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艾森豪威尔就职演说

艾森豪威尔就职演说
艾森豪威尔就职演说

美国历届总统就职演说(Dwight D. Eisenhower 1953)

First Inaugural Address of Dwight D. Eisenhower

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1953

My friends, before I begin the expression of those thoughts that I deem appropriate to this moment, would you permit me the privilege of uttering a little private prayer of my own. And I ask that you bow your heads:

Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment my future associates in the executive branch o f government join me in beseeching that Thou will make full and complete our dedication to t he service of the people in this throng, and their fellow citizens everywhere.

Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly right from wrong, and allow all our words and actions to be governed thereby, and by the laws of this land. Especially we pray that our c oncern shall be for all the people regardless of station, race, or calling.

May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim of those who, under the concepts of our C onstitution, hold to differing political faiths; so that all may work for the good of our be loved country and Thy glory. Amen.

My fellow citizens:

The world and we have passed the midway point of a century of continuing challenge. We sense with all our faculties that forces of good and evil are massed and armed and opposed as rar ely before in history.

This fact defines the meaning of this day. We are summoned by this honored and historic cere mony to witness more than the act of one citizen swearing his oath of service, in the presen ce of God. We are called as a people to give testimony in the sight of the world to our fait h that the future shall belong to the free.

Since this century's beginning, a time of tempest has seemed to come upon the continents of the earth. Masses of Asia have awakened to strike off shackles of the past. Great nations of Europe have fought their bloodiest wars. Thrones have toppled and their vast empires have d isappeared. New nations have been born.

For our own country, it has been a time of recurring trial. We have grown in power and in re sponsibility. We have passed through the anxieties of depression and of war to a summit unma tched in man's history. Seeking to secure peace in the world, we have had to fight through t he forests of the Argonne, to the shores of Iwo Jima, and to the cold mountains of Korea.

In the swift rush of great events, we find ourselves groping to know the full sense and mean ing of these times in which we live. In our quest of understanding, we beseech God's guidanc

e. We summon all our knowledge of the past and we scan all signs of the future. We bring all our wit and all our will to meet the question:

How far have we come in man's long pilgrimage from darkness toward light? Are we nearing the light--a day of freedom and of peace for all mankind? Or are the shadows of another night c losing in upon us?

Great as are the preoccupations absorbing us at home, concerned as we are with matters that deeply affect our livelihood today and our vision of the future, each of these domestic prob lems is dwarfed by, and often even created by, this question that involves all humankind.

This trial comes at a moment when man's power to achieve good or to inflict evil surpasses t he brightest hopes and the sharpest fears of all ages. We can turn rivers in their courses, level mountains to the plains. Oceans and land and sky are avenues for our colossal commerce. Disease diminishes and life lengthens.

Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the very genius that has made it possible. Nati ons amass wealth. Labor sweats to create--and turns out devices to level not only mountains but also cities. Science seems ready to confer upon us, as its final gift, the power to eras e human life from this planet.

At such a time in history, we who are free must proclaim anew our faith. This faith is the a biding creed of our fathers. It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man, governed by et ernal moral and natural laws.

This faith defines our full view of life. It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable rights, and that make all men equal in His sight.

In the light of this equality, we know that the virtues most cherished by free people--love of truth, pride of work, devotion to country--all are treasures equally precious in the live s of the most humble and of the most exalted. The men who mine coal and fire furnaces and ba lance ledgers and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick and plant corn--all serve as proudly, and as profitably, for America as the statesmen who draft treaties and the legisla tors who enact laws.

This faith rules our whole way of life. It decrees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule but to serve. It asserts that we have the right to choice of our own work and to the r eward of our own toil. It inspires the initiative that makes our productivity the wonder of the world. And it warns that any man who seeks to deny equality among all his brothers betra ys the spirit of the free and invites the mockery of the tyrant.

