Lyndon Baines Johnson- "L

LYNDON BAINES JOHNSONBIOGRAPHICAL INFO▪1908-1973▪36th president of the United States▪Texas native▪Southwest Texas State Teachers CollegeCHRONOLOGY▪1960 – Johnson named VP for Kennedy▪1963 – Kennedy assassinated, Johnson named President▪1963 – Martin Luther King gives “I Have a Dream” speech in Washington ▪1964 – Civil Rights Act of 1964▪1965 – Voting Rights Act speech, March 15▪1965 – Voting Rights Act passed▪1965 – Johnson calls for American troops to Vietnam▪1967 – First Super Bowl▪1968 – Johnson announces he will not run for re-election▪1968 – Martin Luther King, Jr. assassinatedQUOTES“A complex convergence of presidential public persuasion, internal and external persuasive advice to Lyndon Johnson, increasing violence associated with civil unrest at home, domestic protest over the Vietnam War, and finally, the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. all conspired in time to make a once untenable public policy initiative a codified reality” (Goldzwig, 26).“The Vietnam War took its toll on the p resident’s popularity and political viability. It inevitably spilled over to his domestic agenda” (Ibid, 32).“A succession of summer riots during the president’s tenure was central to growing negative perceptions of his leadership. Simultaneously, the statistics on racial inequality continued to mount” (Ibid).“While the 1964 Civil Rights At may have had more symbolic influence and the 1965 Voting Rights Act may have had more lasting political significance, the 1968 Civil Rights At was vintage Johnson – a measure pressed for two years and then finally manipulated under duress by a relentless president intent on snatching victory from the jaws of defeat. Johnson’s achievement was one he could rightfully share with the nation” (Ibid, 47).“It was Lyndon Johnson’s political persistence in employing a rhetoric of transcendence that had finally challenged Americans to come to terms fully withand act justly in the arena that constituted one of the most sensitive and volatile domestic policy issues of the decade –fair housing” (Ibid)“President Johnson never relented and never looked back – save to savor ahard-won rhetorical and political battle” (Ibid)MARCH 15, 1965 –“We Shall Overcome”Background▪Johnson passes the Civil Rights Act in 1964▪By the end of 1964, the administration was working on legislation that would guarantee African Americans the right to vote▪However, “the president wanted to give the South time to ‘digest’ the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and he feared losing congressional support for the rest of his legislative plans” if he pushed for the voting act too early ▪Johnson showed signs, however, by Dec. 1964, that he was ready to move forward with voting rights legislation, and in his State of the Unionaddress in January, 1965, he stated:o“I propose that we eliminate every remaining obstacle to the right and opportunity to vote” (Pauley 31, from Public Papers of the President,Lyndon B. Johnson 1965 5).▪Throughout February, the administration “moved slowly and carefully on the purposed legislation. They realized that it was an important bill withsignificant ramifications, and, therefore, they did not want to act hastily”(Pauley 33).▪Sunday, March 7, 1965 changed everything when police and other law offices attached civil rights demonstrators in Selma, Alabama --- “BloodySunday”▪The president chose not to respond to the events right away.▪Everyone looked to the president for a rhetorical response▪The circumstances following Selma clearly constituted a “rhetorical situation”, which, in Lloyd Bitzer’s terminology, “invited discourse capableof participating with the situation and thereby altering its reality” (Pauley 35, from Bitzer 6).▪At the same time, the situation required legislation action as well, not just “mere rhetoric” (Pauley 35)▪The problem for Johnson – rhetoric and legislation were bound closely here. In order to speak, his legislation needed to be complete, which iswas not▪Thus, instead of speaking right away, the White House put the finishing touches on the Voting Rights legislation.▪Johnson did not decide to speak until the late evening of March 14, when, in a meeting with the congressional leadership, he decided to speak to ajoin session of Congress the following day. In this meeting, the Speakerof the House John McCo rmack “shifted the discussion towards rhetoricalconcerns, suggesting that the president deliver a voting rights message before a joint session of Congress, stating that a speech ‘would show the world that action is being taken’” (Pauley 37)▪The president stated: “I wanted to use every ounce of moral persuasion the Presidency held. I wanted no hedging, no equivocation. And I wanted to talk from my own heart, from my own experience” (Pauley 38, from The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency by LBJ, 164)▪Most scholars provide an oversimplified view of Johnson’s complicated public discourse and overlook this speech, and instance where everything that typically characterized LBJ was not there.▪“His most moving public address, conveying the natural el oquence that he so often took care to shield” (Pauley 26, from Zarefsky, “Lyndon” 224)▪“The strongest public discourse of Johnson’s presidency” (Pauley 26, from Edwin Black 24)EMOTION▪“Johnson spoke with force and compassion, drawing upon his personal ex perience and his ethos as a Southerner” (Pauley 26)TIMING▪“Timing was a central theme in his rhetoric” (Pauley 27)▪“Depending on one’s perspective, the president’s discursive involvement in the voting rights campaign seemed to be crisis rhetoric at its finest or at its worst” (27).▪“Johnson’s response to the voting rights crisis was unusual. He departed from his usual approach to rhetoric in two important ways.1. The legislation had been under consideration for some time andwas nearly finished when the crisis came.2. President Johnson not only was ready to speak to the immediatetactical issue of voting rights but also already had formulated hisown understanding of voting rights as a moral and historical issue”(27)▪The voting rights address shows that Johns on’s rhetoric was not always myopic.▪Johnson planned carefully his voting rights strategy; he considered both the legislative and rhetorical implications of speaking publicly about the voting rights bill.o Kairos– a timely response to a given situation.▪L BJ’s rhetoric was calculated carefully and coordinated closely with the development of social policy (Pauley 29)LANGUAGE▪The language of Johnson’s speech, not just its moment of delivery, also appealed to the urgencies of the moment (Pauley 38).▪Terms wer e used such as “no delay” and “no hesitation”...o“We ought not and we cannot and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred yearsand more, and the time for waiting is gone”o“So I ask you to join me in wor king long hours – nights and weekends, if necessary –to pass this bill”▪His language also gave Selma a broader historical meaning by associating the terms freedom and equality with the terms purpose andpromise.TIMING▪LBJ’s timely response was a compl icated proposition.▪Although President Johnson’s speech was tactically timely, it was too little and too late for the rising militancy within the civil rights movement.Lyndon Johnson’s voting rights message on 15 March 1965 was timely,timeless, and, ironically, out of time – all at the same moment.Typical LBJ“The evaluation suggested by most scholars is that Johnson was a short-sighted, narrowly strategic presidential rhetorician”Quotes...▪Typically focused on the urgencies of the moment▪His rhetoric often was short-sighted.▪Opponents of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 had criticized Johnson for attempting to legislate by rhetorical appeals to temporarily arousedemotions, and opponents of the voting rights bill believed that 1965 was a repeat performance”▪Often spoke before he should▪His own discourse created most of his political problems.▪Not only was his rhetoric myopic, but it was also so idealistic as to be unrealistic▪He promised more than he could achieve, and thus aroused expectations and courted disappointment (29)▪He ignored the possibility that rhetorical alone might effect social change David Zarefsky - “Much of Johnson’s rhetoric provided a grand vision to solve social problems, but failed to provide specific recommendations because he had not yet formulated specific policy measures to deal with those problems” (Pauley 28, from “Great Society” 366). “His implicit theory of rhetoric...viewed it as a process of selecting strategies and tactics which would comprise an effective public appeal” (Ibid, 277). Zarefsky suggests that LBJ saw a limited role for rhetoric: he made judgments about the value and ability of his programs without any factual support, and simply used rhetoric to rally public support (Pauley 29).Jeffrey Tulis - LBJ used public rhetoric to garner support for his programs before he developed them fully” (Pauley 28, from The Rhetorical Presidency) Theodore Windt - LBJ’s rhetoric usually ran ahead of his policy planning...as a man of action, Johnson sought to solve problems immediately, without thinking them thr ough clearly. LBJ’s discourse was a sincere expression of a desire to help oppressed people, but came – unfortunately – before he had fully designed his programs or planned a long-term strategy (Pauley 28, from Presidential Rhetoric: 1961 to the Present).George Reedy (Johnson’s former press secretary) – Although the president was a brilliant political tactician, he was a poor strategist. Johnson could not look ahead, nor put political issues into historical perspective (Pauley 29, from Lyndon Johnson, A Memoir 52).Doris Kearns (historian and former White House fellow) – Johnson was more concerned with passing legislation than with deliberating great issues (Pauley 29, from Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, 217-218).。

