奥巴马告别演讲

奥巴马告别演讲稿中文翻译尊敬的美国人民：我向你们致以最诚挚的问候。

八年前，我在这个舞台上发表第一篇演讲时，我向你们承诺将尽我所能为我们的国家服务。

今天，我再次站在这里，感谢你们让我成为这个伟大国家的一部分。

这些年来，我们经历了很多困难，但也取得了许多成就。

我们克服了经济衰退，创造了数百万个就业机会，降低了失业率。

我们了医疗保健系统，使更多的人能够获得负担得起的保健服务。

我们实施了历史上最严格的环境保护政策，致力于应对气候变化。

我们还废除了同性婚姻的禁止，推动了人权的进展。

但是，我们还有很多工作要做。

我们的经济复苏没有让每个人都受益，仍有太多的人无法获得工作机会和合理的收入。

我们面临着日益严峻的气候问题，我们需要更加努力地保护我们的星球。

我们需要继续努力消除贫困、不平等、种族歧视和仇恨。

我们的成功建立在我们的价值观之上，这些价值观是我们作为国家所共同拥有的。

我们的多样性和包容性是我们的力量所在，我们必须坚持这些价值观，抵制种族主义、嫉妒和狭隘的观念。

我相信，我们的未来将更加美好，因为我相信你们。

我相信你们的智慧、勇气和慷慨是我们取得进步的关键。

我们需要你们继续参与公共事务，为实现我们共同的目标而努力。

最后，我要感谢我的家人，特别是我的妻子米歇尔和我的两个女儿。

你们的支持和爱意味着世界于我意味着一切。

就像我刚上任时所说的那样，我们并不是面临无解的问题，我们是面临困难但可克服的挑战。

让我们继续相信我们的国家、我们的人民，并努力为建设更加美好的未来而奋斗。

感谢大家。

愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美国。

奥巴马告别演说2017年美国东部时间1月10日晚九点(北京时间 11 日上午 10 点)，奥巴马在家乡芝加哥的McCormick Place会展中心发表八年总统任期的告别演说。

巧的是，2008年他的胜出演说也是在芝加哥发表，也算是某种程度的圆满吧。

即将结束总统任期的奥巴马，回到了他的第二故乡、他政治生涯的起源地芝加哥，向全国发表告别演说。

很高兴回家，回到芝加哥!回家真好!正如你们所见，我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统，因为没有人再听从我的指示，正如现场大家每个人都有个座位。

很高兴回到家乡。

我的朋友们，过去几周中我们收到了许多真诚的祝福，我和米歇尔深受感动。

今晚，轮到我来对你们说声感谢。

不论我们站在相同的政治立场上还是从未达成共识，不论我们是在房间还是学校、农场还是工厂车间、餐桌还是野外，我们之间的对话都让我更加诚实、更加奋进，也帮助我深受启发。

每天，我都在向你们学习。

你们帮助我成为一个更称职的总统，也帮助我成为一个更好的人。

我是在二十多岁的时候第一次来芝加哥，当时我仍然处于懵懵懂懂的阶段，仍然在寻求生活的意义。

我开始与一些教会团体在已经关门的钢铁生产厂附近工作，当时那些小区离今天的会场不远。

在那些街道中，我见证了信仰的力量，也在工人斗争中见证了工人阶级无声的尊严。

这个时候，我明白了只有当普通人民团结起来、参与进来并致力于争取权力，社会变革才能发生。

在担任八年的美国总统后，我仍然相信这一条结论。

这不仅仅是我个人的想法，也是根植在美国人心中的核心价值观，即寻求自主管理的大胆实验。

我们每个人相信，我们生来平等，享有造物主赋予我们的一些不可剥夺的权利，包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。

尽管这些权利看上去是显而易见，但是这些权利却从来不会自动实现。

正是美国人民通过民主政治的渠道，坚持追求这些权利，我们才能够成为一个更加完美的联合体。

这是我们的先驱赋予我们的礼物，让我们有自由通过自己的辛勤劳动、梦想和努力来追求每个人不同的梦想。

奥巴马告别演讲Together, we've brought home most of our brave troops from Iraq and Afghanistan,我们一起让我们在伊拉克和阿富汗英勇的部队大部分都回到国内,took Bin Laden and thousands of other terrorists off the battlefield for good.围剿了本·拉登和数千名其他的恐怖分子,让其无法再上战场。

