Unit4
1.The crisis of global poverty has, at long last, been accorded a high priority on the international agenda. This propitious development has sparked a flurry of discussion and research concerning the means for eradicating this debilitating condition from human life. Yet as renewed pledges for action pour in from governments, as long-held theories and conventional approaches fail to quell long-held prejudices, conflicts, and exploitation, a feeling of rudderlessness looms over the global enterprise of poverty eradication. At the same time, a palpable optimism emerges from the attention and momentum generated by the search for solutions to this worldwide challenge.
2.The mechanisms of poverty eradication have long been defined in primarily material terms. Indeed, the central pillar of the international community’s poverty alleviation efforts has been the transfer of financial resources. Approximately $2.3 trillion have been spent on foreign aid over the last five decades.[1] Tragically, the aid, far from ushering in greater self-sufficiency, has often had a detrimental effect on recipient communities: increased dependency on foreign assistance, subservience to externally dictated priorities, misappropriation of funds and decreased pressure for governance reform. In a resolute push for change, the United Nations has sought to expand the mechanisms for assistance and to galvanize support for poverty alleviation through its Millennium Development Goals.[2]
消除贫困的机制，很久以来主要是用物质的术语界定的。事实上，国际社会努力缓解贫困的主要手段是调配资金。在刚刚过去的五十年里，大约2.3万亿美元花在了外援上1。可悲的是，这些援助不但未能帮助受援群体增强自立的能力，反而常常带给受援群体负面影响——增加了他们对外援的依赖、总是屈从于来自外部的指示、挪用资金、减低了政府自身改革的动力。为了坚决推进变革，联合国通过其制定的《千年发展目标》寻求扩展援助的机制，加大对扶贫的支持力度。
3.It is now increasingly acknowledged that such conditions as the marginalization of girls and women,[3] poor governance,[4] ethnic and religious antipathy,[5] environmental degradation[6] and unemployment[7] constitute formidable obstacles to the progress and development of communities. These evidence a deeper crisis—one rooted in the values and attitudes that shape relationships at all levels of society. Viewed from this perspective, poverty can be described as the absence of those ethical, social and material resources needed to develop the moral, intellectual and social capacities of individuals, communities and institutions. Moral reasoning, group decision-making and freedom from racism, for example, are all essential tools for poverty alleviation. Such capacities must shape individual thinking as well as institutional arrangements and policy-making. To be clear, the goal at hand is not only to remove the ills of poverty but to engage the masses of humanity in the construction of a just global order.
4.Individuals and institutions must work in tandem to take up this task. One of the goals of poverty alleviation, then, centers on the individual: he must be helped to reclaim his dignity and sense of self-worth, must be encouraged to gain confidence to improve his condition and strive to realize his potential. Beyond the achievement of personal well-being, he must be nurtured to become a source of social good—of peace, happiness and advantage to those around him. It is at the level of service to others that our humanity achieves its highest expression. The second goal centers on institutions: at every level of society, they must serve as channels through which the talents and energies of individuals can be harnessed in service to humanity. Resources that help to develop this individual and institutional capacity represent a true source of wealth to the community.
5.Much like the physical principles that govern the material world, the social world, too, is governed by moral principles, which underlie the functioning of an ordered society. Principles such as gender equality,[8] trustworthiness,[9] access to education, human rights and freedom of religion,[10] for example, tend to correlate positively with measures of socioeconomic well-being and stability. The interrelatedness of challenges stemming from poverty calls for the articulation of principles capable of guiding analysis, decision-making and the
development of indicators to measure progress. The essential merit of a principle-based process is that it guides individuals and institutions away from a focus on isolated, short-term concerns to consider problems from a systemic and long-term perspective. For any decision to garner support and deliver results, the decision-making process itself must have integrity: it must involve those directly affected by the decisions and it must be governed by transparent, agreed-upon ethical standards.
6.It is in this context that the Bahá'íInternational Community would like to offer two principles as guides for efforts in the realm of poverty eradication: justice and unity. These principles underlie a vision of development in which material progress serves as a vehicle for the moral and cultural advancement of humanity. Justice provides the means capable of harnessing human potential to eradicate poverty from our midst, through the implementation of laws, the adjustment of economic systems, the redistribution of wealth and opportunity, and unfailing adherence to the highest ethical standards in private and public life. Unity asserts that progress is systemic and relational, that a concern for the integrity of the family unit and the local, national, and global community must guide poverty alleviation efforts.
Part II
Governance
7.The question of poverty places particular responsibility on elected leaders and their governments. While some have argued that poverty itself leads to poor governance, causality often moves in the opposite direction: better governance leads to better development outcomes. Central to the issue of governance is the inescapable question of character – the values that a leader brings to his or her office largely define the direction and fruits of his or her work. Trustworthiness is foremost among these, as it fosters credibility with the public and with other leaders, builds support for government initiatives and engenders stability and security. Effective leaders must not only exercise an impeccable ethic but also work to strengthen the character of the nation’s economic, social, legal and educational institutions, to improve the regulatory framework, and to manage scarce resources effectively. Where earnings are concerned, they must be content with a lawful and modest remuneration. As the substance of politics becomes increasingly global, elected leaders must show the vision and the courage to gradually align national interests with the requirements of the evolving global community.
Individual responsibility
8.A large share of the responsibility for poverty eradication rests with the individuals themselves. While poverty is the product of numerous factors: historic, economic, political and environmental, there is also a cultural dimension, which manifests itself in individual values and attitudes. Some of these –such as the subjugation of girls and women, the lack of value of education or of an individual’s right to progress – can exacerbate conditions of poverty. The relevant human qualities such as honesty, willingness to work, and cooperation can be harnessed to accomplish enormously demanding goals when members of society trust that they are protected by standards of justice and assured of benefits that apply equally to all. The human rights approach, with its emphasis on the individual’s entitlement to a set of rights, however, may prove challenging to implement without an accompanying moral influence necessary to inspire the accompanying changes in attitudes and behaviors.
Gender
9.The issue of gender equality is one such example: over the last two decades nations have repeatedly come together to acknowledge the critical role of women in advancing development imperatives. The natural and social sciences have laid to rest any bases for discrimination; most countries have enacted laws to afford women the same opportunities as men; conventions have been signed and ratified; new measures and social indicators have been put in place. Yet wom en’s agency in the arenas of law, politics, science, commerce and religion, to name a few, is still grossly deficient. In areas where women have gained access to education, employment, and ownership opportunities, dramatic effects have been observed at many levels: at the level of the family, more equitable
division of food, resources, and health care among girls and boys; higher rates of literacy among children; lower rates of fertility leading to better economic conditions and maternal health; and the injection of new concerns into public discourse. Female literacy, alone, has been shown to play a much more important role in promoting social well-being than other variables related to the general level of wealth in a society.[12] Indeed the well-being of the entire family has been dramatically altered where economic and social circumstances and societal attitudes have been favorable to women’s advancement. Yet, t he gradual transformation of attitudes has required much more than legal measures, it has required a fundamental change of belief about roles of men and women and courage to challenge traditional gender norms.