It is because we, all of us, hold to these principles that the political changes accomplishe d this day do not imply turbulence, upheaval or disorder. Rather this change expresses a pur pose of strengthening our dedication and devotion to the precepts of our founding documents,

a conscious renewal of faith in our country and in the watchfulness of a Divine Providence.

The enemies of this faith know no god but force, no devotion but its use. They tutor men in treason. They feed upon the hunger of others. Whatever defies them, they torture, especially the truth.

Here, then, is joined no argument between slightly differing philosophies. This conflict str ikes directly at the faith of our fathers and the lives of our sons. No principle or treasur e that we hold, from the spiritual knowledge of our free schools and churches to the creativ e magic of free labor and capital, nothing lies safely beyond the reach of this struggle.

Freedom is pitted against slavery; lightness against the dark.

The faith we hold belongs not to us alone but to the free of all the world. This common bond binds the grower of rice in Burma and the planter of wheat in Iowa, the shepherd in souther n Italy and the mountaineer in the Andes. It confers a common dignity upon the French soldie r who dies in Indo-China, the British soldier killed in Malaya, the American life given in K orea.

We know, beyond this, that we are linked to all free peoples not merely by a noble idea but by a simple need. No free people can for long cling to any privilege or enjoy any safety in economic solitude. For all our own material might, even we need markets in the world for the surpluses of our farms and our factories. Equally, we need for these same farms and factori es vital materials and products of distant lands. This basic law of interdependence, so mani fest in the commerce of peace, applies with thousand-fold intensity in the event of war.

So we are persuaded by necessity and by belief that the strength of all free peoples lies in unity; their danger, in discord.

To produce this unity, to meet the challenge of our time, destiny has laid upon our country the responsibility of the free world's leadership.

So it is proper that we assure our friends once again that, in the discharge of this respons ibility, we Americans know and we observe the difference between world leadership and imperi alism; between firmness and truculence; between a thoughtfully calculated goal and spasmodic reaction to the stimulus of emergencies.

We wish our friends the world over to know this above all: we face the threat--not with drea d and confusion--but with confidence and conviction.

We feel this moral strength because we know that we are not helpless prisoners of history. W e are free men. We shall remain free, never to be proven guilty of the one capital offense a gainst freedom, a lack of stanch faith.

In pleading our just cause before the bar of history and in pressing our labor for world pea ce, we shall be guided by certain fixed principles.

These principles are:

(1) Abhorring war as a chosen way to balk the purposes of those who threaten us, we hold it to be the first task of statesmanship to develop the strength that will deter the forces of aggression and promote the conditions of peace. For, as it must be the supreme purpose of al l free men, so it must be the dedication of their leaders, to save humanity from preying upo n itself.

In the light of this principle, we stand ready to engage with any and all others in joint ef fort to remove the causes of mutual fear and distrust among nations, so as to make possible drastic reduction of armaments. The sole requisites for undertaking such effort are that--in their purpose--they be aimed logically and honestly toward secure peace for all; and that--in their result-- they provide methods by which every participating nation will prove good f aith in carrying out its pledge.

(2) Realizing that common sense and common decency alike dictate the futility of appeasement, we shall never try to placate an aggressor by the false and wicked bargain of trading honor for security. Americans, indeed all free men, remember that in the final choice a soldier's pack is not so heavy a burden as a prisoner's chains.

(3) Knowing that only a United States that is strong and immensely productive can help defen

d freedom in our world, w

e view our Nation's strength and security as a trust upon which res ts the hope o

f free men everywhere. It is the firm duty of each of our free citizens and of every free citizen everywhere to place the cause of his country before the comfort, the conv enience of himself.

(4) Honoring the identity and the special heritage of each nation in the world, we shall nev er use our strength to try to impress upon another people our own cherished political and ec onomic institutions.

(5) Assessing realistically the needs and capacities of proven friends of freedom, we shall strive to help them to achieve their own security and well-being. Likewise, we shall count u pon them to assume, within the limits of their resources, their full and just burdens in the common defense of freedom.