We've opened a new chapter with the people of Cuba, shutdown Iran's nuclear weapon program without fire a single shot,我们与古巴人民开启了新篇章,没有开一枪就关闭了伊朗的核武器项目,and brought the world together around a climate agreement that could save this planet for future generations.把世界各国团结在一个气候协议下,这将为后代拯救这个星球。

By these measures and many more, we've made America a better stronger place for the generations that follows us.通过这些以及许多其他的措施,我们为后代们把美国建设成了更好更强大的国度。

We brought our leg in a long journey of progress, knowing that our work is and will always be unfinished.我们让我们的步伐深入到更长远进展的征程中,认识到我们的工作是,将一直是没有完成的。

奥巴马国会告别演讲稿英文Ladies and gentlemen,。

It's been a long and eventful journey, but as my time as President comes to an end, I stand before you today to bid farewell to the United States Congress and the American people. It has been the honor of a lifetime to serve as the 44th President of this great nation, and I am grateful for the trust and support that you have given me over the past eight years.When I first took office, our country was facing one of the greatest economic crises in history. The financial system was on the brink of collapse, millions of Americans were losing their homes, and the unemployment rate was soaring. But through hard work and determination, we were able to turn the tide and set our nation on a path to recovery. Today, our economy is stronger than ever, with over 15 million new jobs created and the unemployment rate cut in half.But our accomplishments go beyond just economic recovery. We have made great strides in healthcare, with the passage of the Affordable Care Act, which has provided millions of Americans with access to affordable, quality healthcare. We have also taken significant steps in the fight against climate change, with the historic Paris Agreement and the Clean Power Plan. And we have worked tirelessly to promote equality and justice for all, regardless of race, religion, gender, or sexual orientation.Of course, our work is far from finished. There are still many challenges facing our nation, from the threat of terrorism to the need for comprehensive immigration reform. But I am confident that, with the same spirit of unity and determination that has brought us this far, we will continue to make progress and build a better future for our children and grandchildren.As I reflect on my time in office, I am reminded of the words of President Abraham Lincoln, who once said, "The best way to predict your future is to create it." Together, we have created a future that is brighter and more hopeful than ever before. And as I prepareto pass the baton to my successor, I am filled with optimism and confidence in the resilience and strength of the American people.In closing, I want to express my deepest gratitude to all of you for your support and dedication. It has been the privilege of my life to serve as your President, and I will carry the memories and lessons of these past eight years with me always. Thank you, and may God bless the United States of America.。