Celebrities Appeared in the Movie1. General Nathan Bedford Forrest (Ku Klux Klan)Nathan Bedford Forrest (July 13, 1821 – October 29, 1877) was a lieutenant general in the Confederate Army during the American Civil War. He is remembered both as a self-educated, innovative cavalry leader during the war and as a leading southern advocate in the postwar years. He served as the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, an organization which launched a "reign of terror" against blacks and Republicans during Reconstruction in the South.2. Elvis PresleyElvis Aaron (or Aron) Presley (January 8, 1935 – August 16, 1977) was one of the most popular American singers of the 20th century. A cultural icon, he is widely known by the single name Elvis. He is often referred to as the "King of Rock and Roll" or simply "the King".3. Governor WallaceThe Stand in the Schoolhouse Door took place at Foster Auditorium at the University of Alabama on 11 June, 1963. George Wallace, the Governor of Alabama, in a symbolic attempt to keep his inaugural promise of "segregation now, segregation tomorrow and segregation forever" and stop the desegregation of schools, stood at the door of the auditorium to try to block the entry of two black students, Vivian Malone Jones and James Hood. The incident brought George Wallace into the national spotlight.4. PresidentsPresident KennedyJohn Fitzgerald "Jack" Kennedy (May 29, 1917 – November 22, 1963), often referred to by his initials JFK, was the 35th President of the United States, serving from 1961 until his assassination in 1963. He was the second-youngest President (after Theodore Roosevelt), the first President born in the 20th century, and the youngest elected to the office, at the age of 43. Kennedy is the first and only Catholic and the first Irish American president, and is the only president to have won a Pulitzer Prize.President JohnsonLyndon Baines Johnson (August 27, 1908 – January 22, 1973), often referred to as LBJ, served as the 36th President of the United States from 1963 to 1969 after his service as the 37th Vice President of the United States from 1961 to 1963. He served in all four federal elected offices of the United States: Representative, Senator, Vice President, and President.President NixonRichard Milhous Nixon (January 9, 1913 – April 22, 1994) was the 37th President of theUnited States from 1969–1974 and was also the 36th Vice President of the United States (1953–1961). Nixon was the only President to resign the office and also the only person to be elected twice to both the Presidency and the Vice Presidency.President FordGerald Rudolph Ford, Jr. (born Leslie Lynch King, Jr.; July 14, 1913 – December 26, 2006) was the 38th President of the United States, serving from 1974 to 1977, and the 40th Vice President of the United States serving from 1973 to 1974. As the first person appointed to the vice-presidency under the terms of the 25th Amendment, when he became President upon Richard Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, he also became the only President of the United States who was elected neither President nor Vice-President.President CarterJames Earl "Jimmy" Carter, Jr. (born October 1, 1924) served as the 39th President of the United States from 1977 to 1981 and was the recipient of the 2002 Nobel Peace Prize, the only U.S. President to have received the Prize after leaving office. Before he became President, Carter served two terms as a Georgia State Senator and one as Governor of Georgia, from 1971 to 1975,[2] and was a peanut farmer and naval officer.President ReaganRonald Wilson Reagan (February 6, 1911 – June 5, 2004) was the 40th President of the United States (1981–1989) and the 33rd Governor of California (1967–1975). He began a career as an actor, first in films and later television, appearing in 52 movie productions and gaining enough success to become a household name. Reagan left office in 1989. In 1994, the former president disclosed that he had been diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease earlier in the year; he died ten years later at the age of 93. He has been rated by scholars as one of the greatest U.S. Presidents.5. Bob DylanBob Dylan(born Robert Allen Zimmerman; May 24, 1941) is an American singer-songwriter and musician. He has been a major figure in popular music for five decades.[2] Much of his most celebrated work dates from the 1960s when he was at first an informal chronicler, and later an apparently reluctant figurehead of social unrest. A number of his songs such as "Blowin' in the Wind" and "The Times They Are a-Changin'" became anthems for the civil rights[3]and anti-war[4]movements. His early lyrics incorporated a variety of political, social and philosophical, as well as literary influences. They defied existing pop music conventions and appealed hugely to the then burgeoning counterculture. Dylan has both amplified and personalized musical genres, exploring numerous distinct traditions in American song –from folk, blues and country to gospel, rock and roll and rockabilly, to English, Scottish and Irish folk music, embracing even jazz and swing.6. John LennonJohn Winston Ono Lennon,[1][2]MBE (9 October 1940 –8 December 1980) was an English rock musician, singer-songwriter and peace activist who rose to fame as one of the founding members of The Beatles. With Paul McCartney he formed one of the most influential and successful songwriting partnerships of the 20th century.[3] Second only to McCartney, he is among the most successful songwriters in Billboard singles chart history, responsible for 27 number one singles on the US Hot 100 chart as a performer or songwriter。

林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：Address to a Joint Session of CongressLyndon Baines JohnsonAddress to a Joint Session of Congress on Voting Legislation"We Shall Overe"delivered 15 March 1965, Washington, D.C.演讲者简介：林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊(英语：Lyndon Baines Johnson，1908年8月27日-1973年1月22日)，美国第36任总统和第35任副总统，也曾是国会参议员。

他于1908年8月27日生于得克萨斯州基利斯比县的石墙。

约翰逊家族曾参与了约翰逊城的建设。

约翰逊是民主党人，从1937年-1949年，曾担任美国得克萨斯州的代表，1937年-1949年，担任美国参议员，包括六位美国参议院政党领袖，两位参议院少数党领袖和两位参议院多数优势。

竞选失败后，在1960年由民主党提名约翰逊由约翰·肯尼迪要求他是在1960年美国总统选举的竞选伙伴。

在肯尼迪遇刺案之后，约翰逊继续接任约翰·肯尼迪总统的职务，在1964年美国总统选举中轻松地获选总统。

民主党大力支持约翰逊，并担任主席，负责设计包括法律维护民权、公开广播、医疗保障、医疗补助、环境保护、对教育的援助和他的著名的“向贫穷开战”，他为他跋扈的个性和“约翰逊治疗是显著的”的标题，他控制有权势的政客，以推动立法。