(6) Recognizing economic health as an indispensable basis of military strength and the free world's peace, we shall strive to foster everywhere, and to practice ourselves, policies tha t encourage productivity and profitable trade. For the impoverishment of any single people i n the world means danger to the well-being of all other peoples.

(7) Appreciating that economic need, military security and political wisdom combine to sugge st regional groupings of free peoples, we hope, within the framework of the United Nations,

to help strengthen such special bonds the world over. The nature of these ties must vary wit h the different problems of different areas.

In the Western Hemisphere, we enthusiastically join with all our neighbors in the work of pe rfecting a community of fraternal trust and common purpose.

In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired leaders of the Western nations strive with r enewed vigor to make the unity of their peoples a reality. Only as free Europe unitedly mars hals its strength can it effectively safeguard, even with our help, its spiritual and cultur al heritage.

(8) Conceiving the defense of freedom, like freedom itself, to be one and indivisible, we ho ld all continents and peoples in equal regard and honor. We reject any insinuation that one race or another, one people or another, is in any sense inferior or expendable.

(9) Respecting the United Nations as the living sign of all people's hope for peace, we shal l strive to make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an effective force. And in our quest f or an honorable peace, we shall neither compromise, nor tire, nor ever cease.

By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known to all peoples.

By their observance, an earth of peace may become not a vision but a fact.

This hope--this supreme aspiration--must rule the way we live.

We must be ready to dare all for our country. For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid. We must acquire proficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose.

We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whatever sacrifices may be requi red of us. A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both.

These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living. T hey are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength. Patriotis m means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy and more p roductivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty means the guarding of every res ource that makes freedom possible--from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our s oil to the genius of our scientists.

And so each citizen plays an indispensable role. The productivity of our heads, our hands, a nd our hearts is the source of all the strength we can command, for both the enrichment of o ur lives and the winning of the peace.

No person, no home, no community can be beyond the reach of this call. We are summoned to ac t in wisdom and in conscience, to work with industry, to teach with persuasion, to preach wi th conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and with compassion. For this truth must be

clear before us: whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the world must first come to pa ss in the heart of America.

The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the practice and fulfillment of our whole fait h among ourselves and in our dealings with others. This signifies more than the stilling of guns, easing the sorrow of war. More than escape from death, it is a way of life. More than a haven for the weary, it is a hope for the brave.

This is the hope that beckons us onward in this century of trial. This is the work that awai ts us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God.

肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

肯尼迪总统就职演说(1961年1月20日) Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy January 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: 约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们: We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. 我们今天所看到的,并非是某一党派的胜利,而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束,亦象征着开始;意味着更新,亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前,依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。 The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. 世界已然今非昔比,因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量,既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困,亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而,我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是,每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予,而是出自上帝之手。 We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. 今天,我们不敢有忘,我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时,让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达:火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪,既经受过战火的锤炼,又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀,这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝,亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。 Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

新编离职发言稿【优质精彩实用】

离职发言稿 尊敬的XX书记和各位同事: 大家好!刚才卫计委的XX书记宣布了XX卫生院领导班子变动情况的决定,并代表卫计委作了重要讲话,提出了殷切期望。首先,我对上级的安排表示衷心的拥护!同时对XX院长的任职表示最真诚的祝贺! 此时此刻,我心情很激动,有很多话想和大家说,有很多事想向大家汇报,但又不知道从何说起。说实在的,目前医院的现状并不让人满意,医院很多事务不尽如人意。虽然很多事情让我头疼,但我真不愿意离开这个自己已经熟悉的家,但组织的决定必须无条件的执行。 我到XX卫生院已X年了,大家对我的性格、为人、处事,以及对待工作的态度应该说有了很深的了解。我个人认为,性格直爽、办事实在,有啥说啥,不藏不噎,无防人之心,更无害人之心。我自己也认为在工作上认真负责、敢于负责,严格遵照法规制度办事,不怕得罪人,争取把工作做得更好。在和班子成员与同事们相处上,努力维护班子的团结和谐,真心对待每一位职工。当然,由于本人能力有限,很多事情没有办好,很多要求无法满足,为此时时感到愧疚。但我觉得,只要在工作历程上、在人生旅途中,做到问心无愧、光明磊落、坦坦荡荡,也就无愧我心! 由于有卫生和计生委的正确领导、党委政府的关怀、同事们的精诚团结以及每个人兢兢业业的工作,虽然困难重重,但我们在X年取得了可喜的成绩:不仅成功创办一甲医院,还获得了多