Economic activity
两性平等问题处于这样的状况：在过去的二十年中，各国多次聚在一起，承认女性在促进发展使命中的重要作用。自然科学和社会科学都已经废除了任何可赖以支持性别歧视的基础；多数国家业已颁布法律，使女性与男性享有同等的机会；国际公约已经签署并得到批准；新的措施已实施，新的社会指标已投入应用。但妇女在法律、政治、科学、商业和宗教领域的作用——尽管可以说出几个名人来，但总体上仍然严重不足。在一些地区妇女赢得机会接受教育、就业和置业等，在许多层次上都可以观察到意想不到的效果：在家庭的层次上，男孩和女孩之间在食物、资产和健康关怀的分配上更加公平；儿童的识字率提高了；较低的出生率促成了经济状况和母亲健康状况的改善；对公众话题的关注度显著增加。实践证明，单单女性识字率的提高这一因素在推动社会康乐中所起的作用，就比其他与一个社会总财富水平相关的所有因素所发挥的作用要大得多12。的确，在经济、社会环境及社会观念有利于妇女发展的地方，整个家庭的福祉也得到了引人注目的改变。然而，态度的转化是缓慢的，而且态度改变要比法定措施要求的转变需要更多的条件，它需要从根本上改变关于男女角色的信念，需要挑战传统性别观念的勇气。
10.Undeniably, poverty is sustained by an interaction of social and material factors. This interaction determines the societal benefits of material resources, whether the resources are concentrated in the hands of a few or are equitably distributed, whether they are beneficial or harmful to the society at large. Today, much of economic activity and its institutional context is at odds with environmental sustainability, the advancement of women, the well-being of the family, the engagement of young people, the availability of employment, and the expansion of knowledge. For example, military expenditures exceeding $1 trillionand global trade in illicit drugs in excess of $300 billion far exceeds the estimated costs of meeting the United Nations’ global development goals in areas of education, health, sustainability, and women’s empowerment. The economic theories of impersonal markets, promoting self-centered actions of individuals, have not helped humanity escape the extremes of poverty on the one hand and over-consumption on the other. New economic theories for our time must be animated by a motive beyond just profit. They must be rooted in the very human and relational dimension of all economic activity, which binds us as families, as communities and as citizens of one world. They must be animated by a spirit of innovation rather than blind imitation, ennoblement rather than exploitation, and the full and confident participation of women.
Extremes of wealth
10.不可否认，贫穷是社会因素和物质因素相互作用的结果。这种相互作用决定了物质资源的社会效益，无论这些资源是集中在少数几个人手里还是得到了公正的配置，无论它们总体上对社会有益还是有害。今天，多数经济活动及其制度背景，与环境的可持续性、妇女的进步、家庭的康宁、年轻人的参与、充分就业、传播知识都是不协调的。例如，超过一万亿美元13的军费开支，超过三千亿美元14的全球违禁药品贸易，都远远超过了实现联合国在教育、健康、可持续发展和妇女权益诸领域的全球发展目标所需要的预算15。冷漠的市场经济理论，激发了以自我为中心的个人行为，既无助于人类摆脱极端贫困，也无法帮助人类消除过度消费。适合于当今时代的新经济理论，必须超越单纯追求利润的动机。新经济理论必须植根于所有经济活动的人性化及相关方面，这样，经济活动才能够像家庭、社区、一个世界之公民那样把我们连结在
一起。新经济理论必须为革新精神而不是盲目模仿所激励，为尊贵而不是剥削所促进，为妇女的完全而自信的参与所推动。
11.Economic considerations underlying poverty alleviation efforts have generally focused on the creation of wealth but have not yet fully considered the parallel problem of the over-concentration of wealth. In an interconnected world, where the wealth of many of the world’s richest individuals exceeds the Gross Domestic Product of entire nations, extreme poverty and extreme wealth exist side by side. While much of the focus of remedial efforts is directed towards the poorest, it is the concentration of wealth in the hands of the few that is in urgent need of attention. Indeed, the tremendous wealth generated by transnational corporations could be an integral part of the solution to tackle poverty, through strict regulation to ensure good global citizenship, adherence to human rights norms and the distribution of wealth for the benefit of the larger society. Where a nation’s wealth is concerned, the question becomes one of social value rather than gross dollar measures. The Gross Domestic Product, for example, aggregates the sum total of all economic activity –including the production of guns, cigarettes, etc. – regardless of its social worth or environmental impact. New measures that account for pollutants and economic ills and add unmeasured, unremunerated benefits are needed for a more accurate picture of a nation’s economic health and wealth.[16]
Sustainable development
12.It has been widely acknowledged that economic prosperity has come at a tremendous cost to our natural environment.[17] In fact, no country has emerged as a major industrial power without a legacy of significant environmental damage, affecting the security and well-being of its own populations and, equally significantly, those of developing nations. The growth-driven economic paradigm rooted in national interests at the expense of social and environmental variables and international well-being is under increasing scrutiny. Challenging ethical questions of resource distribution and responsibility for damages force governments to develop institutional mechanisms and implement policies that consider the prosperity and health of the global community and that of future generations. On an institutional level, a global entity with a strong scientific advisory capacity is needed to streamline reporting and decision-making processes, including the voices of non-state actors. It must coherently link environmental issues to social and economic priorities, for none of these can advance in isolation.[18] At the educational level, curricula must seek to develop a sense of responsibility towards the natural environment as well as foster a spirit of inquiry and innovation so that the diversity of human experience can be brought to bear on the challenge of creating an environmentally sustainable development pathway.
Agriculture
13.A core element of a strategy of sustainable development is the reform of agricultural policies and processes. Food produ ction and agriculture is the world’s single largest source of employment; nearly 70% of the poor in developing countries live in rural areas and depend on agriculture for their livelihoods.[19] Although farming has been devalued by manufacturing and a rapidly expanding urban population, agriculture still represents the fundamental basis of economic and community life: malnourishment and food insecurity suffocate all attempts at development and progress. Despite this pivotal role, poverty is often concentrated in rural areas. Damage to natural resources, poor information and infrastructure often result in food insecurity, premature deaths and mass migration to urban areas in search of a better life. The farmer must be accorded his or her rightful place in the processes of development and civilization building: as the villages are reconstructed, the cities will follow.
