城市规划外文文献翻译演示教学
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城市停车设施规划外文文献翻译摘要:停车设施是城市交通规划中的重要组成部分,对于缓解交通拥堵、提高交通效率和改善城市环境起着至关重要的作用。
本文翻译了一篇关于城市停车设施规划的外文文献,主要介绍了停车设施规划的重要性、现有研究成果以及未来发展方向。
文献指出,停车设施规划应考虑城市的特点、交通需求和土地利用,采用科学的方法进行规划和设计。
同时,文献还提出了一些改进和创新的建议,包括利用信息技术和智能系统优化停车管理、提高停车设施的可达性和可用性、加强停车政策的执行和监管等。
本文翻译的外文文献对于城市停车设施规划的研究和实践具有一定的参考价值。
1. 引言随着城市化进程的加快和汽车保有量的增加,城市交通拥堵问题日益严重。
停车设施作为交通规划的重要组成部分,对于缓解交通拥堵、提高交通效率和改善城市环境起着至关重要的作用。
因此,城市停车设施规划成为了城市交通规划的重要内容之一。
2. 停车设施规划的重要性停车设施规划的重要性体现在以下几个方面:2.1 缓解交通拥堵停车设施的合理规划可以提供足够的停车位,减少车辆在道路上的停放,从而减少交通拥堵现象的发生。
2.2 提高交通效率合理规划的停车设施可以提高车辆的停车效率,减少寻找停车位的时间,提高道路的通行能力。
2.3 改善城市环境合理规划的停车设施可以减少车辆在道路上的停放,减少尾气排放和噪音污染,改善城市的环境质量。
3. 停车设施规划的研究成果目前,关于停车设施规划的研究已经取得了一些成果。
其中,一些研究主要集中在停车需求预测、停车设施布局和停车政策等方面。
3.1 停车需求预测通过对城市交通数据的分析,研究者可以预测停车需求的变化趋势,为停车设施规划提供科学依据。
3.2 停车设施布局研究者通过对城市土地利用和交通网络的分析,确定停车设施的布局位置和规模,以满足不同区域的停车需求。
3.3 停车政策研究者通过对不同停车政策的研究和比较,提出了一些改进和创新的停车政策,以提高停车设施的利用率和管理效果。
城市与建筑专业英语期末翻译作业学号:090870244姓名:张奎班级:城规091班老师:杜德静Chapter eight : Urban GovernanceFurther Reading (1)Impact of Globalization on Urban Governance在过去的二十年里,许多领域出现了重组过程。
世界各地的城市已经在经济、技术、政治、文化和空间上有了重大的变化。
经济变化已经形成了一个新的全球化经济,同时粗放生产也向灵活的专业化生产转变。
国际贸易和投资也有大幅度提升。
世界重组经济刺激了向新的全球经济过渡。
因此,金融对生产的优势地位一直在增加的同时,更突出强调知识、创新和经济竞争。
另一方面,信息技术已经在城市地区改变了经济、社会和制度结构。
社会和文化变化的发生,导致社会如隔离和分裂等重大变化。
向全球化经济的过渡导致了国家经济失去对自身金融市场的控制。
制度的转变导致减少了政府在经济和社会中的积极作用。
决策分布在广泛的组织中,而不能仅局限于当地政府。
因此,政府间的关系也进行了重组。
自80年代以来,研究了在全球化政策治理关系上的影响。
虽然没有在治理的定义上达成共识,那确实显示出正式的政府结构和现代机构的角色转变,以及在公共,私人,自愿和家庭群体之间的责仸分配的变化。
增加分散在城市舞台上的责仸,在现有的国家和地方各级机构的政策制定过程中重点已转移到新机构的关系和不同的成分上。
这种分裂的影响也反映在经济和空间规划上。
一个新的政治形式,已成为一个国家重点调整的对象。
以网络的形式,治理跨越了大陆,国家,区域和地方政府之间的关系。
经济和体制因素的相互作用决定着城市和地区的多变性政府结构,而这将通过过政治,文化和其他内容的力量表现出来在这个过程中,城市収展和城市政策之间的关系变得更加复杂。
然而到目前为止,一个满意的城市治理模式,可以充分代表所有案件尚未开収。
有很多不同的方法来定义“治理”。
在很多学术领域这个词有其理论根基,其中包括制度经济学、国际关系、収展研究,政治科学和公共管理。
Planning and Power VIII: the Implementation and monitoring of planningDr Ying ChangOutline•Recap•What is Planning and Planning Implementation?•Uncertainty Why planning failed?•Principles of Planning Evaluation•The case of SXC•Planning Evaluation ExerciseRecapOwnershipIn Roman law, ownership in its complete form includes:• the right to use (usus)• the right to the fruits (fructus)• the right to disposal (abusus)The German Constitution (article 14, 2) says: ‘Ownership places obligations: its use must also serve the public interest.’What is planning?What is 'good' or 'bad’ planning? This is of course intimately linked to another issue which has been the subject of some discussion over the years: What is planning?The debate has last for many decades. In brief, planning can be understood by the role of planners, or by tasks (aims).•Vickers (1968) simply said "planning is what planners do”o Planning is a social construction of knowledge• "If planning is everything, maybe it's nothing", Wildavsky (1973)o Evaluation of planning is impossible•Alexander (1981) the societal activity of developing optimal strategies to attain desired goals, linked to the intention and power to implemento Implementation is the final aim•Planning is that professional practice that specifically seeks to connect forms of knowledge with forms of action in the public domain (Friedmann 1993).o Actions based, transactive planningHowever, Faludi's "decision-centred" view of planning (1987, pages 116-137) abandons the direct link to action that has been suggested by observers of the planning process (Friedmann, 1969; 1987, pages 44-46; Gross, 1971). Instead, he defines planning as a process of creating a frame of reference for operational decisions: those decisions which represent the commitment to action by the decision making agent or through which the decision agent deploys other organisations or units in planning or implementation activities.Uncertainty (ies):o Decision environment: what are future trends going to be?o Goals: for what values (our own and those of future 'consumers' of our plans' results) should we plan?o Related areas of choice: what decisions and choices are going to be made in areas related to the subject of current policy or planning efforts, for example, national economic policy, pendingenvironmental legislation, etc?Planning Process:PPIP: 'policy - plan/programme - implementation process' (Alexander,1985).The PPIP model offers a view of planning that allows us to integrate policy, planning, projects, and programmes, operational decisions, implementation and implementation decisions, and the outputs, outcomes, and impacts of plans and their implementation.o policy: a set of instructions ... that spell out both goals and the means; for achieving those goals"(Nakamura and Smallwood, 1980, page 31);o Programmes and projects are specific interventions to achieve defined objectives, discrete 'chunks' of solutions, as it were, to specific problems (Wildavsky, 1979, pages 391-393). The project produces aconcrete product: a facility, construction, infrastructure, etc.o Implementation and implementation decisions here refer to action and operations in the field.The principles of Planning Evaluation:Conformity (a) Was the plan followed, or is it being implemented? (b) Are its effects as desired?Rational Process:CompletenessConsistencyParticipationOptimality ex ante Could the strategy or the courses of action prescribed in the policy or plan under assessment be considered optimal?Optimality ex post Was the strategy or were the courses of action prescribed in the policy or plan under assessment in fact optimal?Utilisation whether the policy or plan was used as a frame of reference for operational decisions。
CDE301 Week 3 Governance of urban new spacesby Dr Ying ChangOutline•urban peripheries development and challenges•Top-down approach-the example of SIP•Activity 1: case studyBreak•Activity 2: Informality•Bottom up approach New modes of governing informality•Revisit the ‘good governance’Recap:Four ideal types of governance• Interventionist• Regulated self-governance• Cooperative governance• Private self-governanceUN-HABITAT defines good urban governance as• The exercise of political, economic, social and administrative authority in the management of an urban entity• It is the sum of the many ways individuals and institutions, public and private, plan and manage the common affairs of the city.UN-HABITAT definition of good urban governance• It is a continuing process through which conflicting or diverse interests may be accommodated and cooperative action can be taken• It includes formal institutions as well as informal arrangements and the social capital of citizens • It is thus a broader concept than “government”.UN-HABITAT, Principles of governance1.Sustainability2.Subsidiary (local problems addressed locally)3.Equity4.Efficiency5.Transparency and Accountability6.Civic Engagement7.Security.1.urban peripheries development and challenges•Urban peripheries are generally a large area, which contain both urban land and rural land.•We have talked about the consequence of urban sprawl in previous class. Today we focus on the governance part.•Think about Howard’s Garden City, the original of new town development. Who is supposed to leadthe development?