奥巴马离职演说尊敬的美国国民：大家好。

我想用这最后的机会向你们致以我的衷心感谢。

过去的八年里，我有幸能够为这个伟大的国家服务，成为美国历史上第44任总统。

今天，我站在这里向你们告别，对于这段履职时光，我怀着深深的敬意回顾并展望未来。

当我刚刚就任总统时，我们正面临着一系列的挑战。

经济正处于衰退期，数百万人失去了工作，医疗保健系统亟需改革，恐怖主义的威胁正在蔓延。

然而，我们不曾畏惧，我们紧紧抓住这些挑战，为美国人民做出了艰苦的努力。

经过不懈的努力，我们踏上了经济复苏的道路。

失业率降低，房市逐步恢复，经济增长放缓。

我们通过推动医疗保健改革，为数百万人民提供了医疗保障。

我们击败了恐怖主义，推动全球减少核武器威胁的努力。

这一切的成就并不是我一个人的功劳，而是来自全体美国人民的辛勤付出。

我们的国家在过去八年中发生了翻天覆地的变化。

我们见证了奋发向前的新一代，他们在各个领域彪炳史册。

我们一起为更加公正的社会而奋斗，为消除种族主义的阴影而努力。

我们致力于保护我们共同的家园地球，推动清洁能源的发展，以保护我们的地球家园。

然而，我们仍然面临许多挑战。

人们的收入分配仍然不均，贫困问题依然存在，科技发展带来的变革给许多人带来了不确定性。

我们必须团结一心，继续努力，解决这些问题，并为未来的世代创造更加美好的生活。

我要感谢我的家人，他们始终支持我，鼓励我。

没有他们的支持，我不可能完成我的任务。

我也要感谢我的团队，他们为了国家的利益不辞辛劳，为了美国的未来而奋斗。

最后，我要感谢每一个美国人民。

无论你的信仰、种族、性别、经济地位如何，你们是这个国家的基石。

你们的坚定和勇气让这个国家伟大。

我希望你们继续相信自己的力量，团结一心，为实现更加光明的未来而努力。

谢谢大家。

愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==奥巴马告别演说词篇一：奥巴马告别演说全文奥巴马告别演说全文：八年执政，他对医疗、种族、环境、恐怖主义感慨良多你好，芝加哥！回家的感觉真好！谢谢，谢谢大家！在过去几个星期里，我和Michelle收到了各种美好的祝愿，我们非常感动，感谢大家对我的支持。

今晚我仍然要向你们表达我的感谢，是你们，身处各地，各个场所的每一位美国人让我保持真诚，是你们给了我灵感，并一直激励着我前进。

我每天都在向你们学习，是你们让我成为一个更好的总统，成为一个更优秀的人。

我第一次来到芝加哥还是20岁出头的时候，当时我还处在找寻自我的阶段，还在为自己的生活寻找方向。

就在离这不远的一个社区，我开始参与教会团体工作。

在这些街区，我看到了信仰的力量，看到了劳动人民面对困境和失意时那种安静的尊严。

就是在这里，我了解到只有普通民众都参与进来，变革才会发生，只有我们的力量联合起来，社会才会进步。

现在八年时间过去了，我仍然坚信这一点。

我相信，这不只是我自己的一个信念，也是我们整个美国思想的核心所在——对自治进行大胆地尝试。

我们的信念一直是，生来平等，造物者赋予我们一些不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命、自由以及对幸福的追求。