Employment
14.The provision of meaningful work represents an essential component of poverty alleviation efforts. The meaningful engagement of young people becomes even more important as urban populations swell and, with them, the increase of slums, rising crime rates, use of drugs, unemployment, breakdown of family structures and social
isolation. Today, young people between the ages of 15-29 account for nearly half of all adults in 100 economically disadvantaged nations. Lack of meaningful employment only feeds their hopelessness and frustration. Yet it is not only the quantity but also the quality and meaning of work that needs to be reconsidered. Whether tilling the soil or selling goods, one’s work should not be reduced to a means for acquiring more goods or as an expendable cost of production. One’s work is the means of developing one’s craft, of refining one’s character, and contributing to the welfare and progress of society. Indeed, the fight against underemployment must begin with the dignity and value of all human labor, even if it is humble, insecure, unprofitable or unremunerated.
Knowledge
15.Underlying the meaningful participation in the advancement of society and the higher aims of civilization is the bulwark of education. While many poverty eradication programs have focused on increasing enrollment in primary and secondary education – which is the first step – the long-term goal must also be articulated: namely to create a society in which the production, diffusion and application of knowledge infuses all facets of human activity. This requires interventions at all levels including child-rearing practices that foster questioning; equal educational opportunities for boys and girls; development of independent media sources; translation of texts from other cultures and the promotion of innovation and scientific research. In order to be free to innovate, to devise solutions to complex problems, the human mind must be free to know.
16.In our efforts to eradicate poverty, we are experiencing no less than the birth pangs of a truly global civilization: new modes of thought, new standards and new legal and institutional arrangements are struggling to take hold. As our understanding of the problems and their possible solutions expands, an unprecedented global consensus and accompanying capacity for international cooperation pave the way for an outcome far greater than any we have been able to achieve. Yet, to generate the knowledge and commitment needed to overcome poverty, the full spectrum of human spiritual and intellectual potential will need to be summoned for the task. And as the fullness of our humanity is engaged, it will regenerate the fabric of civilization.
在消除贫困的努力中，我们经历了真正的全球文明分娩的阵痛：新的思维方式、新的标准、新的法律和制度上的安排，不断竞相出现。随着我们对问题及其可能的解决方案的理解的加深，全球的空前一致和随之而来的国际合作能力，为取得更大的成就——远远超过我们以往所能取得的任何成就——铺平了道路。但是，为了激发战胜贫困所需的知识创新和责任承诺，需要激发人类精神和智力的全部潜能来完成这项任务。当人类致力于人性的成熟时，成熟的人性将革新文明的底蕴和内涵。
Unit 1 Text A How Difficult Is English? 英语有多难 Like the national push for Asian literacy （n.有文化，有教养，有读写能力）in Australia，就如澳大利亚在全国推行学亚洲语言一样，there has been foreign languages fervor[f??v?] in China，中国也掀起一股外语热，with English on top of the list. 在这股热潮中，英语高居榜首。English is not only taught at schools，colleges and universities，but also at evening classes，on radio and TV．不仅各级学校教英语，夜校、电台、电视台也都设有英语课程。Parents hire private tutors for their school children；父母为学龄的孩子聘请英语家教，adult English learners would sacrifice the weekend at an English corner in a public park practicing their spoken English with peop1e of the same interest and determination. 成年英语学习者会牺牲周末休息日，到公园参加英语角，与志趣相投的英语学习者练习口语。Is English such a difficult language that it really demands people to invest a large amount of time and energy before it is mastered ? 英语真的有这么难，需要人们投入大量的时间和精力才能掌握吗? The answer，if I am asked to offer，is undoubtedly，yes．如果我被问及这个问题，那么毫无疑问，我的答案是：是的。From my personal experience, 从我个人的经验来看，I think learning English means far more than learning its pronunciation，its grammatical rules，its words，etc．英语学习不仅仅是学习英语发音、语法规则、词汇等，It involves learning everything about the countries where it is used and the people who use it．它包括学习与使用该语言的国家和民族有关的所有内容。Without such a complete understanding of the language, 对英语没有这样全面的理解，the English a foreigner speaks will inevitably sound strange or even unintelligible though there is not anything wrong with his pronunciation，sentence structure and the words he uses．即使发音、句子结构、措辞毫无错误，一个外国人所讲的英语也难免听起来稀奇古怪甚至难以理解。The social customs and habits of the English-speaking people contribute a lot to the difficulty a foreigner has in learning it．讲英语民族者的社会风俗习惯增加了外国人学习英语的难度。Take the Chinese English learners for example．以学英语的中国人为例，" Hello "and "Good morning" may sound a little bit simple to Chinese people．"你好"和"早上好"是非常简单的。It is totally beyond the understanding of a Chinese English learner that native English speakers would be annoyed when they're addressed "Where are you going?"，which is a commonly used addressing among the Chinese．"你去哪儿?"是中国人常用的问候语，若英语母语者被问及"你去哪儿?"，他们会因此感到不悦，这一点让中国的英语学习者大为不解。Is there anything wrong with the English sentence structure ? 这个英语句子结构不对吗? Of course not．当然不是。It takes quite some time for a Chinese English learner to understand the western concept of privacy being violated in this address. 学英语的中国人得费点儿时间才能理解这一问候语侵犯了西方人的隐私。By the same token，同样，"Have you eaten?"(which is another addressing term the Chinese people usually use)will sound to native English speakers that the Chinese are so hospitable that they invite people to meals off-handedly. 英语母语者听到"你吃了吗?"