•Nowadays, particularly in China, state and market are normally the main stakeholders of periphery development. State provides the land and market brings in capital. They togethergenerate new landscape, housing, and employment opportunities.•In most cases, State is also the end-users of state-led new town development, i.e.government offices, universities, state-owned research institutes, and state-ownedenterprises (SOE), from the central city to new towns.•Taking Beijing as an example.2.‘New town’ model development-the example of SIP•Special Economic Zones, or in other words, economically liberalised zones, have provided experiment grounds for market-based reforms for China to transit from state-dominatedeconomy to neo-liberal.•By 2005, there were 210 National Development Zones and 1,346 Provincial Development Zones•Successful Chinese SEZ models are being replicated to nationwide and even worldwide. For example, China has planned 19 SEZs worldwide and has established six SEZs in Africa(Bräutigam and Tang 2014, Luo 2016). About 100 new Chinese-backed SEZs are plannedalong ‘One Belt One Road’ corridor throughout Asia, into Europe and the Middle East(Frazier 2018).•Take SIP as an example.•The political regime of SIP is not just state-market. It is a multi-government corporations and Singapore government has entered as a state instead of business.•The master plan was made by a Singaporean company and it has erased all the buildings and farmland from original land.•State set up the price administratively but lease out the land at market price.•54,152 original rural households have been rehoused into newly-constructed urban neighbourhoods. The total affected population is about 170,000.•The marginal profits of land revenue is the main source of urban development.•The main stakeholders in the development are state, administrative village, and market. The villagers had very little say in negotiating compensation, and no choice of the resettlementlocation.•The main developer is China Singapore Suzhou Development group, and 65% of the initial investment is from Singapore side.•The phase one of core area has been built by Singapore, including ‘ready-to-use’ factories, power station, water plant, etc.Activity 1: case studyEvaluate the efficiency, equity and transparency of SIP’s developmentBreakActivity 2: Informality3.New modes of governing informality•As mentioned before, state and market are the main stakeholders of new town development. However, in many countries, the third realm, civil society has started to playmore roles.•Civil society normally suggest society against the state. However, in China, when social groups collide with the state should not be misunderstood as ‘civil society’. Society wouldbe more appropriate.•Driessen and colleagues (2012) developed a conceptual framework on modes of governance •They identified five prime modes, namely centralised governance, decentralised governance, public–private governance, interactive governance and self-governance.•In centralised and decentralised governance, either central or local government takes the lead and the market and civil society are the recipients of that government’s incentives.•Public–private governance is characterised by the joint actions of partners in public and private sectors.•In interactive governance, the state, market parties and civil society collaborate•on equal terms.•Self-governance is characterised by far-reaching autonomy that is enjoyed by stakeholders from the market and civil society.•Public–collective–private governance, which refers to partnerships between local governments, collective companies and developers.•Collective–private governance, which refers to partnerships between collective companies and developers/villagers.•Public–collective–private governance: demolition and redevelopment of centrally located ViCs. Public–collective–private governance has been adopted for the demolition andredevelopment of several ViCs district. The initiators are local governments, developers orcollective companies. The power base is competitiveness (prices) and legitimacy agreementson relations and procedures). The stakeholder position is characterised by a degree ofautonomy of stakeholders within predetermined boundaries. Institutional features arepartnerships (between local governments, developers and collective companies),negotiation, and formal and informal rules.•In self-governance and collective–private governance, the state might act only as a regulator, or be absent from bottom-up initiatives that are informal or illegal. The collectivecompany plays a crucial role in collective–private governance, while migrant self-organisations and households are the key stakeholders in self-governance.•In self-governance mode, the initiators are the informal sector or civil organisations. The power base is autonomy and leadership. The stakeholder position is characterised by theinformal sector and civil organisations determining the involvement of other stakeholders.Institutional features are bottom-up, informal rule, partnership (between the informalsector, civil organisations and households) and negotiation.The specific community contextsare informal economic activities, social networks and cheap rents. The ViCs might be locatedon the urban periphery and have a high housing vacancy rate.•Collective–private governance of collective redevelopment. The collective redevelopment is initiated by the collective company and supported by the government. The power base ischaracterised by a very strong village leadership. Institutional features are subject to acorporatist approach among villagers and the collective company. Indigenous householdsbecome shareholders (their landholdings are their investments) and are involved in thedecision-making process. Specific community contexts such as a stronger collectiveeconomy enable sufficient financial supports for the redevelopment project.4.Revisit the ‘good governance’ and apply to your CW1Refer to the essential reading, Lin, et.al1.What are the main challenges of urban development in this article?2.How did the authors set up the framework to compare governance modes?3.How the case studies have been elaborated?Now compare your own draft with the essential reading.Is the structure of your essay as clear as the example paper?。