这些权利，虽然人人都有，但并不能自动实现。

我们，每一个公民，必须通过民主的工具，来创建一个更加完美的国家。

这是造物者赐予我们的礼物，我们拥有用汗水、辛劳和想象力去追逐我们的个人梦想和自由，同时也承担有团结一致，实现更高目标的义务。

我们的国家并不是一开始就是完美的，但是我们已经展示出了改变的能力，并为每一位追随者提供更好的生活。

是的，我们的进步并不均衡，民主工作也一直很艰难，同时存在一定的争议，并且有时是血腥的。

每向前迈两步，给人的感觉往往是还要往后退一步。

但是美国在漫长的发展过程中，我们一直锐意进取，不断拓宽我们的信条，去拥抱所有，而不仅仅是其中一部分。

ted演讲稿中英文对照奥巴马告别演讲中英对照原文）YoucantellthatI"malameduck,becausenobodyisfollowinginstructions.你们叫我跛脚鸭总统好了,都没有人听从我的指示.（掌声依然停不下来.）Everybodyhaveaseat.大家都坐下吧.（求你们了.）MyfellowAmericans,MichelleandIhavebeensotouchedbyallthewell-wisheswe" vereceivedoverthepastfewweeks.Buttonightit"smyturntosaythanks.Whether we"veseeneye-to-eyeorrarelyagreedatall,myconversationswithyou,theAmer icanpeople--inlivingroomsandschools;atfarmsandonfactoryfloors;atdiner sandondistantoutposts--arewhathavekeptmehonest,keptmeinspired,andkept megoing.Everyday,Ilearnedfromyou.YoumademeabetterPresident,andyoumade meabetterman.我的美国同胞们,最近几周,米歇尔和我收到了无数令人感动的祝福,今晚轮到我来表达谢意了.不管我们曾经意见相合还是相左,各位美国同胞,我同你们的每一次对话,不管是在会客厅还是在学校,在农场还是工厂车间,在餐桌上还是在遥远的边哨,这些交流都让我保持真诚,充满斗志,勇往直前.每一天,我都从你们身上学到东西.是你们让我成为一个更好的总统,一个更好的人.IfirstcametoChicagowhenIwasinmyearlytwenties,stilltryingtofigureoutwh oIwas;stillsearchingforapurposetomylife.Itwasinneighborhoodsnotfarfro mherewhereIbeganworkingwithchurchgroupsintheshadowsofclosedsteelmills .ItwasonthesestreetswhereIwitnessedthepoweroffaith,andthequietdignity ofworkingpeopleinthefaceofstruggleandloss.ThisiswhereIlearnedthatchan geonlyhappenswhenordinarypeoplegetinvolved,getengaged,andetogethertod emandit.我第一次来到芝加哥的时候,还是一个20岁出头的小伙子,试图寻找自我定位,寻找生活的目标.我最初就是在这附近的街区,在一个被关闭的钢厂旁,和教会团体一起工作.我就是在这里的街道上见证了信仰的力量,见证了这些靠双手吃饭的人面对生活的挣扎和失利时展现出的那种安静的尊严.（观众：连任!连任!连任!）我不能这样.（观众：连任!连任!连任!）就是在这里,我了解到只有普通民众都参与进来,热情投入,变革才会发生,只有我们的力量联合起来,社会才会进步.AftereightyearsasyourPresident,Istillbelievethat.Andit"snotjustmyb elief.It"sthebeatingheartofourAmericanidea--ourboldexperimentinself-g overnment.现在八年时间过去了,我仍然坚信这一点.我相信,这不只是我自己的一个信念,也是我们整个美国思想的核心所在——对自治进行大胆地尝试.It"stheconvictionthatweareallcreatedequal,endowedbyourCreatorwithc ertainunalienablerights,amongthemlife,liberty,andthepursuitofhappines s.我们的信念一直是,生来平等,造物者赋予我们一些不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命、自由以及对幸福的追求.It"stheinsistencethattheserights,whileself-evident,haveneverbeenself-executing;thatWe,thePeople,throughtheinstrumentofourdemocracy,canform amoreperfectunion.这些权利,虽然人人都有,但并不能自动实现.我们,每一个公民,必须通过的工具,来创建一个更加完美的国家.ThisisthegreatgiftourFoundersgaveus.Thefreedomtochaseourindividualdre amsthroughoursweat,toil,andimagination--andtheimperativetostrivetoget heraswell,toachieveagreatergood.这是造物者赐予我们的礼物,我们拥有用汗水、辛劳和想象力去追逐我们的个人梦想和自由,以及共同奋斗、实现更伟大共同利益的责任.For240years,ournation"scalltocitizenshiphasgivenworkandpurposetoea chnewgeneration.It"swhatledpatriotstochooserepublicovertyranny,pionee rstotrekwest,slavestobravethatmakeshiftrailroadtofreedom.It"swhatpull。