(中国人常用的另外一个问候语)，会觉得中国人非常好客，会在事先毫无准备的情况下请人吃饭。Meanwhile，the Chinese would be shocked to hear，"Oh，it's very nice of you．When?"，if the addressee happens to have a craving for Chinese cooking and has not had his dinner yet.如果听话者此刻正希望品尝一下中国美食，又碰巧没有吃饭，他会回答"太好了，什么时候?"，中国人为此也会大吃一惊。 "We can say we are going to have chicken for dinner．Why can't we say pig，bull or sheep for dinner instead of pork，beef or mutton?" Chinese English learners may raise such questions．中国的英语学习者可能会这样问："我们可以说吃鸡，为什么不能说吃猪、吃牛、吃羊，而要说吃猪肉、牛肉、羊肉呢?"Figuring out the reasons for the peculiar English vocabulary is no easy task for Chinese English learners．对学习英语的中国人来说，为这些特殊的英语词汇找出理由并非易事。But the problem is that memorizing English words mechanically would be devastating and inefficient if they did not know what had happened in British history．问题在于如果不懂英国历史，死记硬背英语单词毫无效率。Thus learning English(and other languages as well)involves learning the history of the countries where it is spoken．所以说，学英语(其他语言亦如此)还包括学习使用该语言国家的历史知识。A task of this kind is more difficult for Chinese English learners than for people who speak
高级英语第二册课文翻译 Unit1 Pub Talk and the King's English 酒吧闲聊与标准英语 亨利?费尔利 人类的一切活动中，只有闲谈最宜于增进友谊，而且是人类特有的一种活动。动物之间的信息交流，不论其方式何等复杂，也是称不上交谈的。 闲谈的引人人胜之处就在于它没有一个事先定好的话题。它时而迂回流淌，时而奔腾起伏，时而火花四射，时而热情洋溢，话题最终会扯到什么地方去谁也拿不准。要是有人觉得“有些话要说”，那定会大煞风景，使闲聊无趣。闲聊不是为了进行争论。闲聊中常常会有争论，不过其目的并不是为了说服对方。闲聊之中是不存在什么输赢胜负的。事实上，真正善于闲聊的人往往是随时准备让步的。也许他们偶然间会觉得该把自己最得意的奇闻轶事选出一件插进来讲一讲，但一转眼大家已谈到别处去了，插话的机会随之而失，他们也就听之任之。 或许是由于我从小混迹于英国小酒馆的缘故吧，我觉得酒瞎里的闲聊别有韵味。酒馆里的朋友对别人的生活毫无了解，他们只是临时凑到一起来的，彼此并无深交。他们之中也许有人面临婚因破裂，或恋爱失败，或碰到别的什么不顺心的事儿，但别人根本不管这些。他们就像大仲马笔下的三个火枪手一样，虽然日夕相处，却从不过问彼此的私事，也不去揣摸别人内心的秘密。 有一天晚上的情形正是这样。人们正漫无边际地东扯西拉，从最普通的凡人俗事谈到有关木星的科学趣闻。谈了半天也没有一个中心话题，事实上也不需要有一个中心话题。可突然间大伙儿的话题都集中到了一处，中心话题奇迹般地出现了。我记不起她那句话是在什么情况下说出来的——她显然不是预先想好把那句话带到酒馆里来说的，那也不是什么非说不可的要紧话——我只知道她那句话是随着大伙儿的话题十分自然地脱口而出的。 “几天前，我听到一个人说‘标准英语’这个词语是带贬义的批评用语，指的是人们应该尽量避免使用的英语。” 此语一出，谈话立即热烈起来。有人赞成，也有人怒斥，还有人则不以为然。最后，当然少不了要像处理所有这种场合下的意见分歧一样，由大家说定次日一早去查证一下。于是，问题便解决了。不过，酒馆闲聊并不需要解决什么问题，大伙儿仍旧可以糊里糊涂地继续闲扯下去。 告诉她“标准英语”应作那种解释的原来是个澳大利亚人。得悉此情，有些人便说起刻薄话来了，说什么囚犯的子孙这样说倒也不足为怪。这样，在五分钟内，大家便像到澳大利亚游览了一趟。在那样的社会里，“标准英语”自然是不受欢迎的。每当上流社会想给“规范英语”制订一些条条框框时，总会遭到下层人民的抵制 看看撒克逊农民与征服他们的诺曼底统治者之间的语言隔阂吧。于是话题又从19世纪的澳大利亚囚犯转到12世纪的英国农民。谁对谁错，并没有关系。闲聊依旧热火朝天。 有人举出了一个人所共知，但仍值得提出来发人深思的例子。我们谈到饭桌上的肉食时用法语词，而谈到提供这些肉食的牲畜时则用盎格鲁一撒克逊词。猪圈里的活猪叫pig，饭桌上吃的猪肉便成了pork(来自法语pore)；地里放牧着的牛叫cattle，席上吃的牛肉则叫beef(来自法语boeuf)；Chicken用作肉食时变成poultry(来自法语poulet)；calf加工成肉则变成veal(来自法语vcau)。即便我们的菜单没有为了装洋耍派头而写成法语，我们所用的英语仍然是诺曼底式的英语。这一切向我们昭示了诺曼底人征服之后英国文化上所存在的深刻的阶级裂痕。 撒克逊农民种地养畜，自己出产的肉自己却吃不起，全都送上了诺曼底人的餐桌。农民们只能吃到在地里乱窜的兔子。兔子肉因为便宜，诺曼底贵族自然不屑去吃它。因此，活兔子和吃的兔子肉共用rabbit
Unit1 The Burden of Womanhood 女人的负担 Too often in the Third World, a female?s life is hardly worth living. 往往在第三世界，女性的生活几乎是不值得活的。 By: John Ward Anderson & Molly Moore 约翰.沃德.安德森和莫莉.摩尔1.When Rani returned home from the hospital cradling her newborn daughter, the men in the family slipped out of her mud hut while she and her mother-in-law mashed poisonous oleander seeds into a dollop of oil and dropped it into the baby?s throat. As soon as darkness fell, Rani crept into a nearby field and buried her baby girl in a shallow, unmarked grave next to a small stream. 当拉尼抱着她刚出生的女儿从医院回到家时，男人们溜出了她的土屋，她和她的婆婆将有毒的夹竹桃种子捣碎成一团油，并将其塞到婴儿的喉咙里。夜幕一降临，拉尼就蹑手蹑脚地来到附近的一块土地，将她的女婴埋在一条小溪浅旁边的一个不深的、没有标记的坟墓内。 2.“I never felt any sorrow,” Rani, a farm laborer with a weather-beaten face, said through an interpreter. “There was a lot of bitterness in my heart toward the baby because the gods should have given me a son.” “我从来没有感到任何悲哀”，脸部饱经风霜的拉尼通过翻译说，“我的心对孩子充满了辛酸，因为神本应该赐予我一个儿子”。 3.Each year hundreds and perhaps thousands of newborn girls in India are murdered by their mothers simply because they are female. Some women believe that sacrificing a daughter guarantees a son in the next pregnancy. In other cases, the family cannot afford the dowry that would eventually be demanded for a girl?s marriage. 在印度每年有数百甚至数千名新生女婴被他们的母亲谋杀，只因为他们是女孩。有些妇女认为，牺牲一个女儿将保证下次怀孕是儿子。在其他情况下，家庭买不起女孩结婚时所需的嫁妆。 4.And for many mothers, sentencing a daughter to death is better than condemning her to life as a woman in the Third World, with cradle-to-grave discrimination, poverty, sickness and drudgery. 对于很多母亲而言，判处女儿死刑胜过让她在第三世界作为一个女人生活，经历一辈子的歧视、贫困、疾病和劳苦。 5. While women in the United States and Europe-----after decades of struggling for equal rights----often measure sex discrimination by pay scales and seats in corporate board rooms, women in the Third World gauge discrimination by mortality rates and poverty levels. 虽然欧美国家的妇女，在经过了几十年对平等权利的抗争之后，通常以工薪标准和董事会中的席位来衡量性别歧视，但第三世界的妇女以死亡率和贫困程度来衡量歧视。 6. “Women are the most exploited among the oppressed,” says Kauna Chanana Ah med, a New Delhi anthropologist who has studied the role of women in developing countries. “I don?t think it ?s even possible to eradicate discrimination, it?s so deeply ingrained.” “妇女是最受压迫和剥削的”，研究妇女在发展中国家的地位的新德里的人类学家Karuna
Unit1 1.背离传统需要极大的勇气 1) It takes an enormous amount of courage to make a departure from the tradition. 2.汤姆过去很腼腆，但这次却非常勇敢能在大庭广众面前上台表演了。 2) Tom used to be very shy, but this time he was bold enough to give a performance in front of a large audience. 3.很多教育家认为从小培养孩子的创新精神是很可取的。 3) Many educators think it desirable to foster the creative spirit in the child at an early age. 4.假设那幅画确实是名作，你觉得值得购买吗？ 4) Assuming (that) this painting really is a masterpiece, do you think it’s worthwhile to buy/purchase it? 5.如果这些数据统计上市站得住脚的，那它将会帮助我们认识正在调查的问题。 5) If the data is statistically valid, it will throw light on the problem we are investigating. Unit2 1.该公司否认其捐款有商业目的。 1) The company denied that its donations had a commercial purpose.