Week 6 Participatory PlanningDr Ying ChangOutline:A.Recap Planning implementation:• The case of SXCB.Planning governance and Public participationC.Meaningful participation1.1 Manipulation• In the name of citizen participation, people are placed on rubberstamp advisory committees • To give false impression of participation by inviting poor people by powerful ones1.2 Therapy• Group therapy, masked as citizen participation• Consoling• The focus is on curing them of their "pathology" rather than changing the racism1.3. Informing: one way• Informing citizens of their rights, responsibilities, and• However, too frequently the emphasis is placed on a one-way flow of information - from officials to citizens1.4. Consultation: no assurance that citizen’s ideas will be taken• Inviting citizens' opinions, like informing them• But there is no guarantee that their opinion will be considered• Example: attitude surveys, interviews neighborhood meetings, and public hearings1.5. Placation:• Fewer poor are placed in the board for decision making• Citizens begin to have some degree of influence though tokenism is still apparent.• An example poor representing the board of education, police commission, or housing authority.• However, these minority poor will be outvoted1.6. Partnership: Negotiation• Power is in fact redistributed through negotiation between citizens and power holders.• They agree to share planning and decision-making responsibilities• However, they are not subject to unilateral change after the ground rules have been established 1.7. Delegated Power• Citizens achieving dominant decision-making authority over a particular plan or program.• At this level, the ladder has been scaled to the point where citizens hold the significant cards to assure accountability• However, to resolve differences, power holders need to start the bargaining process.1.8. Citizen control• Citizens and weaker section have full voting power in decision making• Citizens, decide plan and implement the project• Participation in real sense is achievedCase study: empowered participatory government (EPG)EPG develops an institutional model that would guarantee:•Fairness•Efficiency•Within a deliberative frameworkParticipatory Municipal budget: Brazil• Demand of The Union of Neighborhood Associations of Porto Alegre (UAMPA), which already in its 1985 congress called for a participatory structure involving the municipal budget • PT administrators developed a set of institutions that extended popular control over municipal budgeting priorities.Porto Alegre•Capital of state: Rio Grande do Sul—industrial and wealthy state• 1.3 million population stands at the center of a metropolitan area•Enjoys high social and economic indicators•Life expectancy (72.6)•Literacy rates (90 percent)•Well above national averageHousing and slums• A third of its population lives in irregular housing: slums areas• These slums fan outward from the city center• With the poorest districts generally the farthest from downtown• This segregation poses distinctive obstacles to drawing representative popular participation Participatory Budget• Two-tiered for citizen participation• As individuals• As representatives of various civil society groups• They deliberate and decide on projects for specific districts• The process begins in March of each year in each of the city’s 16- districtsThese large meetings with thousands of peopleAccomplish two goals:• First, they elect delegates to represent specific neighborhoods in successive rounds of deliberations.• Second, participants review the previous year’s projects and budget.• The mayor and staff attend these meetings to reply to citizens’ concerns about projects in the district.Frequency of meetings• Delegates meet in each of the 16-districts on a weekly or bimonthly basis• They learn about technical issues, demand projects, and deliberate the district’s needs• Forty to sixty persons regularly attend in most districtsParallel structure of the thematic session• Delegates deliberate projects that affect the city as a whole rather than those that concern specific neighborhoods• Representatives from each of the municipal departments attend to address issues that touch specific departmental competencies• At a Second Plenary Meeting, regional delegates vote to ratify the district’s demands and priorities and elect councilors to serve on the Municipal Council of the Budget.Council• This council is a smaller forum of representatives• It is composed of a portion of representatives from each of the districts and thematic meetings• Its main function is to reconcile the demands from each district with available resources• And to propose and approve a municipal budget in conjunction with members of the administration.Council meetings• Its 42 members meet biweekly with representatives of municipal government over several months• Councilors – two per district• Maintain links with organizations and individuals in their districts• In addition to developing a city budget, this group amends the scope and rules governing the process itselfOutcome• Participatory governance has expanded and deals with social service and health provisions, local school policy, and human rights• The PB itself has grown to include investments in education, culture, health, social services, and sportsOutcome• Public budget available for investment has increased to nearly 20 percent in 1994 from 2 percent in 1989.• The public decisions has improved property tax increases and higher tax collection rates• The proportion of municipal expenses in service also improved.Outcome•Investment in the poorer residential districts of the city has exceeded investment in wealthier areas•Each year, the majority of the twenty to twenty-five kilometers of new pavement has gone to the city’s poorer peripheries.•98 percent of all residences in the city have running water up from 75 percent in 1988•Sewage coverage has risen to 98 percent from 45 percentOutcome• The housing department offered housing assistance to 28,862 (1992-1995) compared to 1714 (1986-88)• The number of functioning public municipal schools today is 86 against 29 in 1988• Districts with higher levels of poverty have received significantly greater shares of investment. What EPG does?• The process creates direct deliberation between citizens at the local level• Devolves decision-making power to these local settings• Citizens involved in problem-solving, monitoring and implementing solutions• These deliberative processes occur continuously over the years• Provide opportunities for participants to learn from mistakesCentral-local government check and balance• These local units, though vested with substantial decision making power, do not function completely autonomously• Central agencies offer supervision and support to local units but respect their decision making power• Support comes from the administration in the form of regional agents who act as non-voting facilitatorsDirect representative democracy• Complex management of a whole city can occur through combinations of direct and representative democracy• Representative of each districts deliberate on on broad investment priorities• They act as intermediaries between municipal government and regional activists• Bringing the demands from districts to central government• Justifies government actions to regional activistsFinal Remarks•The Porto Alegre PB is a successful instance of empowered participatory governance•As a set of institutions it has achieved efficient and redistributive decision-making broad-based participation from poorer strataCase Study 2: Government-led participation-the case of South Luoguxiang•Government-leads, experts-guide, residents-participate, society-collaborates•The main actors were identified by the community office: local government residents, merchants, renters, enterprises within the community and NGOs.•Residents are the most important, most influential group.•Decisions were made by the community office and planners, after consultation with different groups of actors•Facilitation platform: teahouse dialogues to find solution themselves (noise)Five years mid-term review-successful:1. an attractive area2. better quality of life3. communication becomes easier, with more platformsDrawbacks: efficiency of solving their problemsSummary:•Funding was provided by government•Community office plays a strong role (still represents government)•Coordination and control go hand in hand• A more balanced relationship between different actorso Government, society, local communities, and market forces•New communicative relationship addresses our cultural and social ideology •More coordinative (still state-led) than just facilitating。