同时，他让美国积极介入越南战争，随着战争的拖延，约翰逊总统的声望持续下降。

尽管其外交政策遭受失败，但是因为他的国内政策成绩斐然，约翰逊在一些史学家对历届总统的评价中依然获得高排名。

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress:I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was killed.There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans.But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government -- the government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.In our time we have e to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues -- issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue.And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as apeople and as a nation. For with a country as with a person, "What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or Republicans. We are met here as Americans to solve that problem.This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal," "government by consent of the governed," "give me liberty or give me death." Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position. It really rests on hisright to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test -- to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of the issues of civil rights are very plex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument.。

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美国历任总统的名言大集锦第1任总统：乔治〃华盛顿（George Washington，1789-1797年任职）其名言：除了完成本职工作所获得的满足感和朋友们所给予的尊重以外，我从来没有想过因为自己的工作而得到任何奖赏。

让我感到不可思议的是：一个没有意识到民众的繁荣和幸福决定着他自己的荣耀与幸福的君主，却想着应该建立一个君主独裁的国家。

而对于一个最高统治者来说，不仅让自己的名字永垂不朽，而且还要获得万众的祝福，这是多么容易的事情啊。

第2任总统：约翰〃亚当斯（John Adams，1797-1801年任职）其名言：有两种教育方式……一种应该教我们如何生存，另一种则应该教我们如何生活。

耶稣的神圣很容易被用来掩盖谬论。

我们在《福音书》中找不到信条、忏悔、誓言、教条，以及其他一些我们在基督教中发现的一满车一满车的愚蠢杂物。

第3任总统：托马斯〃杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson，1801-1809年任职）其名言：我们认为这些真理不言自明的：人人生来平等。

偶尔有不同的声音是一件好事，对政治来说它是必要的，正如自然界少不了风暴。

第4任总统：詹姆斯〃麦迪逊（James Madison，1809-1817年任职）其名言：在构建由一部分人管理另一部分人的政府时，最大的困难是：首先你必须让政府有能力控制那些被管理的人，而后还要让政府能够控制政府自己本身。

一个受欢迎的政府如果没有受欢迎的信息或获取这种信息的方法，那么它就不过是一场闹剧或悲剧的序言----而且可能这两者都是。

第5任总统：詹姆斯〃门罗（James Monroe，1817-1825年任职）其名言：地球被赐予给人类，是为了抚养最大数量的人，任何部落和种族都无权在维持他们自己的生计和舒适所必需的东西之外，剥夺其他人的必需品。

我们有任何理由坚信，我们的体系很快就能达到人类体制所能企及的最高度完美。

第6任总统：约翰〃昆西〃亚当斯（John Quincy Adams，1825-1829年任职）其名言：勇气和坚持拥有神奇的力量，在它们面前困难和阻碍都会烟消云散。

戈洛博翻译-英语词汇库英语专题分类词汇（美国历届总统The Presidents of the United States）1.George Washington (Federal Party) 1789-1797;乔治·华盛顿 (联邦党) 1789-1797；2.John Adams (Federal Party) 1797-1801;约翰·亚当斯 (联邦党) 1797-1801；3.Thomas Jefferson（Democratic Republican Party) 1801-1809;托马斯·杰斐逊 (民主共和党) 1801-1809；4.James Madison（Democratic Republican Party) 1809-1817;詹姆斯·麦迪逊 (民主共和党) 1809-1817；5.James Monroe（Democratic Republican Party) 1817-1825;詹姆斯·门罗 (民主共和党) 1817-1825；6.John Quincy Adams（Democratic Republican Party) 1825-1829;约翰·昆西·亚当斯 (民主共和党) 1825-1829；7.Andrew Jackson（Democratic Party) 1829-1837;安德鲁·杰克逊 (民主党) 1829-1837；8.Martin Van Buren（Democratic Party) 1837-1841;马丁·范布伦 (民主党) 1837-1841；9.William Henry Harrison（Whig Party) 1837-1841;威廉·亨利·哈里森 (辉格党) 1837-1841；10.John Tyler（Whig Party) 1841-1845;约翰·泰勒 (辉格党) 1841-1845；11.James Knox Polk（Democratic Party) 1845-1849;詹姆斯·诺克斯·波尔克 (民主党) 1845-1849；12.Zachary Taylor（Whig Party) 1849-1850;扎卡里·泰勒 (辉格党) 1849-1850；lard Fillmore（Democratic Party) 1850-1853;米勒德·菲尔莫尔（民主党）1850-1853；14.Franklin Pierce（Democratic Party) 1853-1857;富兰克林·皮尔斯（民主党）1853-1857；15.James Buchanan（Democratic Party) 1853-1857;詹姆斯·布坎南 (民主党) 1853-1857；16.Abraham Lincoln（Republican Party) 1861-1865;亚伯拉罕·林肯 (共和党) 1861-1865；17.Andrew Johnson（Republican Party）1865-1869;安德鲁·约翰逊 (共和党) 1865-1869；18.Ulysses Simpson Grant (Republican Party) 1869-1877;尤利塞斯·辛普森·格兰特 (共和党) 1869-1877；19.Rutherford Birchard Hayes（Republican Party）1877-1881;拉塞福德·伯查德·海斯 (共和党) 1877-1881；20.James Abram Garfield（Republican Party）1881-1881;詹姆斯·艾伯拉姆·加菲尔德 (共和党) 1881-1881；21.Chester Alan Arthur（Republican Party）1881-1885;切斯特·阿伦·阿瑟 (共和党) 1881-1885；22.Grover Cleveland （Democratic Party）1885-1889;格罗弗·克利夫兰 (民主党) 1885-1889；23.Benjamin Harrison（Republican Party）1889-1893;本杰明·哈里森 (共和党) 1889-1893；24.Grover Cleveland (Democratic Party) 1893-1897;格罗弗·克利夫兰 (民主党) 1893-1897；25.William Mckinley（Republican Party）1897-1901;威廉·麦金利 (共和党) 1897-1901；26.Theodore Roosevelt（Republican Party）1901-1909;西奥多·罗斯福 (共和党) 1901-1909；27.William Howard Taft（Republican Party）1909-1913;威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱 (共和党) 1909-1913；28.Woodrow Wilson（Democratic Party）1913-1921;伍德罗·威尔逊 (民主党) 1913-1921；29.Warren Gamaliel Harding（Republican Party）1921-1923;沃伦·甘梅利尔·哈定 (共和党) 1921-1923；30.Calvin Coolidge（Republican Party）1923-1929;卡尔文·柯立芝 (共和党) 1923-1929；31.Herbert Clark Hoover（Republican Party）1929-1933;赫泊特·克拉克·胡佛 (共和党) 1929-1933；32.Franklin Delano Roosevelt（Democratic Party）1933-1945;富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福 (民主党 )1933-1945；33.Harry Truman（Democratic Party）1945-1953;哈里·杜鲁门 (民主党) 1945-1953；34.Dwight David Eisenhower（Republican Party）1953-1961德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔 (共和党) 1953-1961；35.John Fitzgerald Kennedy（Democratic Party）1961-1963;约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪 (民主党) 1961-1963；36.lyndon Baines Johnson（Democratic Party）1963-1969;林顿·贝恩斯·约翰逊 (民主党) 1963-1969；37.Richard Milhous Nixon（Republican Party）1969-1974;理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松 (共和党) 1969-1974；38.Gerald Ford（Republican Party）1974-1977杰拉尔德·福特 (共和党) 1974-1977；39.Jimmy Carter/James Earl Carter Jr（Democratic Party) 1977-1981;吉米·卡特/小詹姆斯·厄尔·卡特(民主党) 1977-1981；40.Ronald Wilson Reagan (Republican Party) 1981-1989;罗纳德·威尔逊·里根 (共和党) 1981-1989；41.George Herbert Walker Bush（Republican Party) 1989-1993;乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什 (共和党) 1989-1993；42.Bill Clinton/William Jefferson Blythe III（Democratic Party) 1993-2001 ;比尔·克林顿/威廉·杰斐逊·布莱思三世(民主党) 1993-2001；43.George Walker Bush（Republican Party)2001-2008;乔治·沃克·布什 (共和党) 2001-2008；44.Barack Obama/Barack Hussein Obama II (Democratic Party)2008-巴拉克·奥巴马/巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马二世（民主党）2008-。