《高级英语》课文逐句翻译（12） 我为什么写作 Lesson 12：Why I Write 从很小的时候，大概五、六岁，我知道长大以后将成为一个作家。 From a very early age，perhaps the age of five or six，I knew that when I grew up I should be a writer. 从15到24岁的这段时间里，我试图打消这个念头，可总觉得这样做是在戕害我的天性，认为我迟早会坐下来伏案著书。 Between the ages of about seventeen and twenty-four I tried to adandon this idea，but I did so with the consciousness that I was outraging my true nature and that sooner or later I should have to settle down and write books. 三个孩子中，我是老二。老大和老三与我相隔五岁。8岁以前，我很少见到我爸爸。由于这个以及其他一些缘故，我的性格有些孤僻。我的举止言谈逐渐变得很不讨人喜欢，这使我在上学期间几乎没有什么朋友。 I was the middle child of three，but there was a gap of five years on either side，and I barely saw my father before I was eight- For this and other reasons I was somewhat lonely，and I soon developed disagreeable mannerisms which made me unpopular throughout my schooldays. 我像一般孤僻的孩子一样，喜欢凭空编造各种故事，和想像的人谈话。我觉得，从一开始，我的文学志向就与一种孤独寂寞、被人冷落的感觉联系在一起。我知道我有驾驭语言的才能和直面令人不快的现实的能力。这一切似乎造就了一个私人的天地，在此天地中我能挽回我在日常生活中的不得意。 I had the lonely child's habit of making up stories and holding conversations with imaginary persons，and I think from the very start my literary ambitions were mixed up with the feeling of being isolated and undervalued. 我知道我有驾驭语言的才能和直面令人不快的现实的能力。这一切似乎造就了一个私人的天地，在此天地中我能挽回我在日常生活中的不得意。 I knew that I had a facility with words and a power of facing unpleasant facts，and I felt that this created a sort of private world in which I could get my own back for my failure 还是一个小孩子的时候，我就总爱把自己想像成惊险传奇中的主人公，例如罗宾汉。但不久，我的故事不再是粗糙简单的自我欣赏了。它开始趋向描写我的行动和我所见所闻的人和事。
1.p6 UNIT 1 3a:In ten years,I think I"ll be a reporter.I"ll live inShanghai, 十年后，我想我会成为一名记者。我将住在上海因为去年我去了上海，立即爱上了这座城市。上海真的是座优美的城市。作为一名记者，我想我会遇到很多有趣的人。我想我会和自己最好的朋友住在一套公寓里，因为我不愿意独居。我会养宠物，因为我妈妈讨厌宠物，况且公寓太小；所以我现在一个宠物也没有。十年后，我会拥有许多不同的宠物。我可能甚至养一只鹦鹉！我也许每天去溜冰和游泳。工作日里，我每天打扮精干或许会着一身西装。逢到周末，我穿得更休闲些。我想我会去香港度假，甚至有一天我会去澳大利亚游览。 1.p8 UNIT 1 3a:Do you think you will have your own robot? 你认为你将会有属于自己的机器人么？ 在一些科幻电影里，未来的人们都拥有自己的机器人。这些机器人就像人类一样。他们帮助人们做家务和大多数令人感到厌烦的工作。 一些科学家相信将来会有这样的机器人。然而他们赞同者也需要花几百年的时间才能成为现实。科学家们正在试图研制看似人类且能和我们作相同工作的机器人。一些日本的公司已经制造出能走路和跳舞的机器人。这种机器人看起来非常有趣。 但是研究机器人的科学家詹姆斯怀特并不认同这类观点。他认为要让机器人向人类一样做事情是非常困难的。比如说，对一个孩子来说要醒来并知道自己身处何处是很简单的。怀特认为机器人不能做到这一点。但是其他的科学家并不赞成。他们认为在未来的25到30年间，机器人就能和人类谈话。 研究机器人的科学家们不只是在试图让机器人外观接近人类。比如说，现在已经有能在工厂工作的机器人了。这些机器人看起来就像巨大的胳膊。他们能一边又一遍重复简单的工作。人类不喜欢做这类工作而且容易对此感到厌烦。但机器人永远不会厌倦。 在未来，将到处都有更多的机器人，而人类要做的工作就更少了。新的机器人会有很多不同的形状。一些看起来像人类，其他的可能像蛇。在发生地震后，一种蛇形机器人能够帮助寻找建筑下埋着的人。这在现在看来还不可实现，但在一百年之前，电脑，太空火箭甚至电动牙刷也被视作不可能的存在的。我们永远都不能了解未来会发生什么！ 2. p14 UNIT 2 3a: Dear Mary, I have a problem, and I need your help. 亲爱的玛丽： 我有一个问题，我需要你的帮助。我经常以为我在学校里十分受欢迎。但是我才发现我的朋友们在为我的一位最要好的朋友准备生日派对，可是他们没有邀请我，除了我，我们班的其他人都受到了邀请。我不知道为什么。我并不知道我哪里做错了。我感到很沮丧却也不知道应该去做什么。你是怎么想的？你能帮我吗？ 您孤单的孩子
Unit 1 1.她连水都不愿喝一口，更别提留下来吃饭了。(much less) She wouldn't take a drink, much less would she stay for dinner. 2.他认为我在对他说谎，但实际上我讲的是实话。(whereas) He thought I was lying to him, whereas I was telling the truth. 3.这个星期你每天都迟到，对此你怎么解释？(account for) How do you account for the fact that you have been late every day this week? 4.他们利润增长的部分原因是采用了新的市场策略。(due to) The increase in their profits is due partly to their new market strategy. 5.这样的措施很可能会带来工作效率的提高。(result in) Such measures are likely to result in the improvement of work efficiency. 6.我们已经在这个项目上投入了大量时间和精力，所以我们只能继续。(pour into) We have already poured a lot of time and energy into the project, so we have to carry on. Unit 2 1.尽管她是家里的独生女，她父母也从不溺爱她。(despite) Despite the fact that she is the only child in her family, she is never babied by her parents. 2.迈克没来参加昨晚的聚会，也没给我打电话作任何解释。(nor) Mike didn't come to the party last night, nor did he call me to give an explanation. 3.坐在他旁边的那个人确实发表过一些小说，但决不是什么大作家。(next to; by no means) The person sitting next to him did publish some novels, but he is by no means a great writer. 4.他对足球不感兴趣，也从不关心谁输谁赢。(be indifferent to) He has no interest in football and is indifferent to who wins or loses. 5.经理需要一个可以信赖的助手，在他外出时，由助手负责处理问题。(count on) The manager needs an assistant that he can count on to take care of problems in his absence. 6.这是他第一次当着那么多观众演讲。(in the presence of sb.) This is the first time that he has made a speech in the presence of so large an audience. Unit 3 1.你再怎么有经验，也得学习新技术。(never too... to...) You are never too experienced to learn new techniques. 2.还存在一个问题，那就是派谁去带领那里的研究工作。(Use an appositional structure) There remains one problem, namely, who should be sent to head the research there. 3.由于文化的不同，他们的关系在开始确实遇到了一些困难。(meet with) Their relationship did meet with some difficulty at the beginning because of cultural differences. 4.虽然他历经沉浮，但我始终相信他总有一天会成功的。(ups and downs; all along) Though he has had ups and downs, I believed all along that he would succeed someday. 5.我对你的说法的真实性有些保留看法。(have reservations about) I have some reservations about the truth of your claim.
