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TED演讲:越有钱越无情(中英对照版)

TED演讲:越有钱越无情(中英对照版)
TED演讲:越有钱越无情(中英对照版)

越有钱越无情

It's amazing what a rigged game of Monopoly can reveal. In this entertaining but sobering talk, social psychologist Paul Piff shares his research into how people behave when they feel wealthy. (Hint: badly.) But while the problem of inequality is a complex and daunting challenge, there's good news too. (Filmed at TEDx Marin.)

一个被操纵的大富翁游戏能告诉我们的东西竟然有那么多!在这个有趣且发人深省的演讲中,社会心理学家保罗-皮夫分享了他对于“人感到富有时如何表现”的研究结果(暗示:很坏)。在面对异常复杂、异常严峻的不平等问题的同时,我们也听到了好的消息。。(摄于TEDx加州马林县)

Paul Piff studies how social hierarchy, inequality and emotion shape relations between individuals and groups.

Why you should listen:

Paul Piff is an Assistant Professor of Psychology and Social Behavior at the University of California, Irvine. In particular, he studies how wealth (having it or not having it) can affect interpersonal relationships.

His surprising studies include running rigged games of Monopoly, tracking how those who drive expensive cars behave versus those driving less expensive vehicles and even determining that rich people are literally more likely to take candy from children than the less well-off. The results often don't paint a pretty picture about the motivating forces of wealth. He writes, "specifically, I have been finding that increased wealth and status in society lead to increased self-focus and, in turn, decreased compassion, altruism, and ethical behavior."

What others say:

“When was the last time, as Piff puts it, that you prioritized your own interests above the interests of other people? Was it yesterday, when you barked at the waitress for not delivering your cappuccino with sufficient promptness? Perhaps it was last week, when, late to

work, you zoomed past a mom struggling with a stroller on the subway stairs and justified your heedlessness with a ruthless but inarguable arithmetic: Today, the 9 a.m. meeting has got to come first; that lady’s stroller can’t be my problem. Piff is one of a new generation of scientists—psychologists, economists, marketing professors, and neurobiologists—who are exploiting this moment of unprecedented income inequality to explore behaviors like those. ” —Lisa Miller, New York Magazine

演讲稿正文

I want you to, for a moment, think about playing a game of Monopoly, except in this game, that combination of skill, talent and luck that help earn you success in games, as in life, has been rendered irrelevant, because this game's been rigged, and you've got the upper hand. You've got more money, more opportunities to move around the board, and more access to resources. And as you think about that experience, I want you to ask yourself, how might that experience of being a privileged player in a rigged game change the way that you think about yourself and regard that other player?

我想让大家花一点时间,想想一下自己正在玩大富翁游戏。只不过在这个游戏里面,那些帮助你赢的游戏的因素,比如技巧、才能和运气在此无关紧要,就像对于人生一样,因为这个游戏被操纵了,而你已经占了上风,你有更多的钱,有更多在棋盘上移动的机会以及更对获得资源的机会。在你想象这一经历的过程中,我想让大家问一下自己,一个被操纵的游戏里面作为优势玩家的经历会如何改变你思考自己和对待对手的方式?

So we ran a study on the U.C. Berkeley campus to look at exactly that question. We brought in more than 100 pairs of strangers into the lab, and with the flip of a coin randomly assigned one of the two to be a rich player in a rigged game. They got two times as much money. When they passed Go, they collected twice the salary, and they got to roll both dice instead of one, so they got to move around the board a lot more. (Laughter) And over the course of 15 minutes, we watched through hidden cameras what happened. And what I want to do today, for the first time, is show you a little bit

of what we saw. You're going to have to pardon the sound quality, in some cases, because again, these were hidden cameras. So we've provided subtitles.

在加州大学伯克利分校,我们做了一个试验来研究这个问题。我们招募了100多对陌生人到实验室,通过投掷硬币的方式随机选中一对中的一个作为这个游戏中占上风的玩家。他们拿到了两倍的钱。当他们途径起点的时候,他们拿到两倍的工资,而且他们可以同时掷两个骰子而不是一个,所以他们可以在棋盘上移动更多。在接下来的15分钟内,我们通过隐藏的摄像头观察了现场情况。今天是第一次我想和大家分享一下我们观察到的,有的时候音质可能不太好,还请大家原谅,因为毕竟是用隐藏的摄像头,所以我们加上了字幕。

Rich Player: How many 500s did you have?

富玩家:你有多少张500块?

Poor Player: Just one.

穷玩家:就一张。

Rich Player: Are you serious.

富玩家:真的吗?

