the rise in wages and middle class jobs that we were promised; and that helped take us from record surpluses to record deficits. The last thing we need right now is more top-down economics. What we need are policies that will grow and strengthen the middle class; that will help create jobs, make education and training more affordable, and encourage businesses to start up and stay right here in the United States. Soon, we’ll face a choice between these two different approaches.On January 1st, taxes are set to go up for tens of millions of Americans. I think that would be a huge financial hit for middle-class families. That’s why I’ve cut middle-class taxes ever y year that I’ve been President –by $3,600 for the typical family. And that’s why, this week, I called on Congress to immediately stop the January 1st tax hike from hitting any American on the first $250,000 of their income. Under my plan, 98% of Ameri can families won’t see their income taxes go up at all.But the other 2% of Americans will have to pay a little more in taxes on anything they make over $250,000. In other words, the wealthiest few Americans will go back to the income tax rates they were paying under Bill Clinton. And if you remember, that was when our economy created nearly 23 million new jobs, the biggest budget surplus in history, and
美国总统竞选演讲稿 美国总统竞选演讲稿为了重塑美国中产阶级，我将给予95%的工人及其家庭税收减免待遇。如果你工作，就交税；如果年收入不足20万美元，你会获得减税；即使你的年收入超过了25万美元，你所负担的税率也比上世纪九十年代要低──资本利得税和股息税要比里根总统时期低三分之一。通过重建日益破败的基础设施、在美国的各个角落接通宽带，我们将创造200万个就业岗位。未来的十年中，我将每年在可再生能源领域投资150亿美元，进而新增500万个岗位；这些工作环保、薪酬丰厚、不能外包，而且能帮助我们摆脱对中东石油的依赖。在医疗问题上，我们不必在政府运营的体系和目前这种我们难以负担的体系之间进行选择。我的竞选对手提出的方案会令美国人有史以来首次为自己获得的医疗福利纳税。我的计划则会让医疗保健成为每个美国人都负担得起、享受得到的服务。根据我的计划，如果你已经有了医疗保险，你将看到的唯一一个变化是保费降低；如果你还没有医疗保险，你将能与国会议员们享受到同样的医疗福利。为了让每个孩子享受到世界级的教育，让他们能在全球经济中竞争21世纪的工作岗位，我将投资早期教育，并且增加师资力量。不过，我同时也会要求更高的标准和更多的责任。我们向每个美国年轻人作出承诺：如果你致力于服务你的社区或是你的国家，我们将确保你能负担得起自己的学费。在国防安全问题上，我将负责任地结束伊拉克战争，这样我们就不必在这个国家享有巨额财政盈余的情况下每月却要在那里花费100亿美元。为了美国的经济、美国的军队和伊拉克的长期稳定，现在是伊拉克人站出来的时候了。我将最终完成对本拉登（BinLaden）和基地组织恐怖分子的打击，正是这些人制造了9/11恐怖袭击，同时我还会建立新的合作关系、击退21世纪出现的威胁，恢复我们的道德威望，让美国仍然是地球上最后也是最好的希望。这些事情没有一件是轻而易举能办到的，也不是一朝一夕能完成的。但是，我坚信我们能成功，因为我对美国深信不疑。是美国使我们的父辈相信，即使他们自己无法上大学，也可以每周积攒下一些钱来，让他们的孩子接受好的教育；即使他们不能拥有自己的企业，也可以通过努力工作让自己的孩子创办企业。在美国历史的每个时刻，我们都勇敢地站起来面对挑战，因为我们从来没有忘记过这样一个基本真理：在美国，我们的命运并非天定，而是掌握在我们自己的手中。所以，明天，我恳请你们书写美国下一个伟大的篇章。我恳请你们不只相信我带来变革的能力，还有你们自己的能力。明天，你们可以选择这样一种政策──向美国中产阶级进行投入、创造新的就业岗位、实现经济增长让人人都有成功的机会。你们可以选择希望而非恐惧、选择团结而非***、选择变革的希望而非墨守成规。如果你们投我的票，我们将不仅赢得此次竞选，还将一起改变这个国家、改变这个世界。 感谢您的阅读，欢迎下载使用
美国总统奥巴马胜选演讲稿（中英文） 超过10万人4日深夜把美国芝加哥格兰特公园变成狂欢的海洋。当选总统贝拉克奥巴马在这里向支持者宣布:“变革已降临美国。”他在这篇获胜演说中承诺推进“变革”,但呼吁支持者付出耐心,甚至提及连任。 If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer. 如果,还有人怀疑美国是一切皆有可能的国度,还有人怀疑国父们的梦想在我们的时代是否还存在,还有人怀疑我们的民主所拥有的力量,那么今晚,你听到了回答。 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference. 是那些今天在学校和教堂排着长队、数不胜数的选民做出了回答;是那些为了投票等待了三四个小时的人们做出了回答。他们中的很多人,是有生以来第一次投票,因为他们相信,这次真的不同――他们的声音会让这次不同。
Inaugural Address of George Bush FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends: There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America. I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began. We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads: Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There are times when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right
barack obama’s inaugural address ——美国第44任总统奥巴马宣誓就职的演讲词 英文： my fellow citizens: i stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. i thank president bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. forty-four americans have now taken the presidential oath. the words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. at these moments, america has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. so it has been. so it must be with this generation of americans. that we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsi bility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. these are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that america’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. today i say to you that