实用法律英语中英对照版 ——民事 civil ——民事 civil affairs;affairs relating to civil law ——民事上的占有 civil possesion ——民事上的没收 civil forfeiture ——民事上诉 civil appeal ——民事主体 civil subject ——民事法律关系 civil legal relationship ——民事活动 activity relating to civil law ——民事纠纷 civil dispute ——民事客体 civil object ——民事原告 civil plaintiff ——民事被告 civil defendant ——民事指控 civil charge ——民事案件 civil case ——民事过失 civil negligence ——民事责任事故 accident involving civil liability ——民事补偿 civil remedy ——民事诉讼 civil action ——民事损害 civil injury
——民事债务 civil debt ——民事管辖 civil jurisdiction ——民事制裁 civil sanction ——民事审判 civil trial ——民事调解 civil mediation ——民事罚款 civil penalty ——民事权利争议 dispute concerning private rights ——民事权利剥夺 deprived of private rights ——民事权利请求 civil claim ——民事权利变更 alternation of private right ——民政 civil administraion ——民事权利与责任 civil right and liability ——民事权利 civil right ——人身权利 jura personarum; rights of the person ——人格权 right of personality ——上诉权 right of appeal ——不受时效限制权 imprescriptible right ——立遗嘱权 right to make a will ——合法权利 legal right ——共有权 communal tenure
第二课 广岛——日本“最有活力”的城市 (节选) 雅各?丹瓦“广岛到了!大家请下车!”当世界上最快的高速列车减速驶进广岛车站并渐渐停稳时，那位身着日本火车站站长制服的男人口中喊出的一定是这样的话。我其实并没有听懂他在说些什么，一是因为他是用日语喊的，其次，则是因为我当时心情沉重，喉咙哽噎，忧思万缕，几乎顾不上去管那日本铁路官员说些什么。踏上这块土地，呼吸着广岛的空气，对我来说这行动本身已是一个令人激动的经历，其意义远远超过我以往所进行的任何一次旅行或采访活动。难道我不就是在犯罪现场吗? 这儿的日本人看来倒没有我这样的忧伤情绪。从车站外的人行道上看去，这儿的一切似乎都与日本其他城市没什么两样。身着和服的小姑娘和上了年纪的太太与西装打扮的少年和妇女摩肩接踵；神情严肃的男人们对周围的人群似乎视而不见，只顾着相互交淡，并不停地点头弯腰，互致问候：“多么阿里伽多戈扎伊马嘶。”还有人在使用杂货铺和烟草店门前挂着的小巧的红色电话通话。 “嗨!嗨!”出租汽车司机一看见旅客，就砰地打开车门，这样打着招呼。“嗨”，或者某个发音近似“嗨”的什么词，意思是“对”或“是”。“能送我到市政厅吗?”司机对着后视镜冲我一笑，又连声“嗨!”“嗨!”出租车穿过广岛市区狭窄的街巷全速奔驰，我们的身子随着司机手中方向盘的一次次急转而前俯后仰，东倒西歪。与此同时，这
座曾惨遭劫难的城市的高楼大厦则一座座地从我们身边飞掠而过。 正当我开始觉得路程太长时，汽车嘎地一声停了下来，司机下车去向警察问路。就像东京的情形一样，广岛的出租车司机对他们所在的城市往往不太熟悉，但因为怕在外国人面前丢脸，却又从不肯承认这一点。无论乘客指定的目的地在哪里，他们都毫不犹豫地应承下来，根本不考虑自己要花多长时间才能找到目的地。 这段小插曲后来终于结束了，我也就不知不觉地突然来到了宏伟的市政厅大楼前。当我出示了市长应我的采访要求而发送的请柬后，市政厅接待人员向我深深地鞠了一躬，然后声调悠扬地长叹了一口气。 “不是这儿，先生，”他用英语说道。“市长邀请您今天晚上同其他外宾一起在水上餐厅赴宴。您看，就是这儿。”他边说边为我在请柬背面勾划出了一张简略的示意图。 幸亏有了他画的图，我才找到一辆出租车把我直接送到了运河堤岸，那儿停泊着一艘顶篷颇像一般日本房屋屋顶的大游艇。由于地价过于昂贵，日本人便把传统日本式房屋建到了船上。漂浮在水面上的旧式日本小屋夹在一座座灰黄色摩天大楼之间，这一引人注目的景观正象征着和服与超短裙之间持续不断的斗争。 在水上餐厅的门口，一位身着和服、面色如玉、风姿绰约的迎宾女郎告诉我要脱鞋进屋。于是我便脱下鞋子，走进这座水上小屋里的一个低矮的房间，蹑手蹑脚地踏在柔软的榻榻米地席上，因想到要这样穿着袜子去见广岛市长而感到十分困窘不安。