Poor Player: Yeah.

穷玩家:是的。

Rich Player: I have three. (Laughs) I don't know why they gave me so much.

富玩家:我有三张。(笑声)不知道为什么他们给了我这么多。

Paul Piff: Okay, so it was quickly apparent to players that something was up. One person clearly has a lot more money than the other person, and yet, as the game unfolded, we saw very notable differences and dramatic differences begin to emerge between the

two players. The rich player started to move around the board louder, literally smacking the board with their piece as he went around. We were more likely to see signs of dominance and nonverbal signs, displays of power and celebration among the rich players.

保罗.皮夫:所以,玩家们很快就意识到这个游戏明显有点奇怪。一个玩家比另一个玩家明显有更多的钱。随着游戏慢慢展开,我们观察到两个玩家开始有一些明显不同的表现。富的玩家明显在棋盘上移动的声音更大,移动的时候几乎是在狠狠砸棋盘。我们看到富玩家们“霸主”信号、肢体动作,权力的显示以及相互庆祝。

We had a bowl of pretzels positioned off to the side. It's on the bottom right corner there. That allowed us to watch participants' consummatory behavior. So we're just tracking how many pretzels participants eat.

我们在旁边放了一碗椒盐卷饼,就在右下角,这使得我们可以观察玩家吃椒盐卷饼的行为。我们就是看看玩家吃了多少椒盐卷饼。

Rich Player: Are those pretzels a trick?

富玩家:这些椒盐卷饼有什么猫腻吗?

Poor Player: I don't know.

穷玩家:不知道啊。

Okay, so no surprises, people are onto us. They wonder what that bowl of pretzels is doing there in the first place. One even asks, like you just saw, is that bowl of pretzels there as a trick? And yet, despite that, the power of the situation seems to inevitably dominate, and those rich players start to eat more pretzels.

保罗·皮夫:好吧,不出所料,大家觉得有问题。起先他们好奇那一碗椒盐卷饼为什么会在那里。就像你刚才看到的,其中有一个甚至问:这碗椒盐卷饼与什么猫腻吗?但尽管如此,整个现场的主导形势还是不可避免的。那些富的玩家开始吃更多的椒盐卷饼。

Rich Player: I love pretzels.

富玩家:我爱椒盐卷饼。

(Laughter)

(笑声)

And as the game went on, one of the really interesting and dramatic patterns that we observed begin to emerge was that the rich players actually started to become ruder toward the other person, less and less sensitive to the plight of those poor, poor players, and more and more demonstrative of their material success, more likely to showcase how well they're doing.

保罗·皮夫:游戏继续进行,我们发现了一个很明显的有趣现象,就是富玩家开始对另一个玩家表现得不友好,对那些可怜玩家的贫穷困境越来越不敏感,开始越来越频繁的炫富,更喜欢展示他们正在做的一切。

Rich Player: I have money for everything.

富玩家:我什么都买得起。

Poor Player: How much is that?

穷玩家:你有多少钱?

Rich Player: You owe me 24 dollars. You're going to lose all your money soon. I'll buy it. I have so much money. I have so much money, it takes me forever.

富玩家:你还欠我24块。你很快就要输光了。我要买它,我太多钱了那么多花都花不完的钱。

Rich Player 2: I'm going to buy out this whole board.

富玩家2:我要把整个棋盘都买下来。

Rich Player 3:You're going to run out of money soon. I'm pretty much untouchable at this point.

富玩家3:你很快就要没钱了。我已经差不多不可战胜了。

Okay, and here's what I think was really, really interesting, is that at the end of the 15 minutes, we asked the players to talk about their experience during the game. And when the rich players talked about why they had inevitably won in this rigged game of Monopoly -- (Laughter) —they talked about what they'd done to buy those different properties and earn their success in the game, and they became far less attuned to all those different features of the situation, including that flip of a coin that had randomly gotten them into that privileged position in the first place. And that's a really, really incredible insight into how the mind makes sense of advantage.