CDE301 Week 2 Urban governanceby Dr Ying ChangOutline•What is governance?•Different types of governance•Good governance•The rule of lawRecap:Summary:•Diverse land use•Diverse land value•Diverse building functions•Diverse classThe course of planning policy making cannot be understood without reference to a wider political frame.‘By its nature, town planning as a political project has involved greater state control over private activity, particularly in the use and exploitation of land.’ (Ward, 2004, P3)What is Governance?Definition from Oxford Dictionary:Conduct the policy, actions, and affairs of (a state, organization, or people) with authorityhe was incapable of governing the countrySYNONYMS1.1 Control, influence, or regulate (a person, action, or course of events):the future of Jamaica will be governed by geography not history1.2 (govern oneself) Conduct oneself, especially with regard to controlling one’s emotions:he does not have the ability to govern himself or others successfullyTopic 1:Four ideal types of governance• Interventionist• Regulated self-governance• Cooperative governance• Private self-governanceInterventionist• Overall responsibility lies with the government• Limited role of private sector• Hierarchical relationship between public and private actors• State intervening from above through legal bindings and rulesRegulated self governance• Participation of society takes with dominant state role• Follow legally binding rules• Final decision is from the government side• Works under shadow of hierarchyCooperative governance: voluntary• Private actors rather than the state play a dominant role in policy• It does not go through legally binding rules• But by negotiation and voluntary agreements between public and private organizations • Public and private actors cooperate in the development of such rules• Joint-policy-making: Replacing hierarchical intervention by voluntary agreements Private self governance: voluntary• Voluntary rather than legal binding governance• Car industry reduce car exhaust emissions to a certain level• Governance capacity of private actors is a function of policy• International standardization• IT and communication might restrict the role of government actorsSummary of governanceGovernment and Private sector:• Government creates environment• Private sector creates wealth through generation of employment and revenue.• Civil Society facilitates political and social interaction and purposeful interactions What is the difference between?• Government?• Governance?Activity oneUN-HABITAT defines good urban governance as• The exercise of political, economic, social and administrative authority in the management of an urban entity• It is the sum of the many ways individuals and institutions, public and private, plan and manage the common affairs of the city.UN-HABITAT definition of good urban governance• It is a continuing process through which conflicting or diverse interests may be accommodated and cooperative action can be taken• It includes formal institutions as well as informal arrangements and the social capital of citizens • It is thus a broader concept than “government”.UN-HABITAT, Principles of governance1.Sustainability2.Subsidiary (local problems addressed locally)3.Equity4.Efficiency5.Transparency and Accountability6.Civic Engagement7.Security.Sustainability1.1 The Principle of sustainability• Social• Economic• Environmental1.2 The Principle of Subsidiary• Local problems being addressed locally1.3 The Principle of Equity• Equity is the inclusion of all stakeholders to access decision-making processes and the basic necessities of urban life1.4 The Principle of Efficiency• Cost-effective management of city resources is critical to the survival of all stakeholders and in particular the private sector.• Efficiency can be best achieved when each stakeholder is enabled to operate based on their comparative advantage.1.5 The Principle of Transparency and Accountability• Creates an environment of trust and openness, which results in collaboration and partnerships in addressing urban challenges.• Critical stakeholders conduct themselves with the high standards of professionalism and personal integrity.1.6 The Principle of Civic Engagement• Existing structures of administration and management that do allow for any meaningful and constructive dialogue of the civic body.• Civic engagement implies that there should be an active participation and contribution of the civil body to the common good of urban life.1.7 The Principle of Security• Security is what guarantees the protection of the inalienable right to life, property and liberty.• Civil liberties can only be assured for the citizenry if they are assured of security.• Cities must strive to avoid human conflicts and natural disasters by involving all stakeholders in crime and conflict prevention and disaster preparedness.Another dimension of good governance: Rule of Law• A cornerstone of good governance is adherence to the rule of law, that is, the impersonal and impartial application of stable and predictable behavior of government or lawThe rule of law: The European Commission’s definition• A legislature that enacts laws that respect the constitution and human rights• An independent judiciary• Effective, independent and accessible legal services• A legal system guaranteeing equality before the law• A prison system respecting the human person• A police force at the service of the lawThe rule of law: The European Commission’s definition• An effective executive that is capable of enforcing the law and establishing the social and economic conditions necessary for life in society and that itself is subject to the law • A military that operates under civilian control within the limits of the constitution Summary and Critical ThinkingBroad understanding of good governance• Decision making capacity• Implementation effectiveness• Democratic legitimacyKey elements of Governance• Efficiency• Equity• Fairness• Social Justice• Democracy• Freedom of speech• Right to participate• Right to information• Right to appeal• Rule of lawAssessmentIndividual Essay I GovernanceCritically assess the efficiency, equity and transparency of the governance arrangements for one land development project implemented in China (or other countries you are familiar with). It can be urban or rural land development project.Outline and Marking Scheme• Land development challenges in China (10)• Principles of governance for land management (20)• Case study of a land development project (20)• Strengths and weaknesses in efficiency, equity and transparency fronts (30)• Conclusion and policy implications (10)• References (10)Land development refers to altering the landscape in any number of ways such as:• Changing landforms from a natural or semi-natural state for a purpose such as agriculture or housing• Subdividing real estate into lots, typically for the purpose of building homes• Developing property or changing its purpose, for example by converting an unused factory complex into condominiaLand management is the process of managing the use and development (in both urban and rural settings) of land resources.Activity 2:In group, please share your opening paragraph of your chosen land development case study.。