英语故事Lyndon Baines Johnson林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊是美国第36任总统。

约翰逊在任时提出了与”新政”、“公平施政”、“新边疆”一脉相承的改革计划，通过老年保健医疗制度、医疗补助制度、民权法和选举权法。

Lyndon Baines JohnsonLyndon Baines Johnson (August 27, 1908 – January 22, 1973), often referred to as LBJ, served as the 36th president of the United States from 1963 to 1969 after his service as the 37th vice president of the United States from 1961 to 1963. He served in all four federal elected offices of the United States: representative, senator, vice president, and president.Johnson, a democrat, served as a United States representative from Texas, from 1937–1949 and as United States senator from 1949–1961, including six years as United States senate majority leader, two as senate minority leader and two as senate majority whip. After campaigning unsuccessfully for the democratic nomination in 1960, Johnson was asked by John F. Kennedy to be his running mate for the 1960 presidential election.Johnson succeeded to the presidency following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, completed Kennedy’s term and was elected president in his own right, winning by a large margin in the 1964 presidential election. Johnson was greatly supported by the democratic party and, as president, was responsible for designing the “great society”legislation that included laws that upheld civil rights, public broadcasting, Medicare, Medicaid, environmental protection, aid to education, and his “war on poverty.” he was renowned for his domineering personality and the “Johnsontreatment,”his arm twisting of powerful politicians in order to advance legislation.Simultaneously, he greatly escalated direct American involvement in the Vietnam War. As the war dragged on, Johnson’s popularity as president steadily declined. After the 1966 mid-term congressional elections, his re-election bid in the 1968 United States presidential election collapsed as a result of turmoil within the Democratic Party related to opposition to the Vietnam War. He withdrew from the race amid growing opposition to his policy on the Vietnam War and a worse-than-expected showing in the New Hampshire primary.Despite the failures of his foreign policy, Johnson is ranked favorably among some historians due to his domestic policies.Early political careerJohnson briefly taught public speaking and debate in a Houston high school, and then entered politics. Johnson’s father had served five terms in the Texas legislature and was a close friend of one of Texas’s rising political figures, Congressman Sam Rayburn. In 1930, Johnson campaigned for Texas state senator Wally Hopkins in his run for congress. Hopkins recommended him to Congressman Richard m. Kleberg, who appointed Johnson as Kleberg’s legislative secretary. Johnson was elected speaker of the “little congress,”a group of congressional aides, where he cultivated congressmen, newspapermen and lobbyists. Johnson’s friends soon included aides to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, as well as fellow Texans such as vice president John Nance Garner. He became a surrogate son to Sam Rayburn.Johnson married Claudia Alta Taylor (already nicknamed “lady bird”) of Karnack, Texas on November 17, 1934 after having attended Georgetown university law school for several months. They had two daughters, Lynda Bird, born in 1944, and Luci Baines, born in 1947. Johnson enjoyed giving people and animals his own initials citation needed; his daughters’given names are examples, as was his dog, little beagle Johnson.In 1935, he was appointed head of the Texas national youth administration, which enabled him to use the government to create education and job opportunities for young people. He resigned two years later to run for congress. Johnson, a notoriously tough boss throughout his career, often demanded long workdays and work on weekends.He was described by friends, fellow politicians, and historians as motivated throughout his life by an exceptional lust for power and control. As Johnson’s biographer Robert Caro Observes, “Johnson’s ambition was uncommon—in the degree to which it was unencumbered by even the slightest excess weight of ideology, of philosophy, of principles, of beliefs.”Senate years1948 contested electionIn 1948, Johnson again ran for the senate and won. This election was highly controversial: a three-way Democratic Party primary saw Johnson facing a well-known former governor, coke Stevenson; and a third candidate. Johnson drew crowds tofairgrounds with his rented helicopter dubbed “the Johnson city windmill”. he raised money to flood the state with campaign circulars, and won over conservatives by voting for the Taft Hartley act (curbing union power) as well as by criticizing unions himself.Stevenson came in first, but lacked a majority, so a runoff was held. Johnson campaigned even harder this time around, while Stevenson’s efforts were surprisingly poor. as the two candidates see-sawed for the lead, the runoff count took a week. the democratic state central committee (not the state, because the matter was a party primary) handled the count, and it finally announced that Johnson had won by 87 votes. By a majority of one member (29-28) the committee voted to certify Johnson’s nomination, with the last vote cast on Johnson’s behalf by temple (Texas) publisher Frank W. May born, who rushed back to Texas from a business trip in Nashville.There were many allegations of fraud on both sides. Thus, one writer alleges that Johnson’s campaign manager, future Texas governor John B. Connally, was connected with 202 ballots in precinct 13 in Jim Wells County that had curiously been cast in alphabetical order and all just at the close of polling. (All of the people whose names appeared on the ballots were found to have been dead on Election Day.) Robert Caro argued in his 1989 book that Johnson had stolen the election in Jim Wells County, and other counties in south Texas, as well as rigging 10,000 ballots in Bexar County alone. A judge, Luis Salas, said in 1977 that he had certified 202 fraudulent ballots for Johnson.The state democratic convention upheld Johnson. Stevenson went to court, but — with timely help from his friend Abe Fortas — Johnson prevailed. Johnson was elected senator in November, and went to Washington, D.C. tagged with the ironic label “Landslide Lyndon,” which he often used deprecatingly to refer to himself.Freshman senatorOnce in the senate, Johnson was known among his colleagues for his highly successful “courtships” of older senators, especially senator Richard Russell, patrician leader of the conservative coalition and arguably the most powerful man in the senate. Johnson proceeded to gain Russell’s favor in the same way that he had “courted”speaker Sam Rayburn and gained his crucial support in the house.Johnson was appointed to the senate armed services committee, and later in 1950, he helped create the preparedness investigating subcommittee. Johnson became its chairman and conducted investigations of defense costs and efficiency. these investigations tended to dig out old forgotteninvestigations and demand actions that were already being taken by the Truman administration, although it can be said that the committee’s investigations caused the changes. However, Johnson’s brilliant handling of the press, the efficiency with which his committee issued new reports, and the fact that he ensured every report was endorsed unanimously by the committee all brought him headlines and national attention.Johnson used his political influence in the senate to receive broadcast licenses from the federal communications commission in his wife’s name.In 1951, Johnson was chosen as senate majority whip under a new majority leader, Ernest McFarland of Arizona, and served from 1951 to 1953Senate democratic leaderSenate Desk X, used by all democratic leaders, including Johnson, since Joseph Taylor Robinson in the 1952 general election republicans won a majority in both house and senate. Among defeated democrats that year was McFarland, who lost to then-little-known Barry Goldwater, Johnson’s future presidential opponent.In January 1953, Johnson was chosen by his fellow democrats to be the minority leader. thus, he became the least senior senator ever elected to this position, and one of the least senior party leaders in the history of the senate. The whip is usually first in line to replace party leader (e.g., most recently whip Harry Reid became senate minority leader after tom Daschle’s defeat).One of his first actions was to eliminate the seniority system in appointment to a committee, while retaining it in terms of chairmanships. In the 1954 election, Johnson was re-elected to the senate, and since the democrats won the majority in the senate, Johnson became majority leader. Former majority leader, William Knowland was elected minority leader. Johnson’s duties were to schedule legislation and help pass measures favored by the democrats. Johnson, Rayburn and President Dwight D. Eisenhower worked smoothly together in passing Eisenhower’s domestic and foreign agenda. As majority leader, Johnson was responsible for passage of the civil rights act of 1957, the first civil rights legislation passed by the senate since reconstruction.Johnson gives “the treatment” to 90-year-old Rhode Island senator Theodore F. Green in 1957 historians Caro and Dallek consider Lyndon Johnson the most effective senate majority leader in history. He was unusually proficient atgathering information. One biographer suggests he was “the greatest intelligence gatherer Washington has ever known”, discovering exactly where every senator stood, his philosophy and prejudices, his strengths and weaknesses, and what it took to break him. Robert baker claimed that Johnson would occasionally send senators on NATO trips in order to avoid their dissenting votes. Central to Johnson’s control was “the treatment”, described by two journalists:The treatment could last ten minutes or four hours. it came, enveloping its target, at the Johnson ranch swimming pool, in one of Johnson’s offices, in the senate cloakroom, on the floor of the senate itself — wherever Johnson might find a fellow senator within his reach.Its tone could be supplication, accusation, cajolery, exuberance, scorn, tears, complaint and the hint of threat. It was all of these together. It ran the gamut of human emotions.Its velocity was breathtaking, and it was all in one direction. Interjections from the target were rare. Johnson anticipated them before they could be spoken. He moved in close, his face a scant millimeter from his target, his eyes widening and narrowing, his eyebrows rising and falling. From his pockets poured clippings, memos, and statistics. Mimicry, humor, and the genius of analogy made the treatment an almost hypnotic experience and rendered the target stunned and helpless.。