保罗·皮夫:下面是我觉得一个非常非常有有意思的现象。在15分钟要结束的时候,我们请玩家谈论他们在游戏中的经历。当玩家谈论他们在这个被操纵的游戏里面为什么必胜的时候(笑声)他们提到了自己为了买到不同地产和赢得游戏所作的努力而他们忽略了这个游戏一开始的不同形势也就是投掷硬币随即决定了他们哪一个获得优势,而这对我们理解大脑如何看待优势提供了非常好的启发。

Now this game of Monopoly can be used as a metaphor for understanding society and its hierarchical structure, wherein some people have a lot of wealth and a lot of status, and a lot of people don't. They have a lot less wealth and a lot less status and a lot less access to valued resources. And what my colleagues and I for the last seven years have been doing is studying the effects of these kinds of hierarchies. What we've been finding across dozens of studies and thousands of participants across this country is that as a person's levels of wealth increase, their feelings of compassion and empathy go down, and their feelings of entitlement, of deservingness, and their ideology of self-interest increases. In surveys, we found that it's actually wealthier individuals who are more likely to moralize greed being good, and that the pursuit of self-interest is favorable and moral. Now what I want to do today is talk about some of the implications of this ideology self-interest, talk about why we should care about those implications, and end with what might be done.

我们可以用这个大富翁的游戏作比喻来理解我们的社会以及社会分层,也就是有的人有大量的社会财富和地位而很多人没有,他们仅有很少的财富和地位以及很少获得宝贵资源的机会。我和我的同事在过去的7年里一直在做的就是研究这些不同层次的影响。全国范围内的大量研究都表明,当一个人的财富增加时,他们的同情心和同理心下降,而他们的优越感增加,也更注重个人利益。在调查中,我们发现,富有的人更可能把贪婪定义为好的,把对个人利益的追求定义为有利的,道德的。今天我想谈的就是这种个人利益思维的影响,谈谈为什么我们应该关注这些影响以及我们能做些什么。

Some of the first studies that we ran in this area looked at helping behavior, something social psychologists call pro-social behavior. And we were really interested in who's more likely to offer help to another person, someone who's rich or someone who's poor. In one of the studies, we bring in rich and poor members of the community into the lab and give each of them the equivalent of 10 dollars. We told the participants that they could keep these 10 dollars for themselves, or they could share a portion of it, if they wanted to, with a stranger who is totally anonymous. They'll never meet that stranger and the stranger will never meet them. And we just monitor how much people give. Individuals who made 25,000 sometimes under 15,000 dollars a year, gave 44 percent more of their money to the stranger than did individuals making 150,000 or 200,000 dollars a year.

我们在这一领域最初做的一些研究,观察了助人行为,社会心理学家称之为亲社会行为。我们很想知道什么人更倾向于给其他人提供帮助,富人还是穷人。其中一个研究,我们把一个社区的富人和穷人都带到了实验室,给了每个人十美元。我们告诉他们,他们可以把这十块钱给自己用,也可以把其中一部分拿出来分享。如果他们愿意的话,跟一个陌生人分享,一个永远不会再相见的陌生人。我们观察人们给了多少。那下年收入为25000甚至低于15000美元的人,而那些收入为15万甚至20万的人比起来多给了44%。

We've had people play games to see who's more or less likely to cheat to increase their chances of winning a prize. In one of the games, we actually rigged a computer so that die rolls over a certain score were impossible. You couldn't get above 12 in this game, and yet, the richer you were, the more likely you were to cheat in this game to earn credits toward a $50 cash prize, sometimes by three to four times as much.

我们还让人们玩游戏,看看什么人更可能为了赢得一个奖品而作弊。其中一个游戏,我们其实操纵了电脑使得某些数字不可能出现。这个游戏里面你不可能超过12。然而,越富有的人,越有可能在这个游戏中作弊去争取那个最终能够赢取50美元现金的分数,可能性甚至高达3到4倍。

We ran another study where we looked at whether people would be inclined to take candy from a jar of candy that we explicitly identified as being reserved for children -- (Laughter) —participating -- I'm not kidding. I know it sounds like I'm making a joke. We explicitly told participants this jar of candy's for children participating in a developmental lab nearby. They're in studies. This is for them. And we just monitored how much candy participants took. Participants who felt rich took two times as much candy as participants who felt poor.

我们还做了另一个实验,观察人们是否会从糖罐里面拿糖。糖罐上清楚地写着:给小朋友预留......(笑声)我是认真的,我知道这听上去像我在讲笑话,我们明确的告诉了参与者,这一罐糖是给隔壁发展中心的小朋友准备的,他们在实验中,这是给他们的。然后我们观察这些参与者拿了多少糖果,那些感觉富有的参与者多拿了两倍的糖果。