Urban transportation PlanningAn urban transportation system is basic component of an urban area's social,economic,and physical structure. Not only does the design and performance of a transportation system provide opportunities for mobility,but over the long term,it influences patterns of growth and the level of economic activity through the accessibility it provides to land. Planning for the development or maintenance of the urban transportation system is thus an important activity,both for promoting the efficient movement of people and goods in an urban area and for maintaining the strong supportive role that transportation can play in attaining other community objectives.There are several basic concepts about an urban transportation system that should be kept in mind. Most important,a transportation system in an urban area is defined as consisting of the facilities and services that allow travel throughout the region,providing opportunities for:(I)mobility to residents of an urban area and movement of goods and (2) accessibility to land .Given this definition,an urban transportation system can be further characterized by three major components: the spatial configuration that permits travel from one location to another; the transportation technologies that provide the means of moving over these distances; and the institutional framework that provides for the planning, construction, operation, and maintenance of system facilities.The Spatial Configuration of a Transportation SystemOne way to describe the spatial dimension of an urban transportation system is to consider the characteristics of individual trips from an origin to a destination. For example, a trip can consist of several types of movement undertaken to achieve different objectives. Travelers leaving home might use a local bus system to reach a suburban subway station(a trip collection process),proceed through the station to the subway platform (a transfer process),ride the subway to a downtown station (a line-haul process),and walk to a place of employment (a distribution process). Similarly,one can view a home-to-work trip by car as consisting of similar segments,with the local street system providing the trip collectionprocess, a freeway providing the line-haul capability,a parking lot in the central business district serving as a transfer point,and walking,as before,serving the distribution function.The facilities and services that provide these opportunities for travel,when interconnected to permit movement from one location to another,form a network. Thus,another way of representing the spatial dimension of an urban transportation system is as a set of road and transit networks. Even in the smallest urban areas,where mass transit is not available,the local street network provides the basic spatial characteristic of the transportation system.The transportation system of a city can influence the way in which the city's social and economic structure, often called the urban activity system,develops. At the same time,changes in this structure can affect the ability of the transportation system to provide mobility and accessibility. Thus , the transportation system is closely related to the urban activity system and; historically, has been an important determinant of urban form.Because of the relation between transportation and urban activities,many of the methods used by transportation planners depend on estimates of trips generated by specific land uses. The relation also suggests that the options available to public officials dealing with transportation problems should include not only those related directly to the transportation system, but also actions such as zoning that affect the distribution of land use, and thus influence the performance of the transportation system.The foregoing considerations point to two important principles for transportation planning: The transportation system should beConsidered as an integral part of the social and economic system in an urban area.Viewed as a set of interconnected facilities and services designed to provide opportunities for travel from one location to another.The Technology of Urban TransportationThe technology of urban transportation is closely related to the spatial configuration of the transportation system in that the design transportation networks reflects the speed, operating , and cost characteristics of the vehicle or mode of transportation being used. Technology includes the means of propulsion, type of support,means of guidance,and control technique.The development and widespread use of electric streetcars in urban areas during the late nineteenth century was a technological innovation that initiated the transformation of most North American cities. The advent of the electric streetcar permitted urban areas to expand beyond the boundaries that had been dictated by previous transportation technologies (e. g.,walking,horse,horsecar),spawning `streetcar suburbs' with dramatically lower residential densities along streetcar lines radiating from the central city. Whereas many industries had decentralized along railroad lines leading from the central city,and workers initially had to live near these factories, the introduction of streetcars now permitted more distant living.The success of the streetcar in providing access from selected suburban areas to central business districts was followed by public acceptance of a second major technological innovation-the automobile,powered by the internal combustion engine. Increasing consumer preferences for lower-density living and for an ability to travel beyond established urban boundaries sparked a phenomenal growth in automobile ownership and usage,beginning in the 1920s . ④The automobile continues and accelerated the evolution of urban structure started by the electric streetcar. Its availability permitted further expansion of urban areas and, more important, provided access to land between the radial streetcar and railroad lines leading into the central city.The technology of the internal-combustion engine,however, also led to the decline of other transportation modes used in urban areas by providing a less expensive and more flexible replacement for rail-based modes. While the automobile provided new opportunities for personal mobility and urban growth, motor buses rapidly replaced electric streetcars, to the extent that only five North American cities today still operate large-scale streetcar systems-Boston, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Toronto, and San Francisco (although this trend has reversed somewhat in recent years with new `light rail' systems in operation in Edmonton, Calgary, San Diego, and Buffalo). At the same time, the growth of private automobile use has dramatically reduced the use of public transportation in general, particularly since the end of World War II. According to the latest census figures, in 1980, 62. 