历届美国总统介绍第36任总统林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊Lynd on Baines Johnson was the 36th President of theUnited States, serving from 1963 to 1969. He wasborn in 1908 on a small farmhouse in central Texasand felt the pinch of rural poverty as he grew up.He workedhis way through Southwest Texas StateTeachers College and graduated as a teacher in1930. In 1937 he campaigned successfully for theHouse of Representatives.林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊是美国第36任总统，任期为1963-1969年。

1908年，林登出生于德克萨斯中部的小农场中，林登赶上了农村最艰苦的那段时间。

林登就读于德克萨斯州西南师范学院，1930年毕业之后成为了一名老师。

1937年，他成功进入了众议院。

During World War II he served briefly in the Navy and won a Silver Star medal in the SouthPacific. He served six terms in the House of Representatives and was elected to the Senate in1948. In 1953, he became the youngest Minority Leader in Senate history, and the followingyear, when the Democrats won control, Majority Lead er. His political skill helped a number ofkey Eisenhower measures pass.二战期间，他曾经在海军短暂服役，他还凭借在南太平洋战争中的优异表现获得银星勋章。

1.三K党三K党标志三K党（Ku Klux Klan，缩写为KKK），是美国历史上和现在的一个奉行白人至上主义的民间组织，也是美国种族主义的代表性组织。

三K党是美国最悠久、最庞大的恐怖主义组织。

Ku-Klux二字来源于希腊文KuKloo，意为集会。

Klan是种族。

因三个字头都是K，故称三K党。

又称白色联盟和无形帝国。

三K党（克尤克拉克斯克兰（Ku Klux Klan)，象声词，名称来源于枪子击铁的声音，缩写为KKK），是美国历史上和现在的一个奉行白人至上主义的民间组织，也是美国种族主义的代表性组织。

三K党于1866年由南北战争中被击败的南方联邦军队的退伍老兵组成。

在其发展初期，三K党的目标是在美国南部恢复民主党的势力，并反对由联邦军队在南方强制实行的改善旧有黑人奴隶待遇的政策。

这个组织经常通过暴力来达成目的。

1871年，尤里西斯·格兰特总统签发了三K党和执行法案，强行取缔了这个政治组织，可此后仍有不少此类暴行发生。

2．猫王埃尔维斯·普雷斯利20世纪50年代，猫王的音乐开始风靡世界。

他的音乐超越了种族以及文化的疆界，将乡村音乐、布鲁斯音乐以及山地摇滚乐融会贯通，形成了具有鲜明个性的独特曲风，强烈的震撼了当时的流行乐坛，并让摇滚乐开始如同旋风一般横扫了世界乐坛。

猫王埃尔维斯-普雷斯利--“猫王”(TheHillbilly Cat)，这个绰号是狂热的美国南方歌迷为他取的昵称。

歌曲中，猫王从未录制过外语歌曲，并且除了在三个加拿大城市的五场演出，他也从未在美国国外举办过演唱会。

英俊不凡的容貌，天赋的音乐灵性，不羁天性而富有感召力的舞台表现力成为了猫王的标签，也使他成为世人狂热崇拜的明星，猫王在Graceland的家中，奖品陈列馆放满了金唱片和白金唱片，以及各种各样来自全世界各个国家的荣誉，他们中一部分是挪威,南斯拉夫，日本，澳大利亚，南非，英国，瑞典，德国，法国，加拿大，比利时以及荷兰。

约翰逊演讲稿：We Shall Overcome林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊 (Lyndon Baines Johnson) 出生于得克萨斯州斯通威尔。