We've even studied cars, not just any cars, but whether drivers of different kinds of cars are more or less inclined to break the law. In one of these studies, we looked at whether drivers would stop for a pedestrian that we had posed waiting to cross at a crosswalk. Now in California, as you all know, because I'm sure we all do this, it's the law to stop for a pedestrian who's waiting to cross. So here's an example of how we did it. That's our confederate off to the left posing

as a pedestrian. He approaches as the red truck successfully stops. In typical California fashion, it's overtaken by the bus who almost runs our pedestrian over. (Laughter) Now here's an example of a more expensive car, a Prius, driving through, and a BMW doing the same. So we did this for hundreds of vehicles on several days, just tracking who stops and who doesn't. What we found was that as the expensiveness of a car increased, the driver's tendencies to break the law increased as well. None of the cars, none of the cars in our least expensive car category broke the law. Close to 50 percent of the cars in our most expensive vehicle category broke the law. We've run other studies finding that wealthier individuals are more likely to lie in negotiations, to endorse unethical behavior at work like stealing cash from the cash register, taking bribes, lying to customers.

我们还研究了汽车,不只是汽车,而是不同类型汽车的司机谁更倾向于做一些违法的事情。其中一个实验,我们观察了,司机在碰到行人(我们安排的)过马路时的停车行为。在加州,大家都知道,因为我相信我们都有这样做,法律规定碰到行人要过马路,我们必须停车。下面我告诉大家我们是怎样做的,左侧是我们的研究人员装作一个行人,她正要过马路,这时候红色的卡车停了下来,当然这是在加州。很快一辆巴士呼啸而过,差点要撞到我们的行人——(笑声)——这是一辆比较贵的车,一辆普锐斯开过来,一辆宝马车也一样。几天内,我们测试了几百辆车记录谁停了谁没有停。我们发现,随着车价的增加司机违法的倾向也增加了。而在我们的廉价车系里,没有一辆车作出违法行为。而在我们的昂贵车系里,有接近50%的车都违法了。我们还做了其他研究并发现,越有钱的人越有可能在谈判中说谎,赞同工作中的不道德行为。比如从收银台偷现金,受贿,忽悠顾客等。

Now I don't mean to suggest that it's only wealthy people who show these patterns of behavior. Not at all. In fact, I think that we all, in our day-to-day, minute-by-minute lives, struggle with these competing motivations of when, or if, to put our own interests above the interests of other people. And that's understandable because the American dream is an idea in which we all have an equal opportunity to succeed and prosper, as long as we apply ourselves and work hard, and a piece of that means that sometimes, you need to put your own interests above the interests and well-being of other people around

you. But what we're finding is that, the wealthier you are, the more likely you are to pursue a vision of personal success, of achievement and accomplishment, to the detriment of others around you. Here I've plotted for you the mean household income received by each fifth and top five percent of the population over the last 20 years. In 1993, the differences between the different quintiles of the population, in terms of income, are fairly egregious. It's not difficult to discern that there are differences. But over the last 20 years, that significant difference has become a grand canyon of sorts between those at the top and everyone else.

我并不是说只是有钱人会表现出类似的行为,完全不是。事实上,我觉得我们每个人在我们日常的分分秒秒中都要跟这些动机作斗争。什么时候以及是否把我们的利益置于他人的利益之上。这很容易理解,因为美国梦告诉我们每个人都有同等的机会可以成功,发达,只要我们足够努力。而这也意味着有的时候字需要把自己的利益置于你周边人的利益和幸福之上。但我们发现的是,你越有钱,则越有可能一种个人的成功。个人的成果和成就,这可能是建立在对旁人的损害之上。这里我为大家画出了在过去20年里,每个1\5和最高5%人口的平均家庭收入。1993年,每个1\5之间的收入差距还是相当大的,我们不难看出其中的差别。但是在过去的20年里面,这种巨大差距最终成为了顶层人群与其他所有人之间的鸿沟。

In fact, the top 20 percent of our population own close to 90 percent of the total wealth in this country. We're at unprecedented levels of economic inequality. What that means is that wealth is not only becoming increasingly concentrated in the hands of a select group of individuals, but the American dream is becoming increasingly unattainable for an increasing majority of us. And if it's the case, as we've been finding, that the wealthier you are, the more entitled you feel to that wealth, and the more likely you are to prioritize your own interests above the interests of other people, and be willing to do things to serve that self-interest, well then there's no reason to think that those patterns will change. In fact, there's every reason to think that they'll only get worse, and that's what it would look like if things just stayed the same, at the same linear rate, over the next 20 years.