人教版高中英语必修四课文翻译 第一单元：非洲野生动物研究者 清晨5点45分，太阳刚从东非的贡贝国家公园的上空升起，我们一行人准备按照简研究黑猩猩的方法去森林里拜访它们。简研究这些黑猩猩家族已经很多年了，她帮助人们了解黑猩猩跟人类的行为是多么的相似。我们当天的首项任务就是观察黑猩猩一家是如何醒来的。这意味着我们要返回前一天晚上我们离开黑猩猩一家睡觉的大树旁。大家坐在树荫下等待着，这时候猩猩们睡醒了，准备离开。然后这群黑猩猩向森林深处漫步而去，我们尾随其后。在大部分时间里，黑猩猩或相互喂食，或彼此擦身，这在它们的家庭里是表示爱的方式。简预先提醒我们，到下午的时候我们就会又脏又累。她说对了。不过到傍晚时分我们觉得这一切都是值得的。我们看到黑猩猩妈妈跟她的幼子们在树上玩耍，后来看见它们晚上一切回窝里睡觉了。我明白了猩猩家庭成员之间的联系像人类家庭一样紧密。 在简之前没有人完全了解黑猩猩的行为。她花了多年的时间来观察并记录黑猩猩的日常生活。从孩提时代起，简就想在动物生活的环境中研究它们。但是，这不是一件简单的事。当她1960年最初来到贡贝时，对女性来说，住进大森林还是很稀罕的事情。她母亲头几个月来帮过她的忙，这才使她得以开始自己的计划。她的工作改变了人们对黑猩猩的看法。比方说，她的一个重要发现是黑猩猩猎食动物。而在此之前，人们一直认为黑猩猩只吃水果和坚果。她曾经亲眼看到过一群黑猩猩捕杀一只猴子，然后把它吃掉。她还发现了黑猩猩之间是如何交流的，而她对黑猩猩肢体语言的研究帮助她勾勒出黑猩猩的社会体系。 40年来，简古道尔一直在呼吁世人了解并尊重这些动物的生活。她主张应该让野生动物留在野外生活，而不能用于娱乐或广告。她还为黑猩猩建起了可以安全生活的保护区。她的生活是忙忙碌碌的，然而，正如她所说的：“我一旦停下来，所有的一切都会涌上心头。我就会想起实验室的黑猩猩，太可怕了。每当我看着野生黑猩猩时，这个念头总是萦绕着我。我会对自己说：‘难道它们不幸运吗？’然后我就想起那些没有任何过错却被关在笼子里的小黑猩猩。一旦你看到这些，你就永远不会忘记……” 简已经得到了她想要得到的一切：在动物的栖息地工作；获得博士学位；还向世人证明女人和男人一样也能在森林里生活。她激励着人们为妇女们的成就而欢呼喝彩。
第十四课亦爱亦恨话纽约 托马斯·格里非斯 1．那些赞美“大苹果”的广告活动，还有那些印着带有“我爱纽约”字样的心形图案的T恤衫，只不过是它们在绝望中发出悲哀的迹象，只不过是纽约这个非凡的城市日趋衰落的象征。纽约过去从不自我炫耀，而只让别的城市去这样做，因为自我炫耀显得“小家子气”。纽约既然是独一无二的、最大的而且是最好的城市，也就没有必要宣称自己是如何与众不同了。 2．然而，今日的纽约再不是头号城市了。至少，在开创时尚、领导潮流方面，纽约是再也配不上这个称号了。今日的纽约非但常常跟不上美国政治前进的步伐，而且往往也合不上美国人生活情趣变化的节拍。过去有一个时期，它曾是全国流行服装款式方面无可争议的权威，但由于长期抵制越来越流行的休闲服装款式而丧失了其垄断地位。纽约已不再是众望所归、纷起仿效的对象了，如今它甚至以成为风行美国的时装潮流的抵制者，以成为摆脱全国清一色的单调局面的一隅逃遁之地面自鸣得意。 3．纽约无力保持排头兵的地位这一点已是越来越明显了。有十多座其他城市都已经有了一些在建筑艺术上很富有创造性的建筑物，·而纽约最近二十年来所造的任何一幢建筑物都不能与之相比。曾是托斯卡尼尼全国广播公司交响乐团演出场所的巨人般的曼哈顿电视演播厅，现在经常是空无一人，而好莱坞大量生产出的情景喜剧和约翰尼·卡森节目的实况转播却占满了加利福尼亚的广播电视发送频道。美国流行歌曲创作发行中心从纽约的廷潘胡同转移到了纳什维尔和好莱坞。拉斯韦加斯的赌场经常出高薪聘请曼哈顿没有哪一家夜总会请得起的歌手和艺员。而体育运动方面，那些规模较大的体育馆、比较激动人心的球队以及热情最高的球迷们，往往都出现在纽约以外的地方。 4．纽约从来都不是召集会议的好场所——因为那儿少友情，不安全，人口拥挤，消费高昂——但现在它似乎正在一定程度上争回其作为旅游胜地的地位。即便如此，大多数美国人对新奥尔良、旧金山、华盛顿或迪斯尼乐园等地的评价可能还是高于纽约。人们普遍认为，还有十几座其他城市，包括我的家乡西雅图，都比纽约更适于居住。 5．那么，为什么有许多欧洲人称纽约是他们最喜爱的城市呢?他们比大多数美国人更欣赏纽约这个国际大都市的五彩缤纷的生活，它那残存的、独此一家的欧洲社会准则以及它那众多外来民族混杂而居的社会。这些欧洲人中有些人也许是因为在麦迪逊大街和第五大街这两条双胞胎似的繁华大街上看到那些熟悉的国际名牌商号—口g6些专为迎合并蒙骗那些轻浮浅薄的有钱人而存在的珠宝店、鞋店和服装设计店——而感到心头踏实。然而事实并非如此，最令欧洲人激动不已的是这个城市的那种精神饱满的紧张气氛和它那种野性的活力。 6．纽约充满着活力、竞争和奋斗。同时，由于存在着一批能说会道的失意者，它也充满着嘲笑、轻侮和失意者的心灰意冷(“你说该咋办?”)。它充满着无休无止的斗争——为了地铁上的座位，为了引起一个的士司机、一个办事员或一个侍者的注意，为了有一个立足之地，
第一课美国法律制度介绍 第一部分特征与特点 美国既是一个非常新的国家也是一个非常老的国家。与许多别的国家相比它是一个新的国家。同时，它还因新人口成分和新州的加入而持续更新，在此意义上，它也是新国家。但是在其它的意义上它是老国家。它是最老的“新”国家——第一个由旧大陆殖民地脱胎而出的国家。它拥有最古老的成文宪法、最古老的持续的联邦体制以及最古老的民族自治实践。 美国的年轻（性）有一个很有意思的特点就是它的历史肇始于印刷机发明之后。因此它的整个历史都得以记录下来：确实可以很有把握地说，任何其它国家都没有像美国这样全面的历史记录，因为像在意大利、法国或者英国过去的传说中湮没的那样的事件在美国都成了有文字记载的历史之一部分。而且其记录不仅全面，还非常浩繁。不仅包括这个国家自1776年以来的殖民时期的记录，还有当前五十个州以及各州和联邦（nation）之间错综复杂的关系网络的历史记录。因此，据一个非常简单的例子，美国最高法院判例汇编有大约350卷，而一些州的判例汇编也几乎有同样多的卷数：想研究美国法律史的读者要面对的是超过5000巨卷的司法案例。 我们不能说一个文件或几个文件就能揭示出一国人民或其政府的特性。但如果横跨一百多年的千百万个文件敲出始终如一的音调，我们就有理由说这就是其主调。当千百万个文件都以同样的方式去解决同样的中心问题，我们就有理由从中得出可以被称为国民特定的确定结论。 