奥巴马告别演讲(含完整中英文双语) 英文原文：THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Chicago! (Applause.) It's good to be home! (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. (Applause.) All right, everybody sit down. (Applause.) We're on live TV here. I've got to move. (Applause.) You can tell that I'm a lame duck because nobody is following instructions. (Laughter.) Everybody have a seat. (Applause.)My fellow Americans — (applause) — Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well wishes that we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight, it's my turn to say thanks. (Applause.) Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people, in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on factory floors, at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man. (Applause.)So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still trying to figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose in my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!THE PRESIDENT: I can't do that.AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!THE PRESIDENT: This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government. It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.What a radical idea. A great gift that our Founders gave to us: The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat and toil and imagination, and the imperative to strive together, as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. (Applause.) It's what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It's what powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq and Afghanistan. And why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs, as well. (Applause.)So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional — not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It's always been contentious. Sometimes it's been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all and not just some. (Applause.)If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history — (applause) — if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9/11 — (applause) — if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — (applause) — if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that's what we did. (Applause.) That's what you did.You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. (Applause.)In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy.AUDIENCE: Nooo —THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no, no, no — the peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected President to the next. (Applause.) I committed to President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. (Applause.) Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. (Applause.) Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.That's what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued. They quarreled. Eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all in this together; that we rise or fall as one. (Applause.)There have been moments throughout our history that threatens that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forceshaven't just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.To begin with, our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (Applause.) The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. (Applause.) Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said and I mean it — if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system and that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (Applause.)Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit, but to make people's lives better. (Applause.)But for all the real progress that we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class. (Applause.) That's the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and in rural counties, have been left behind —the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or health care worker who's just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — that's a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.And so we're going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need — (applause) — to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most fromthis new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their very success possible. (Applause.)We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.There's a second threat to our democracy — and this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now, I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. (Applause.) You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.But we're not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do. (Applause.) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (Applause.) If we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America's workforce. (Applause.) And we have shown that our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.So if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. (Applause.) That is what our Constitution and our highest ideals require. (Applause.)But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. It won't change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction — Atticus Finch — (applause) —who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his po int of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.For blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — not only the refugee,or the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he's got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen. (Applause.)For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s — (applause) — that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment but the equal treatment that our Founders promised. (Applause.)For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles — who it was said we're going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and this nation was strengthened. (Applause.)So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try harder. We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (Applause.)And that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it's true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there. (Applause.)And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is a battle of ideas. That's how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter —(applause) — then we're going to keep talking past each other, and we'll make common ground and compromise impossible. (Applause.)And isn't that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? (Applause.) How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. (Applause.)Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled our renewable energy; we've led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. (Applause.) But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country — the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders. (Applause.)It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.It's that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might — that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and assembly, and an independent press. (Applause.)That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops — (applause) — no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years. (Applause.) And although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including bin Laden. (Applause.) The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. (Applause.)And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude. (Applause.)But protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. (Applause.)And that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That's why we've ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. (Applause.) That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we are. (Applause.)That's why we cannot withdraw from big global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, and women's rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.So let's be vigilant, but not afraid. (Applause.) ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. (Applause.) Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for — (applause) — and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. (Applause.) All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. (Applause.) When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote. (Applause.) When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. (Applause.) When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. (Applause.)But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging.Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. (Applause.) We, the people, give it meaning. With our participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that we forge. (Applause.) Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That's up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one. (Applause.)America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing to enter into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them. (Applause.)It falls to each of us to be those those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually try to improve this greatnation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title, the most important office in a democracy: Citizen. (Applause.) Citizen.So, you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life. (Applause.) If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. (Applause.) If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. (Applause.) Show up. Dive in. Stay at it.Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America — and in Americans — will be confirmed. (Applause.)Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again. I've seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I've seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or work for peace, and, above all, to look out for each other. (Applause.)So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change — that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004, in 2008, 2012 —(applause) — maybe you still can't believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let me tell you, you're not the only ones. (Laughter.)Michelle — (applause) — Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side —(applause) — for the past 25 years, you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (Applause.) You took on a role you didn't ask for and you made it your own, with grace and with grit and with style and good humor. (Applause.) You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. (Applause.) And the new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.(Applause.) So you have made me proud. And you have made the country proud. (Applause.)Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. (Applause.) You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad. (Applause.)To Joe Biden — (applause) — the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite son — you were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best. (Applause.) Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives. (Applause.)To my remarkable staff: For eight years — and for some of you, a whole lot more — I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried to reflect back what you displayed — heart, and character, and idealism. I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we've done is the thought of all the amazing things that you're going to achieve from here. (Applause.)And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will be forever grateful. (Applause.)Because you did change the world. (Applause.) You did.And that's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference — (applause) — to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I've seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. (Applause.) You know that constant change has been America's。