3 million Americans normally drove alone to work each day, another 19 million car-pooled, and 6 million used public transportation.The technologies and the resulting modes available today for urban transportation are common to most cities but are often applied in different ways to serve different purposes. Itshould be noted that certain types of modes are appropriate than others in serving different types of urban trips.The technological dimension of the urban transportation system suggests a third principle for urban transportation planning:Transportation planners must consider the transportation system as consisting of different modes , each having different operational and cost characteristics.From; Michael D. Meyer and Eric J. Miller "Urban Transportation Planning", 1984Traffic signalsIn the United States alone ,some 250,000 intersections have traffic signals , which are defined as all power-operated traffic-control devices except flashers,signs,and markings for directing or warning motorists, cyclists,or pedestrians.Signals for vehicular,bicycle,and pedestrian control are …pretimed‟where specific times intervals are allocated to the various traffic movements and as 'traffic actuated' where time intervals are controlled in whole or in part by traffic demand.Pretimed Traffic Signals'Pretimed' traffic signals are set to repeat regularly a given sequence of signal indications for stipulated time intervals through the 24-hr day. They have the advantages of having controllors of lower first cost and that they can be interconnected and coordinated to vehicles to move through a series of intersections with a minimum of stops and other delays. Also, their operation is unaffected by conditions brought on by unusual vehicle behavior such as forced stops,which,with some traffic-actuated signal installations may bring a traffic jam. Their disadvantage is that they cannot adjust to short-time variations in traffic flow and often hold vehicles from one direction when there is no traffic in the other. This results in inconvenience, and sometimes a decrease in capacity.‘Cycle length’the time required for a complete sequence of indications, ordinarily falls between 30 and 120s. Short cycle lengths are to be preferred, as the delay to standing vehicles is reduced. With short cycles, however a relatively high percentage of the total time is consumed in clearing the intersection and starting each succeeding movement. As cycle length increases, the percentage of time lost from these causes decreases. With high volumesof traffic, it may be necessary to increase the cycle length to gain added capacity.Each traffic lane of a normal signalized intersection can pass roughly one vehicle each 2.1s of green light. The yellow (caution) interval following each green period is usually between 3 and 6s,depending on street width,the needs of pedestrians, and vehicle approach speed. To determine an approximate cycle division, it is common practice to make short traffic counts during the peak period. Simple computations give the number of vehicles to be accommodated during each signal indication and the minimum green time required to pass them. With modern control equipment, it is possible to change the cycle length and division several times a day, or go to flashing indications to fit the traffic pattern better.At many intersections,signals must be timed to accommodate pedestrian movements. The Manual recommends that the minimum total time allowed be an initial interval of 4 to 7s for pedestrians to start plus walking time computed at 4 ft/s (1. 2m/s). With separate pedestrian indicators,the WALK indication(lunar white) covers the first of these intervals, and flashing DON'T WALK (Portland orange ) the remainder. The WALK signal flashes when there are possible conflicts with vehicles and is steady when there are none. Steady DON'T WALK tells the pedestrian not to proceed.If pedestrian control is solely by the vehicle signals,problems develop if the intersection is wide, since the yellow clearance interval will have to be considerably longer than the 3 to 5s needed by vehicles. This will reduce intersection capacity and may call for a longer cycle time. On wide streets having a median at least 6 ft (1. 8m)wide,pedestrians may be stopped there. A separate pedestrian signal activator must be placed on this median if pedestrian push buttons are incorporated into the overall control system.Coordinated MovementFixed-time traffic signals along a street or within an area usually are coordinated to permit compact groups of vehicles called `platoons’to move along together without stopping. Under normal traffic volumes,properly coordinated signals at intervals variously estimated from 2500 ft (0. 76km)to more than a mile (1. 6km) are very effective in producing a smooth flow of traffic. On the other hand,when a street is loaded to capacity,coordination of signals is generally ineffective in producing smooth traffic flow.Four systems of coordination-simultaneous, alternate,limited progressive, and flexibleprogressive-have developed over time. The simultaneous system made all color indications on a given street alike at the same time .It produced high vehicle speeds between stops but low overall speed. Because of this and other faults,it is seldom used today.The alternate system has all signals change their indication at the same time,but adjacent signals or adjacent groups of signals on a given street show opposite colors. The alternate system works fairly well on a single street that has approximately equal block spacing. It also has been effective for controlling traffic in business districts several blocks on a said, but only when block lengths are approximately equal in both directions. With an areawide alternate system,green and red indications must be of approximately equal length. This cycle division is satisfactory where two major streets intersect but gives too much green time to minor streets crossing major arteries. Other criticisms are that at heavy traffic volumes the later section of the platoon of vehicles is forced to make additional stops,and that adjustments to changing traffic conditions are difficult.The simple progressive system retains a common cycle length but provides 'go' indications separately at each intersection to match traffic progression. This permits continuous or nearly continuous flow of vehicle groups at a planned speed in at least one direction and discourages speeding between signals. Flashing lights may be substituted for normal signal