the challenges we face are real. they are serious and they are many. they will not be met easily or in a short span of time. but know this, america - they will be met. on this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the god-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. in reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. it must be earned. our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. it has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom. for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文,中文版） 美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版） President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation
I am honored to be with you today for your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. Truth be told, I never graduated from college. And this is the closest I've ever gotten to a college graduation. Today I want to tell you three stories from my life. That's it. No big deal. Just three stories. 今天，我很荣幸能和你们一起参加毕业典礼，斯坦福大学是世界上最好的大学之一。说实话，（虽然）我从来没有从大学中毕业，但今天是我生命中离大学毕业最近的一天了。今天我想向你们讲述我生活中的三个故事。不说大道理，就是三个故事而已。 The first story is about connecting the dots. 第一个故事是关于如何把生命中的点点滴滴串连起来。 I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit. So why did I drop out? 我在里德学院读了六个月之后就退学了，但是在十八个月以后，我还经常去学校。我为什么要退学呢？ It started before I was born. My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption. She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife. Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl. So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: "We have an unexpected baby boy; do
美国总统奥巴马的演讲稿集(中英文对照) 奥巴马连任胜选的中英文演讲词 奥巴马连任胜选的中英文演讲词 Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. 谢谢，非常感谢各位。 Tonight more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward. It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the sof hope. The belief that while each of us will pursue our own indivual dreams, we are an American family and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people. 今晚，是在一个曾经的殖民地在赢得自己主权200多年之后，我们来到这里，不断前行，这主要是因为你们坚信这个国家能够实现永恒的希望，实现移民的梦想。每一个人都可以独立的争取自己的未来，我们将会作为一个国家共同起落。 Tonight in this election, you, the American people, remind us while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that the united states of America the best is yet to come. 今晚，在选举的过程当中，你们——美国的人民，让我们记得我们的道路是非常艰辛的，我们的道路是漫长的，我们重新站了起来，我们也从内心知道，美国还没有迎来最好的时代。 [cheering] I want to thank every American who participated in this election [CHEERING] Whether you voted for the very first time or waiting in line for a very long time. By the way, we need to fix that. Whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone. Whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you mad your voice heard. And you made a difference. I just got off the phone with Governor Romney and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign. 我想要感谢每一个参与选举的美国人。无论你们是第一次投票，还是(排队)等了很长的时间才投上一票——顺便说一下我会解决这个问题。无论你是自己上门投的票，还是打投的票；无论你是投给奥巴马的人，还是投给罗姆尼的人，你都是为我们国家带来变的力量。我刚刚同罗姆尼通过，我祝贺他们这次竞选所取得的成绩。 [CHEERING] We may have fought fiercely, but it’s only because we love this country deeply. And we care so stronly about its future.
特朗普就职演讲稿中文 导语：XX年11月9日，美国大选终于尘埃落定，一开始一直不被看好的唐纳德?特朗普击败民主党候选人希拉里?克林顿，当选美国第45任总统。他获选后的这篇演讲，不管是从内容还是风格形式上都非常有特色。以下是品才网小编整理的特朗普就职演讲稿中文，欢迎阅读参考。 特朗普就职演讲稿中文首席大法官罗伯茨先生，卡特前总统，克林顿前总统，布什前总统，奥巴马前总统，各位美国同胞，世界人民，感谢你们。 各位美国公民们，我们正参与到一项伟大的全国性事业当中：重建我们的国家，重塑对全体人民的承诺。我们将一起决定未来很多年内美国乃至全世界的道路。 我们将遭遇挑战。我们会遇到困难。但是我们能将这项事业完成。每过四年，我们都相聚在这里进行有序和平的权力交接。 我们应该感谢总统奥巴马和第一夫人米歇尔·奥巴马，他们在权力交接中，慷慨地给予我以帮助。他们真的很棒。谢谢你们。 今天的就职典礼有着特殊的意义。因为，今天我们不只是将权力由一任总统交接到下一任总统，由一个政党交接给另一政党。
今天，我们是将权力由华盛顿交接到了人民的手中，即你们的手中。 长久以来，华盛顿的一小群人攫取了利益果实，代价却要由人民来承受。华盛顿欣欣向荣，人民却没有分享到财富。政客们塞满了腰包，工作机会却越来越少，无数工厂关门。 建制派保护的是他们自己，而不是我们国家的公民。他们的成功和胜利不属于你们。当他们在我们的首都欢呼庆祝时，这片土地上无数在挣扎奋斗的家庭却没有什么可以庆祝的。但这些都会改变，在此地改变，在此时改变。因为你们的时刻来临了，这一刻属于你们。 这次胜利，属于今天聚集在这里的所有人，以及全国正在观看这次典礼的所有美国人。这是属于你们的一天。这是你们的庆祝日。我们所在的美利坚合众国，是你们的国家。 真正重要的，并不是政府由哪个政党来掌控，而是政府能不能被人民掌控。XX年1月20日，这一天将会被铭记，美国人民重新成为了国家的主宰者。 曾经被忽视的美国人不会继续被忽视。 现在，所有人都在倾听你们。你们数以千万计地投入到这场历史运动中，这样的事情世界上从来没有过。 这一就职典礼的核心是一种信念——我们坚信国家是为服务人民而存在的。我们国家想要为孩子们提供优良的学校教育，为家庭提供安全的生活环境，为每个人提供好的就