1930年毕业于该州圣马科斯西南师范学院，1935年毕业于乔治顿大学法律学院。

1930年至1932年在休斯敦任教。

1935年至1937年任全国青年总署得克萨斯州公署署长。

1937年国会补缺选举中当选为众议员，并任众议院海军委员会委员。

1941年至1942年在海军服役。

1948年当选为参议员。

1951年成为参议院民主党副领袖。

1953年起任参议院民主党多数派领袖，兼任参议院军事委员会、财政委员会、拨款委员会等要职。

1959年至1960年任参议院航空和空间科学委员会首任主席。

1956年争取民主党总统候选人提名失败。

1960年与肯尼迪竞争民主党总统候选人提名失败，接受肯尼迪提名他为副总统的建议。

1961年至1963年任副总统。

1963年11月22日肯尼迪总统遇刺身亡后继任总统。

1965年连任总统。

1969年1月退休。

1980年被授予总统自由勋章。

著有回忆录《高瞻远瞩》。

1973年1月22日在得克萨斯的圣安东尼奥因心脏病去世。

We Shall OvercomeMr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress:I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was killed.There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma.There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government -- the government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues -- issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue.And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For with a country as with a person, “What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?”There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or Republicans. We are met here as Americans to solve that problem.This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose stillsound in every American heart, North a nd South: “All men are created equal,” “government by consent of the governed,” “give me liberty or give me death.” Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test -- to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument.Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote.There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right.Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country menand women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes. Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write.For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin. Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books -- and I have helped to put three of them there -- can ensure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it. In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color. We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must now act in obedience to that oath.Wednesday, I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote.The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have reviewed it, it will come here formally as a bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to come here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my friends, to give them my views, andto visit with my former colleagues. I've had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss with you now, briefly, the main proposals of this legislation.This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections -- Federal, State, and local -- which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote. This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout our Constitution. It will provide for citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government, if the State officials refuse to register them. It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote. Finally, this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.I will welcome the suggestions from all of the Members of Congress -- I have no doubt that I will get some -- on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective. But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution.To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities, who want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people.Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin.Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land.There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong -- deadly wrong -- to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to votein this country. There is no issue of States' rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer.But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress, it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was passed after eight long months of debate. And when that bill came to my desk from the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated. This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no compromise with our purpose.We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in. And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.So I ask you to join me in working long hours -- nights and weekends, if necessary -- to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly. For from the window where I sit with the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice.And we shall overcome.As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing racial feelings are. I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed, more than a hundred years since the Negro was freed. And he is not fully free tonight.It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party, signed the Emancipation Proclamation; but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact.A century has passed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised. And yet the Negro is not equal. A century has passed since the day of promise. And the promise is un-kept.The time of justice has now come. I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come. And when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American. For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we've wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror?And so I say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future.This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and white, all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They're our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too -- poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome.Now let none of us in any section look with pridefulrighteousness on the troubles in another section, or the problems of our neighbors. There's really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom. This is one nation. What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists.As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a stain on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region, in Vietnam. Men from every region fought for us across the world twenty years ago.And now in these common dangers and these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the Great Republic -- and in some instances, a great many of them, more.And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans.For all of us owe this duty; and I believe that all of us will respond to it. Your President makes that request of every American.The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. Hisactions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform. He has called upon us to make good the promise of America. And who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American democracy.For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right; not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order.And there have been many pressures upon your President and there will be others as the days come and go. But I pledge you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought -- in the courts, and in the Congress, and in the hearts of men.We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free assembly. But the right of free speech does not carry with it, as has been said, the right to holler fire in a crowded theater. We must preserve the right to free assembly. But free assembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic.We do have a right to protest, and a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the constitutional rights of our neighbors. And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek: progress, obedience to law, and belief in American values.In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace. We seekorder. We seek unity. But we will not accept the peace of stifled rights, or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest. For peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.In Selma tonight -- and we had a good day there -- as in every city, we are working for a just and peaceful settlement And we must all remember that after this speech I am making tonight, after the police and the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly passed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the Nation must still live and work together. And when the attention of the nation has gone elsewhere, they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new community.This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence, as the history of the South itself shows. It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impressive responsibility in recent days -- last Tuesday, again today.The bill that I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill. But, in a larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program. Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races.Because all Americans just must have the right to vote. And we are going to give them that right. All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race. And they are going to have those privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race.But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal right. It requires a trained mind and a healthy body. It requires a decent home, and the chance to find a job, and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.Of course, people cannot contribute to the nation if they arenever taught to read or write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickness goes untended, if their life is spent in hopeless poverty just drawing a welfare check. So we want to open the gates to opportunity. But we're also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates.My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Texas, in a small Mexican-American school. Few of them could speak English, and I couldn't speak much Spanish. My students were poor and they often came to class without breakfast, hungry. And they knew, even in their youth, the pain of prejudice. They never seemed to know why people disliked them. But they knew it was so, because I saw it in their eyes. I often walked home late in the afternoon, after the classes were finished, wishing there was more that I could do. But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child. I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965. It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students and to help people like them all over this country.But now I do have that chance -- and I'll let you in on a secret -- I mean to use it.And I hope that you will use it with me.This is the richest and the most powerful country which ever occupied this globe. The might of past empires is little compared to ours. But I do not want to be the President who built empires, or sought grandeur, or extended dominion.I want to be the President who educated young children to the wonders of their world.I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be tax-payers instead of tax-eaters.I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election.I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men, and who promoted love among the people of all races and all regions and all parties.I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker, and the Senator from Montana, the majority leader, the Senator from Illinois, the minority leader, Mr. McCulloch, and other Members of both parties, I came here tonight -- not as President Roosevelt came down one time, in person, to veto a bonus bill, not as President Truman came down one time to urge the passage of a railroad bill -- but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me, and to share it with the people that we both work for. I want this to be the Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, which did all these things for all these people.Beyond this great chamber, out yonder in fifty States, are the people that we serve. Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen. We all can guess, from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happiness, how many problems each little family has. They look most of all to themselves for their futures. But I think that they also look to each of us.Above the pyramid on the great seal of the United States itsays in Latin: “God has favored our undertaking.” God will not favor everything that we do. It is rather our duty to divine His will.But I cannot help believing that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.。

希腊神话典故在英语中的妙用1．Thanks to her agent，a veritable Pygmalion，she was transformed from an ugly duckling into a Hollywood beauty.皮格马利翁（Pygmalion）是塞浦路斯国（Cyprus）国王，也是一位雕刻家。

他爱上了自己所雕塑的少女像（Galatea），爱与美的女神阿佛洛狄特（Aphrodite）见其感情真挚，赋予雕像以生命，使两人结为夫妻。

Pygmalion现在喻指“对他人或物抱有积极主动、热切期盼态度的人”。

例句中Pygmalion正是取了该意。

2．The present school curriculum seems to some students a procrustean bed.句中的procrustean是形容词，由专有名词派生而来。

procrustes 是古希腊阿提卡（Attica）一带的巨人，译为柏鲁克洛斯德。

他拦路抢劫，把受害人绑在床榻之上。

如果受害人身高超过床榻，柏鲁克洛斯德就截断其下肢；如果受害人身高短于床榻，他就抻长其下肢，使其与床榻齐长。

procrustean 现在喻指“强求一致的；削足适履的”；procrustean bed喻指“强求一致的制度或政策”。

例句中procrustean bed正是取了该意。

3．The Argus-eyed examiner certainly contributed to the honesty of the candidates．Argus是希腊神话中的百眼巨人，译为阿耳戈斯。