个单项奖和全县卫生综合目标考核考评二等奖。 相遇是缘,相知是福。我和大家从不熟悉到相识相知,是难得的缘分。这两年多的岁月将成为我难以忘却的记忆,今天,我怀着感激和不舍的心情与大家道别。借此机会,说八个字的四句话:感谢、难舍、抱歉、祝愿。 一是感谢。感谢各位同事一直以来对我的信任、支持和帮助,是大家信任我,使我有信心与大家共事并担好班长之责;是你们的大力支持,使我能够与大家一起克难奋进,取得一个又一个胜利;是你们的真诚帮助,使我不断提高和完善自己。我所走的每一步,我们所取得的每一个成效,都是你们努力支持、帮助的结果。没有大家的支持帮助,我孤掌难鸣,甚至寸步难行。为此,我心存感激,再次衷心地感谢大家对我的支持帮助。 二是难舍。真诚地说,这次我离开XX卫生院,与大家分开,到新的岗位履职,真的难舍。舍不得和我一起战斗、一起欢喜、一起患难的各位同仁,留恋与大家共事的这份情缘。 三是抱歉。人非圣贤,熟能无过。在过去X年多时间里我肯定会有一些事情,难以做到恰到好处,虽然我讲原则重感情,但由于对工作要求过严、过急,难免会伤害一些同事的情感和自尊,在此我深表谦意恳请谅解!我相信,各位同仁都能从工作角度对我个人和我的工作给予理解,谢谢你们! 四是祝愿。此时此刻,我愿把最美好的祝愿和祝福送给大家。祝愿以X院长为首的领导班子发扬成绩,再创辉煌;祝愿XX的卫生事业事业欣欣向荣、蒸蒸日上;祝愿大家工作如芝麻开花节节高、生活如倒吃甘蔗一节更比一节甜。

肯尼迪就职演说 完整版

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in

员工辞职演讲稿(多篇范文)

员工辞职演讲稿 老板: 您好,我是本公司生产部的普通员工,名字就免了,一切都是过雨云烟,网络用语就叫神马都是浮云! 然后,介绍一下我自己吧,我是大学生,注意,是专科的,中文系公共关系专业。也许很多人都不太懂这个专业,其实很简单的,简单一点说呢,就是公关专业。值得一提的是,我这个公关专业,跟酒店啊,什么酒吧啊等等里面的不正当男女关系的公关没有直接的联系。 作为这个专业毕业的学生,如果要我在你的面前像奥巴马那样演讲的话,我想,演讲半个小时应该没有问题。老板我知道您很忙,所以还是简单一点的说吧。老板,您曾经也年轻过,甚至现在还年轻,我的意思是说,希望您能给像我这样的年轻人一次机会,再简单一点的说就是,我要辞职!请批准! 第二篇:员工辞职 员工辞职、离职管理规定 第一节总则 第一条为规范人力资源管理,保证员工队伍的相对稳定,维护正常的人才流动秩序,依据《中华人民共和国劳动法》、《中华人民共和国反不正当竞争法》以及国家和地方的有关法律法规,结合集团相关规定,制定本规定。 第二条本规定适用于公司劳动合同制(含聘用合同制)员工。 第二节相关名词解释

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