事实是,顶层20%的人口拥有整个国家接近90%的财富。我们正在经历史无前例的经济上的不平等,而这不仅意味着财富更多的聚集在为数很少的一群人手里,还意味着美国梦对越来越多的人来说都变得越来越遥远。如果事实果真如我们发现的那样,你越有钱就越发觉得这些财富是你应得的,越会把自己的利益置于他人的利益之上,越会做那些利己的事情。那里没有理由可以相信这个现状会有所改变。事实上,我们有更多的理由认为情况会变得更糟糕。这时在接下来的20年内保持和原来一样、相同现行速率的情况。

Now, inequality, economic inequality, is something we should all be concerned about, and not just because of those at the bottom of the social hierarchy, but because individuals and groups with lots of economic inequality do worse, not just the people at the bottom, everyone. There's a lot of really compelling research coming out from top labs all over the world showcasing the range of things that are undermined as economic inequality gets worse. Social mobility, things we really care about, physical health, social trust, all go down as inequality goes up. Similarly, negative things in social collectives and societies, things like obesity, and violence, imprisonment, and punishment, are exacerbated as economic inequality increases. Again, these are outcomes not just experienced by a few, but that resound across all strata of society. Even people at the top experience these outcomes.

不平等,经济上的不平等,是我们每个人都要关心的问题,不仅是因为社会底层的人,而是因为经济不平等会让个人和集体都变得糟糕。不仅仅是底层的人,是每一个人。有很多来自世界各地的顶级实验室的非常有说服力的研究,展示了日益增加的经济不平等造成的影响范围。社会流动性,那些我们非常关心的东西,如身体健康、社会信任,都会随着不平等的增加而削弱。同样的,社会中消极的东西,比如肥胖、暴力、徒刑和惩罚都会随着经济不平等的增加而加剧。而这些后果,不是少数人所经历的而是会影响社会的各个阶层。即使是在顶层的人也要遭受这些后果。

So what do we do? This cascade of self-perpetuating, pernicious, negative effects could seem like something that's spun out of control, and there's nothing we can do about it, certainly nothing we as individuals could do. But in fact, we've been finding in our own laboratory research that small psychological interventions, small changes to people's values, small nudges in certain directions, can restore levels of egalitarianism and empathy. For instance, reminding people of the benefits of cooperation, or the advantages of community, cause wealthier individuals to be just as egalitarian as poor people. In one study, we had people watch a brief video, just 46 seconds long, about childhood poverty that served as a reminder of the needs of others in the world around them, and after watching that, we looked at how willing people were to offer up their own time to a stranger presented to them in the lab who was in distress. After watching this video, an hour later, rich people became just as generous of their own time to help out this other person, a stranger, as someone who's poor, suggesting that these differences are not innate or categorical, but are so malleable to slight changes in people's values, and little nudges of compassion and bumps of empathy.

那我们该怎么办呢?这些带有延续性的,有害的消极影响看上去是什么东西失控了,而我们无能为力特别是作为个人更是无能为力。但是事实上,我们发现在我们自己的实验室研究中,小小的心理干预,价值观的小小改变,某些特定的微小暗示就可以将平等和同理心恢复。比如,提醒人们合作的好处或者社区的优点,就能够让富人和穷人一样关注平等。其中一个实验中,我们让参与者看一短片,46秒,关于儿童贫困,以此提醒大家周围人的需要。看过这个视频后,我们观察了他们为实验中一个压抑的陌生人提供帮助的积极性。看完这个视频一个小时后,富人变得和穷人一样大方,他们愿意花时间帮助别人,帮助那些陌生人。这意味着这些差别不是与生俱来或者一成不变的。它们很容易改变,只是需要价值观的微小变化。同情心的一点点推动,和同理心的轻微触碰。

And beyond the walls of our lab, we're even beginning to see signs of change in society. Bill Gates, one of our nation's wealthiest individuals, in his Harvard commencement speech, talked about the problem facing society of inequality as being the most daunting

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在实验室之外,我们也开始看到社会上的改变。比尔-盖茨,我们国家的富豪之一,在哈佛的开学典礼演讲中说到这个社会所面临的问题,他说不平等是我们目前面临的严峻挑战,他谈论了我们应该如何战胜它。他说:“人类最伟大的进步不在于它的各种发现,而在于如何将这些发现用于削弱不平等。“还有捐赠承诺,我们国家100多个最富有的人正在承诺将他们一半的财产捐赠给慈善事业,还有许多草根运动的出现。比如”我们是那百分之一“、”资源一代“、”共同的财富“等。在这些组织中,那些最有优势的成员,那些1%的人和其他有钱的人,其中有成人有青少年,这是最让我震惊的。他们正在利用自己的优势,利用自己的经济资源与不平等抗争,通过倡导社会政策、社会价值的改变、人类行为的改变,这有悖于他们自身的经济利益,但却会最终重建美国梦!

Thank you.

谢谢!

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