他受命护卫宙斯（Zeus）所钟爱的少女——艾奥（Io），后被众神的使者赫耳墨斯（Hermes）所杀。

他的眼睛被放在了孔雀的尾巴上。

Argus 现在喻指“机警之人”；Argus-eyed 喻指“机警的；目光锐利的”。

例句中Argus-eyed 正是取了该意。

第一篇：美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲MP3rankspeakertitle/textaudio1martin luther king, jr. "i have a dream"MP3 stream2john fitzgerald kennedyinaugural addressfranklin delano rooseveltfirst inaugural addressfranklin delano rooseveltpearl harbor address to the nationbarbara charline jordan1976 dnc keynote addressMP3 stream"checkers""the ballot or the bullet"MP3.1 MP3.2shuttle ''challenger'' disaster addressjohn fitzgerald kennedyhouston ministerial association speech"we shall overe"1984 dnc keynote address1984 dnc addressMP3.1 MP3.2 MP3.3barbara charline jordanstatement on the articles of impeachmentdouglas macarthurfarewell address to congressmartin luther king, jr."i've been to the mountaintop"theodore roosevelt"the man with the muck-rake"robert francis kennedyremarks on the assassination of mlkingfarewell addresswoodrow thomas wilsonwar messagedouglas macarthur"duty, honor, country"richard milhous nixon"the great silent majority"john fitzgerald kennedy"ich bin ein berliner"clarence seward darrow"mercy for leopold and loeb"russell h. conwell"acres of diamonds"ronald wilson reagan"a time for choosing""every man a king"franklin delano roosevelt"the arsenal of democracy"ronald wilson reagan"the evil empire"ronald wilson reaganfirst inaugural addressfranklin delano rooseveltfirst fireside chat"the truman doctrine"nobel prize acceptance speecheugene victor debs1918 statement to the courthillary rodham clinton"women's rights are human rights"dwight david eisenhower"atoms for peace"john fitzgerald kennedyamerican university mencement address MP3dorothy ann willis richards1988 dnc keynote addressMP3richard milhous nixonresignation speechMP3woodrow thomas wilson"the fourteen points"margaret chase smith"declaration of conscience"franklin delano roosevelt"the four freedoms"martin luther king, jr."a time to break silence"mary church terrell"what it means to be colored in the...u.s." william jennings bryan"against imperialism"real audio streammargaret higgins sanger"the morality of birth control"barbara pierce bush1990 wellesley college mencement addressMP3john fitzgerald kennedycivil rights addressMP3john fitzgerald kennedycuban missile crisis addressMP3spiro theodore agnew"television news coverage"MP3jesse louis jackson1988 dnc addressmary fisher"a whisper of aids"george catlett marshall"the marshall plan"MP3edward moore kennedy"truth and tolerance in america"adlai ewing stevensonpresidential nomination acceptance addressanna eleanor roosevelt"the struggle for human rights"geraldine anne ferrarovice-presidential nomination acceptance speech robert marion la follette"free speech in wartime"ronald wilson reagan40th anniversary of d-day addressMP3mario mathew cuomoedward moore kennedy"chappaquiddick"MP3john llewellyn lewis"the rights of labor"barry morris goldwaterpresidential nomination acceptance addressstokely carmichael"black power"hubert horatio humphrey1948 dnc addressemma goldmanaddress to the jurycarrie chapman catt"the crisis"newton norman minow"television and the public interest"edward moore kennedyeulogy for robert francis kennedystatement to the senate judiciary mitteeleague of nations final addresshenry louis gehrigfarewell to baseball addressMP3richard milhous nixoncambodian incursion addresscarriechapman cattaddress to the u.s. congressedward moore kennedy1980 dnc addresslyndon baines johnsonon vietnam and not seeking re-election franklin delano rooseveltmonwealth club addresswoodrow thomas wilsonfirst inaugural addressmario savio"an end to history"elizabeth glaser1992 dnc addresseugene victor debs"the issue"crystal eastman"now we can begin"huey pierce longgerald rudolph fordaddress on taking the oath of office MP3cesar estrada chavezspeech on ending his 25 day fastelizabeth gurley flynnstatement at the smith act trialjimmy earl carter"a crisis of confidence"malcolm x"message to the grassroots"william jefferson clintonoklahoma bombing memorial addressMP3gerald rudolph fordnational address pardoning richard m. nixonMP3woodrow thomas wilson"for the league of nations"lyndon baines johnson"let us continue"joseph n. welch"have you no sense of decency"anna eleanor rooseveltadopting the declaration of human rights第二篇：美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲MP3rankspeakertitle/textaudio1martin luther king, jr. "i have a dream"MP3 stream2john fitzgerald kennedyinaugural addressfranklin delano rooseveltfirst inaugural addressfranklin delano rooseveltpearl harbor address to the nationbarbara charline jordan1976 dnc keynote addressMP3 stream"checkers""the ballot or the bullet"MP3.1 MP3.2shuttle ''challenger'' disaster addressjohn fitzgerald kennedyhouston ministerial association speech"we shall overe"1984 dnc keynote address1984 dnc addressMP3.1 MP3.2 MP3.3barbara charline jordanstatement on the articles of impeachment douglas macarthurfarewell address to congressmartin luther king, jr."i've been to the mountaintop"theodore roosevelt"the man with the muck-rake"robert francis kennedyremarks on the assassination of mlking farewell addresswoodrow thomas wilsonwar messagedouglas macarthur"duty, honor, country"richard milhous nixon"the great silent majority"john fitzgerald kennedy"ich bin ein berliner"clarence seward darrow"mercy for leopold and loeb"russell h. conwell"acres of diamonds"ronald wilson 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address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:eulogy for robert francis kennedy??? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:black power·美国经典英文演讲100篇:chappaquiddick·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th anniversary of d-day address? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:presidential nomination acceptance..?? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:the marshall plan·美国经典英文演讲100篇:a whisper of aids·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 dnc address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:i’ve been to the mountaintop·美国经典英文演讲100篇:statement on the articles of impeachment? ?? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 dnc keynote address? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:houston ministerial association speech??????? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:the ballot or the bullet·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 dnc keynote address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:inaugural address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:television news coverage·美国经典英文演讲100篇:against imperialism·美国经典英文演讲100篇:the four freedoms·美国经典英文演讲100篇:american university mencement address??????? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:nobel prize acceptance speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:first fireside chat·美国经典英文演讲100篇:the evil empire·美国经典英文演讲100篇:a time for choosing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:ich bin ein berliner·美国经典英文演讲100篇:duty, honor, country·美国经典英文演讲100篇:remarks on the assassination ofmlking?? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:message to the grassroots·美国经典英文演讲100篇:address on taking the oath ofoffice? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:sproul hall sit-in speech...? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 dnc address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:statement to the senate judiciary...? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:television and the public interest ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:presidential nomination ...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:religious belief and public morality? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:vice-presidential nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:truth and tolerance in america·美国经典英文演讲100篇:the great society·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 dnc address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:brandenburg gate address第四篇：20 美国经典英文演讲100篇the great society美国经典英文演讲100篇:"the great society"lyndon baines johnson the great society[authenticity certified: text version below transcribed directly from audio.]president hatcher, governor romney, senators mcnamara and hart, congressmen meader and staebler, and other members of the fine michigan delegation, members of the graduating class, my fellow americans:it is a great pleasure to be here today. this university has been coeducational since 1870, but i do not believe it was on the basis of your acplishments that a detroit high school girl said , "in choosing a college, you first have to decide whether you want a coeducational school or aneducational school." well, we can find both here at michigan, although perhaps at different hours. i came out here today very anxious to meet the michigan student whose father told a friend of mine that his son's education had been a real value. it stopped his mother from bragging about him.i have e today from the turmoil of your capital to the tranquility of your campus to speak about the future of your country. the purpose of protecting the life of our nation and preserving the liberty of our citizens is to pursue the happinessof our people. our success in that pursuit is the test of our success as a nation.for a century we labored to settle and to subdue a continent. for half a century we called upon unbounded invention and untiring industry to create an order of plenty for all of our people. the challenge of the next half century is whether we have thewisdom to use that wealth to enrich and elevate our national life,and to advance the quality of our american civilization.your imagination and your initiative and your indignation will determine whether we build a society where progress is the servant ofour needs, or a society where old values and new visions are buriedunder unbridled growth. for in your time we have the opportunity to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the great society. the great society rests on abundance and liberty for all. itdemands an end to poverty and racial injustice, to which we aretotally mitted in our time. but that is just the beginning. the great society is a place where every child can findknowledge to enrich his mind and to enlarge his talents. it is a place where leisure is a wele chance to build and reflect, not a feared cause of boredom and restlessness. it is a place where the city of man serves not only the needs of the body and the demands of merce but the desire for beauty and the hunger for munity. it is a place where man can renew contact with