indications when traffic becomes light.The flexible progressive system has a master controller mechanism that directs the controllers for the individual signals. This arrangement not only gives positive coordination between signals,but also makes predetermined changes in cycle length,cycle split,and offsets at intervals during the day. For example,the cycle length of the entire system can be lengthened at peak hours to increase capacity and shortened at other times to decrease delays.Flashing indications can be substituted when normal signal control is not needed. Also the offsets in the timing of successive signals can be adjusted to favor heavy traffic movements, such as inbound in the morning and outbound in the evening. Again,changes in cycle division at particular intersections can be made. The traffic responsive system is an advanced flexible progressive system with the capacity to adjust signal settings to measured traffic volumes.Where traffic on heavy-volume or high-speed arteries must be interrupted for relatively light cross traffic,semi-traffic-actuated signals are sometimes used. For them,detectors areplaced only on the minor street. The signal indication normally is green on the main road and red on the cross street. On actuation, the indications are reversed for an appropriate interval after which they return to the original colors.Highway Capacity And Levels of ServiceCapacity DefinedA generalized definition of capacity is: The capacity of any element of the highway system is the maximum number of vehicles which has a reasonable expectation of passing over that section (in either one or both directions) during a given time period under prevailing roadway and traffic conditions. A sampling of capacities for modern highway elements is as follows:Facility Capacity in Passenger Cars Freeways and expressways away from ramps and weaving2000 sections, per lane per hourTwo-Lane highways, total in both directions, per hour 2000Three-lane highways, total in each direction, per hour 2000Twelve-foot lane at signalized intersection, per hour of green1800signal time(no interference and ideal progression)In treating capacity,TRB Circular 212 divides freeways into components: basic freeway segments and those in the zone of influence of weaving areas and ramp junctions. Capacities of expressways,multilane highways,and two- and three-lane facilities also have the two components: basic and those in the zone of influence of intersections. Each of these is treated separately below.Speed-Volume-Capacity Relationships for BasicFreeway and Multilane Highway SegmentsA knowledge of the relationships among speed,volume,and capacity is basic to understanding the place of capacity in highway design and operation. Figurel3.1,which gives such a relationship for a single freeway or expressway lane, is used for illustrative purposes.If a lone vehicle travels along a traffic lane,the driver is free to proceed at the design speed. This situation is represented at the beginning of the appropriate curve at the upper left of Fig. 13.1. But as the number of vehicles in the lane increases, the driver's freedom to select speed is restricted. This restriction brings a progressive reduction in speed. For example,many observations have shown that,for a highway designed for 70 mph (113km/h),when volume reaches 1900 passenger cars per hour,traffic is slowed to about 43 mph (69km/h). If volume increases further, the relatively stable normal-flow condition usually found at lower volumes is subject to breakdown. This zone of instability is shown by the shaded area on the right side of Fig. 13. 1. One possible consequence is that traffic flow will stabilize at about 2000 vehicles per hour at a velocity of 30 to 40 mph (48 to 64km/h) as shown by the curved solid line on Fig. 13. 1. Often,however , the quality of flow deteriorates and a substantial drop in velocity occurs; in extreme cases vehicles may come to a full stop. In this case the volume of flow quickly decreases as traffic proceeds under a condition known as …forced flow.‟ V olumes under forced flow are shown by the dashed curve at the bottom of Fig.13. 1. Reading from that curve,it can be seen that if the speed falls to 20 mph (32km/h),the rate of flow will drop to 1700 vehicles per hour; at 10 mph (16km/h) the flow rate is only 1000;and,of course,if vehicles stop,the rate of flow is 0. The result of this reduction in flow rate is that following vehicles all must slow or stop,and the rate of flow falls to the levels shown. Even in those cases where the congestion lasts but a few seconds, additional vehicles are affected after the congestion at the original location has disappeared. A …shock wave’develops which moves along the traffic lane in the direction opposite to that of vehicle travel. Such waves have been observed several miles from the scene of the original point of congestion,with vehicles slowing or stopping and then resuming speed for no apparent reason whatsoever.Effects of the imposition of speed limits of 60, 50, and 40 mph are suggested by the dotted lines on Fig. 13. 1. A 55-mph (88km/h) curve could also be drawn midway between the 60 and 50 mph dotted curves to reflect the effects of the federally imposed 55-mph limit, but this is conjectural since the level of enforcement varies so widely.Vehicle spacing,or its reciprocal, traffic density, probably have the greatest effect on capacity since it generates the driver's feeling of freedom or constraint more than any other factor. Studies of drivers as they follow other vehicles indicate that the time required to reacha potential collision point,rather than vehicle separation,seems to control behavior. However,this time varies widely among drivers and situations. Field observations have recorded headways (time between vehicles) ranging from 0. 5 to 2 sec, with an average of about 1. 5s.Thus,the calculated capacity of a traffic lane based on this 1. 5 s average, regardless of speed,will be 2400 vehicles per hour. But even under the best of conditions, occasional gaps in the traffic stream can be expected,so that such high flows are not common. Rather, as noted,they are nearer to 2000 passenger cars per hour.The ‘Level of Service’ ConceptAs indicated in the discussion of the relationships of speed, volume or density, and vehicle spacing, operating speed goes down and driver restrictions become greater as traffic volume increase. …Level of service‟ is commonly accepted as a measure of the restrictive effects of increased volume. Each segment of roadway can be rated at an appropriate level,A to F inclusive,to reflect its condition at the given demand or service volume. Level A represents almost ideal conditions; Level E is at capacity; Level F indicates forced flow.The two best measures for level of service for uninterrupted flow conditions are operating or travel speed and the radio of volume to capacity达到最大限度的广播,called the v/c ratio. For two- and three-lane roads sight distance is also important.Abbreviated descriptions of operating conditions for the various levels of service are as follows:Level A—Free flow; speed controlled by driver's desire,speed limits, or physical roadway conditions.Level B—Stable flow; operating speeds beginning to be restricted; little or no restrictions on maneuverability from other vehicles.Level C—Stable flow; speeds and maneuverability more closely restricted.Level D—Approaches unstable flow; tolerable speeds can be maintained but temporary restrictions to flow cause substantial drops in speed. Little freedom to maneuver,comfort and convenience low.Level E—V olumes near capacity; speed typically in neighborhood of 30 mph (48km/h); flow unstable; stoppages of momentary duration. Ability to maneuver severely limited.Level F—Forced flow,low-operating speeds,volumes below capacity; queues formed.A third measure of level of service suggested in TRB Circular 212 is traffic density. This is,for a traffic lane,the average number of vehicles occupying a mile (1. 