第二部分普通法和衡平法 同英国一样，美国法律制度从方法论上来说主要是一种判例法制度。许多私法领域仍然主要是由判例法构成，广泛而不断增长的制定法一直受制于有约束力的（解释制定法的）判例法。因此，判例法方法的知识以及使用判例法的技巧对于理解美国法律和法律方法是极其重要的。 从历史的角度来看，普通法就是由英国皇家法院的巡回法官的判决所得出的普通的一般法——优于地方法。采纳或执行某项诉讼请求是以存在法院令状这种特殊形式的诉为前提的，而这就使最初的普通法表现为由类似于古罗马法的“诉”所构成的体系。如果存在令状（于1227年），诉讼请求就可以被采纳或执行；没有法院令状（为前提）的诉讼请求就没有追索权，因而该诉讼请求也不存在。“牛津条例”（1285年）禁止创设除了“个案令状”之外的新令状，这种“个案令状”使该制度变得较为灵活了，而且导致了后来合同和侵权法的发展。 对于诉的形式的严格限制及由此产生的对追索权的限制导致了衡平法和衡平判例法的发展。“衡平”的一般意义就是寻求“公平”，即公平且善良地裁决，它最初是由国王，后来由作为“国王良知守护人”的大法官颁行，以便在艰难的案件中提供救济。但是到了十四世纪，衡平法和衡平判例法发展成了一个独立的法律制度和与一般的普通法法院一争高下的司法系统（衡平法院）。其规则和格言变得非常固定而且在某种程度上不像在其它法律制度中一样灵活。衡平法的特点有：以特定履行（或实际履行）的方式提供救济（与普通法提供补偿性损害赔偿金的救济方式形成对照）；强制令（为或者不为某项具体行为的临时或者最终法令）；渗透了整个法律制度并且能在许多场合下揭示现代法律概念的起源的所谓的衡平法格言的发展。不过，一般都是只有在普通法救济不充分时，才会出现衡平法救济。比如，优于普通法损害赔偿金被认为是不充分的，这是因为考虑到不动产所具有的唯一性，这些赔偿金无法补偿不动产购买人（的损失），就可能判以特定履行购买不动产。 与普通法一样，衡平法通过司法接纳或通过明确的制定法条款，成了美国法律的一部分。目前，这两个法律制度在许多美国司法管辖区中得以融合（始于1848年的纽约），因而，在这些司法管辖区以及联邦的实践中只存在一种形式的民事诉讼。只有为数很少的州还保留着单独的衡平法院。尽管如此，提及这一历史演变仍然是很重要的，因为它一方面解释了许多当代法律概念（如财产法中的所有权分割）的起源和意义，另一方面，它仍然与做出某些裁决有一定的关联，比如是否有权获得陪审团的审理（这仅发生与普通法的讼案中，在其它案件中仅由法官审理）。另外，这种区别将决定“通常的”普通法赔偿金救济是否适用或者是否可以使用“特别的”衡平法特定履行救济。 “判例法”代表了整个的法官造法体系，而且在现代还包括了普通法和衡平法先例。在不准确的和令人迷惑的用法中，“普通法”和“判例法”这两个术语通常被当作同义词来使用，在这里，“普通法”这个术语一般代表着法官制定的法，以示区别制定法。“判例法”总是代表着法官制定的法律，而“普通法”则相对来说，根据想表达的意思不同，要么代表普通法主题事项（即具体问题）上法官制定的法律，要么在更广范围内指所有法官制定的法律。 第二课法律职业 第一部分律师协会 法律职业的规范主要是各州的事务，每一各州对于执业许可都有其自己的要求。大多数州都要求三年的学业和法律学位。各州自行管理本州申请律师资格的书面考试。不过，几乎所有的州都利用“多州律师资格考试”，这是一种长达一天的多项选择测试，在这项考试之外，各州还会再增加一次主要是关于其本州法律的时长一天的论文考试。大多数申请人都可以通过第一次考试，而且许多失败者都会在下一次考试中通过。每年有四万多人通过这些考试，在经过人品调查之后，他们便可获准在相应的州执业许可。在获得许可之前或之后都不要求实习。到各联邦法院执业的许可规则互不相同，但一般来讲，那些获准在州最高法院执业的律师在办理一些无关紧要的手续之后即可获准在联邦法院执业。 律师执业范围通常仅限于一个地区，因为尽管律师可以代表当事人到其它地区办理事务，但是一个人只能在其获得许可的州内执业。人们习惯雇用本州的律师办理其它洲的事务。但是，只要一个人已经在其获得职业资格的州执业达一定时间（通常是五年），那么他移居到另外一个州时通常无需考试便可获得执业许可。 律师不仅可以从事法律事务，还允许从事任何其他公民能从事的事务。执业律师在企业客户的董事会中工作、从事商业或者积极参与公共事务都是很平常的事情。律师即使在成为法官、政府或者私人企业集团的雇员或者法律教师之后仍然是律师协会的会员，他们可以辞掉这些其它事务，回头开始私人执业。为了在工商业中担任重要的执行职务而放弃执业的律师人数相对较少。这一职业中的流动性和公共责任感的一个例证是哈兰·菲斯克的职业生涯，他曾多次成为一名纽约州律师、一名教授和哥伦比亚法学院院长、美国总检察长和美国最高法院首席大法官。 律师并不按照职责进行正式的划分。在英国对诉讼律师和非诉律师的区分并没有移植到美国，既不存在拥有特别或者专有出庭权的职业群体，也没有专门制作法律文书的职业群体。美国律师的业务范围包括出庭辩护、咨询和起草文书。另外，在被广泛地成为“法律执业”的范围之内，律师的业务范围是专有性的，不对其他人开放。在出庭辩护领域，这种规则非常清楚：任何个人都可以代表其自己出庭，但除了一些基层法院之外，只有律师可以代表他人出庭。不过，律师不得代表他人参与一些行政机关设立的具有司法性质的正式程序当中。在咨询和起草法律文书领域的界限并不是太清晰，比如在在联邦所得税领域的法律执业和会计执业之间就是如此。但是，纽约最高法院的一个裁决表明了大多数美国法院的严格标准，该裁决认为，一个获准在外国执业单位获准在纽约执业的律师不得在纽约对客户提供法律咨询，即使该意见仅限于该律师获准执业的该外国的法律。但是，一个外国律师可能获准在一个州执业，而且无需获得许可便可以以一个外国法律顾问的身份向美国律师提供法律咨询。 1