nature. it is a place which honors creation for its own sake and for what is adds to the understanding of the race. it is a place where men are more concerned with the quality of their goals than the quantity of their goods.but most of all, the great society is not a safe harbor, a resting place, a final objective, a finished work. it is a challengeconstantly renewed, beckoning us toward a destiny where the meaning of our lives matches the marvelous products of our labor.so i want to talk to you today about three places where we begin to build the great society -- in our cities, in our countryside, and in our classrooms.many of you will live to see the day, perhaps 50 years from now, when there will be 400 million americans -- four-fifths of them in urban areas. in the remainder of this century urban population will double,city land will double, and we will have to build homes and highways and facilities equal to all those built since this country was first settled. so in the next 40 years we must re-build the entire urban united states. aristotle said: "men e together in cities in order to live, but they remain together in order to live the good life." it is harder and harder to live the good life in american cities today. the catalog of ills islong: there is the decay of the centers and the despoiling of the suburbs. there is not enough housing for our people or transportationfor our traffic. open land is vanishing and old landmarks are violated. worst of all expansion is eroding these precious and time honored values of munity with neighbors and munion with nature. the loss of thesevalues breeds loneliness and boredom and indifference.and our society will never be great until our cities are great.today the frontier of imagination and innovation is inside those cities and not beyond their borders. new experiments arealready going on. it will be the task of your generation to make the american city a place where future generations will e, not only to live, but to live the good life. and i understand that if i stayed heretonight i would see that michigan students are really doing their bestto live the good life.this is the place where the peace corps was started.it is inspiring to see how all of you, while you are in this country, are trying so hard to live at the level of the people.a second place where we begin to build the great society is in our countryside. we have always prided ourselves on being not only america the strong and america the free, but america the beautiful. today that beauty is in danger. the water we drink,the food we eat, the very air that we breathe, are threatened with pollution. our parks are overcrowded, our seashoresoverburdened. green fields and dense forests are disappearing.a few years ago we were greatly concerned about the "ugly american." today we must act to prevent an ugly america. for once the battle is lost, once our natural splendor isdestroyed, it can never be recaptured. and once man can no longer walk with beauty or wonder at nature his spirit will wither and his sustenance be wasted.a third place to build the great society is in the classrooms of america. there your children's lives will be shaped. our society willnot be great until every young mind is set free to scan the farthest reaches of thought and imagination. we are still far from that goal. today, 8 million adult americans, more than the entire population of michigan, have not finished 5 years of school. nearly 20 million havenot finished 8 years of school. nearly 54 million -- more than one quarter of all america -- have not even finished high school.each year more than 100,000 high school graduates, withproved ability, do not enter college because they cannot afford it. and if we cannot educate today's youth, what will we do in 1970 when elementary school enrollment will be 5 million greater than 1960? and high school enrollment will rise by 5 million. and college enrollment will increase by more than 3 million.in many places, classrooms are overcrowded and curricula are outdated. most of our qualified teachers are underpaid and many of our paid teachers are unqualified. so we must give every child a place tosit and a teacher to learn from. poverty must not be a bar to learning, and learning must offer an escape from poverty.but more classrooms and more teachers are not enough. we must seek an educational system which grows in excellence as it grows in size.this means better training for our teachers. it means preparing youth to enjoy their hours of leisure as well as their hours of labor. it means exploring new techniques ofteaching, to find new ways to stimulate the love of learning and the capacity for creation.these are three of the central issues of the great society. while our government has many programs directed at those issues, i do not pretend that we have the full answer to those problems. but i do promise this: we are going to assemble the bestthought and the broadest knowledge from all over the world to find those answers for america.i intend to establish working groups to prepare a series of white house conferences and meetings -- on the cities, on natural beauty, on the quality of education, and on other emerging challenges. and from these meetings and from this inspiration and from these studies we will begin to set our course toward the great society.the solution to these problems does not rest on a massive program in washington, nor can it rely solely on the strained resources of local authority. they require us to create new concepts of cooperation, a creative federalism, between the national capital and the leaders of local munities.woodrow wilson once wrote: "every man sent out from his university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time."within your lifetime powerful forces, already loosed, will take us toward a way of life beyond the realm of our experience, almost beyond the bounds of our imagination.for better or for worse, your generation has been appointed byhistory to deal with those problems and to lead america toward a new age. you have the chance never before afforded to any people in any age. you can help build a society where thedemands of morality, and the needs of the spirit, can be realized in the life of the nation.so, will you join in the battle to give every citizen the fullequality which god enjoins and the law requires, whatever his belief, or race, or the color of his skin?will you join in the battle to give every citizen an escape from the crushing weight of poverty?will you join in the battle to make it possible for all nations to live in enduring peace -- as neighbors and not as mortal enemies?will you join in the battle to build the great society, to provethat our material progress is only the foundation on which we will build a richer life of mind and spirit?there are those timid souls that say this battle cannot be won; that we are condemned to a soulless wealth. i do not agree. we have the power to shape the civilization that we want. but we need your will and your labor and your hearts, if we are to build that kind of society.those who came to this land sought to build more than just a new country. they sought a new world. so i have e here today to your campus to say that you can make their vision our reality. so let us from this moment begin our work so that in the future men will look back and say: it was then, after a long and weary way, that man turned the exploits of his genius to the full enrichment of his life.thank you. good-bye.第五篇：美国经典英文演讲100篇the_marshall_plan美国经典英文演讲100篇:"the marshall plan"george c. marshallthe marshall plan[authenticity certified: text version below transcribed directlyfrom audio.]mr. president, dr. conant, members of the board of overseers, ladies and gentlemen:i am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great pliment accorded me by the authorities of harvard this morning.i am overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and i am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. in these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position.but to speak more seriously, i need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. that must be apparent to all intelligent people. i think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous plexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to prehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of europe and the effect of thosereactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.in considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of europe,the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has bee obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of european economy.for the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. thefeverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of thewar effort engulfed all aspects ofnational economies. machinery has fallen into disrepair or isentirely obsolete. under the arbitrary and destructive nazi rule,virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the german war machine. long-standing mercial ties, privateinstitutions, banks, insurance panies, and shipping panies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. in many countries, confidence in the localcurrency has been severely shaken. the breakdown of the business structure of europe during the war was plete. recovery has beenseriouslyretarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with germany and austria has not beenagreed upon. but even given a more prompt solution of thesedifficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greatereffort than had been foreseen.there is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. the farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. this division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. at the present time it is threatened with breakdown. the town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. raw materials and fuel are in short supply. machinery, as i have said, is lacking or worn out. the farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. so the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. he, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. he feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. so, thegovernments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. this process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no goodfor the world. the modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. the truth of the matter is that europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from america -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political。