6km) of lane at a given instant. To illustrate,if the average speed is 50 mph,a vehicle is in a given mile for 72 s. If the lane carrying 800 vehicles per hour,average density is then 16 vehicles per mile ;spacing is 330 ft (100m),center to center. The advantage of the density approach is that the various levels of service can be measured or portrayed in photographs.From: Clarkson H. Oglesby and R. Gary Hicks “Highway engineering”, 1982城市交通规划城市交通系统是市区的社会、经济、和物质结构的一个基本组成部分。
(外文文献翻译)
二 〇 一 三 年 六 月
本科毕业设计说明书
学生姓名: 学 院: 建筑学院 系 别: 城市规划系 专 业: 城市规划专业 班 级: 指导老师:
学校代码: 学 号: 外文文献1 题目:城市的共同点
简要说明:美国是一个幅员辽阔的大陆规模的国家,国土面积大,增加人口或国
内生产总值明显。美国的趋势,乡村的经济发展的时候,例如考虑如何美国新城市规划的已经席卷英国,特别是在约翰·普雷斯科特满腔热情地通过了。现在,在欧洲,我们有一个运动自愿自下而上的地方当局联合会,西米德兰兹或大曼彻斯特地区的城市,这意味着当地政府的重新组织。因此,在大西洋两侧的,这可能是一个虚假的黎明。这当然是一个看起来不成熟的凌乱与现有的正式的政府想违背的机构。但是,也许这是一个新的后现代的风格,像我们这样的社会管理自己的事务的征兆。有趣的是,在法国和德国的类似举措也一起萌生,它们可以代表重大的东西的开端。 出处:选自国外刊物《城市和乡村规划》中的一篇名为《城市的共同点》的文章。
其作者为霍尔·彼得。 原文:
That long-rehearsed notion of American exceptionlism tends to recur whenever you seriously engage with
events in that country. For one thing, the United States is a vast continental-scale country--far larger in area, although not of course inopulation or GDP, than our European Union, let alone our tiny island or the even tinier strip of denselyrbanised territory that runs from the Sussex Coast to the M62. For another--an associated (but too oftengnored) thing--the United States has a federal system of government, meaning that your life (and even, if youappen to be a murderer, your death) is almost totally dependent on the politics of your own often-obscure Stateapitol, rather than on those of far-distant Washington, DC. And, stemming from those two facts, America is an immensely Iocalised and even islatednation. Particularlyif you happen to live in any of the 30 or so states that form its deep interior heartland, from an Americanvantage point the world--even Washington, let alone Europe or China--really is a very long way away.Although no-one seems exactly to know, it appears that an amazingly small number of Americans have apassport: maybe one in five at most. And since I was reliably told on my recent visit that many Americans thinkthey need one to visit Hawaii, it's a fair bet that even fewer have ever truly ventured abroad. That thought recurred repeatedly on the flight back, when in the airport bookstall I picked up a best-sellingpiece of the higher journalism in which America excels, What's the Matter with Kansas?, by Thomas Frank. Anative of Kansas, Frank poses the question: why in 2000 (and again in 2004) did George W. Bush sweep somuch of his home state--as of most of the 'red America' heartland states--when the people who voted for himwere voting for their own economic annihilation? For Frank convincingly shows that they were denying theirown basic self-interests--sometimes to the degree that they were helping to throw themselves out of work. The strange answer is that in 21st-century America, the neo-conservatives have succeeded in fighting electionson non-economic, so-called moral issues--like abortion, or the teaching of intelligent design in the publicschools. And the people at the bottom of the economic pile are the most likely to vote that way. Well, we're a long way behind that curve--or ahead of it, you might say. But American trends, howeverimplausible at the time, have an alarming way of arriving in the UK one or two decades later (just look at trashTV). Who knows? Maybe by 2016, orearlier, our own home-grown anti-evolutionists will be busily engaged inmass TV burnings of 10 [pounds sterling] notes--assuming of course that by then the portrait of Darwin hasn't been replaced by a Euro-bridge. Meanwhile, vive la difference. Yet, despite such fundamental divides, the interesting fact is that in academic or professional life the intellectualcurrents and waves tend to respect no frontiers. Consider for instance how the American New Urbanismmovement has swept the UK, particularly after John Prescott so enthusiastically adopted it and made it aLeitmotif of his Urban Summit a year ago. And now, as Mike Teitz shows in his piece in this issue of Town &Country Planning, there's yet another remarkable development: apparently in complete independence, acityregionmovement is spring up over there, uncannily similar in some ways to what's happening here. Just compare some parallels. Here, we had metropolitan counties from 1973, when a Tory government created them, to 1986, when a Torygovernment abolished them. There, they had a movement for regional 'councils of governments'--but they wereweak and unpopular, and effectively faded away. Now, we have a movement for city-regions as voluntary bottom-up federations of local authorities in certainareas, like the West Midlands or Greater Manchester, but without any suggestion that this means localgovernment re-organisation. And there, they have what Mike Teitz calls regionalism by stealth: in California'slarger metropolitan areas, such as Los Angeles or the San Francisco Bay Area, there is a new movement thatmakes no attempt to create new regional agencies, but instead uses any convenient existing agency in order toinvolve local governments closely in updating their land use plans to reflect regional goals. There's one significant feature of the Californian model that maybe has no parallel on this side: it usesincentives, such as the availability of federal transportation improvement funds, to win local collaboration. Butina sense, you could argue that a major new initiative from our Department for Transport—regionalprioritysation, whereby the new regional planning bodies set their own priorities for investment--could work inthe same way: these bodies, all of which are producing new-style regional spatial strategies, are now having torelate these to their planned investments in roads or public transport. Of course, there are huge differences. First, ours is a typical top-down initiative, a kind of downward devolutionby order of Whitehall, and it remains unclear whether Whitehall won't after all second-guess the regionalpriorities, as with the 260 million [pounds sterling] Manchester Metrolink extensions which form a huge chunkof the North West priority list but which have already been rejected by Alistair Darling. And second,