奥巴马告别演讲英文全文美国东部时间2017年1月10日晚9点（北京时间1月11日10点），奥巴马在芝加哥迈考密展览中心发表告别演说。

离别之际，奥巴马对自己的人民、民主制度、社会问题以及国家未来的发展与走向都提出了希冀。

以下是奥巴马的告别演讲全文：It's good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight it's my turn to say thanks. Whether we've seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment inself-government.It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never beenself-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny,pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan –and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.But that's what we did. That's what you did. You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.That's what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven't just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.In other words, it will determine our future.Our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.That, after all, is why we serve – to make people's lives better, not worse.But for all the real progress we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.There's a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.But we're not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America's workforce. And our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That's what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around i n it.”For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he's got all the advantages, but who's seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation's creed, and it was strengthened.So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.None of this is easy. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that's out there.This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we'll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we'll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.Isn't that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolderaction, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change; they'll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.It's that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.It's that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles –the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We've taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global coalitionwe're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the valuesthat make us who we are. That's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That's why we've ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That's why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women's rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.So let's be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured. In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attem pt to alienateany portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.Ultimately, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I've mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I've seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks.I've seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn't possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 –and maybe you still can't believe we pulled this whole thing off.You're not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you've been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn't ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You've made me proud. You've made the country proud.Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I'm most proud to be your dad.To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I've drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we've done is the thought of all the remarkable things you'll achieve from here.And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.That's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up –unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I've seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America's hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You'll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won't stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you're young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:Yes We Can.Yes We Did.Yes We Can.Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.。

中英对照原文：Hello SkybrookIt's good to be homeThank you, everybodyThank you.Thank you.Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.It's good to be home.Thank you.你好,芝加哥回家的感觉真好谢谢,谢谢大家省略N个谢谢We're on live TV here, I've got to move.我们正在电视直播呢,我要开始演讲了.现场观众非常热情,掌声不停啊...You can tell that I'm a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.你们叫我“跛脚鸭”总统好了,都没有人听从我的指示.掌声依然停不下来...Everybody have a seat.大家都坐下吧.求你们了...My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight it's my turn to say thanks. Whether we've seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people -- in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts -- are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.我的美国同胞们,最近几周,米歇尔和我收到了无数令人感动的祝福,今晚轮到我来表达谢意了.不管我们曾经意见相合还是相左,各位美国同胞,我同你们的每一次对话,不管是在会客厅还是在学校,在农场还是工厂车间,在餐桌上还是在遥远的边哨,这些交流都让我保持真诚,充满斗志,勇往直前.每一天,我都从你们身上学到东西.是你们让我成为一个更好的总统,一个更好的人.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.我第一次来到芝加哥的时候,还是一个20岁出头的小伙子,试图寻找自我定位,寻找生活的目标.我最初就是在这附近的街区,在一个被关闭的钢厂旁,和教会团体一起工作.我就是在这里的街道上见证了信仰的力量,见证了这些靠双手吃饭的人面对生活的挣扎和失利时展现出的那种安静的尊严.观众：连任连任连任我不能这样.观众：连任连任连任就是在这里,我了解到只有普通民众都参与进来,热情投入,变革才会发生,只有我们的力量联合起来,社会才会进步.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea -- our bold experimentin self-government.现在八年时间过去了,我仍然坚信这一点.我相信,这不只是我自己的一个信念,也是我们整个美国思想的核心所在——对自治进行大胆地尝试.It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.我们的信念一直是,生来平等,造物者赋予我们一些不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命、自由以及对幸福的追求.It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.这些权利,虽然人人都有,但并不能自动实现.我们,每一个公民,必须通过民主的工具,来创建一个更加完美的国家.This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination -- and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.这是造物者赐予我们的礼物,我们拥有用汗水、辛劳和想象力去追逐我们的个人梦想和自由,以及共同奋斗、实现更伟大共同利益的责任.For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan -- and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.240年以来,我们国家对公民使命的召唤使得每一代人都有每一代人的工作和目标.正是这一召唤引领着爱国者推翻暴政、选择共和,引领着西进运动,引领着勇敢的奴隶们建造通向自由的地下铁路.它也吸引着大批移民和难民越过大洋、越过格兰德河位于美墨之间来到这片土地,鼓动女性走向投票站,给工人们以团结的动力.这是为什么美国大兵在奥马哈海滩译者注：奥马哈海滩为二战诺曼底战役中盟军主要登陆点之一的代号、硫磺岛战役译者注：硫磺岛战役为二战太平洋战争中最激烈的战斗之一、伊拉克和阿富汗中挥洒鲜血,为什么从塞尔玛译者注：1965年马丁·路德·金在塞尔玛领导争取黑人权益的抗议游行到格林尼治石墙译者注：1969年美国同性恋者在格林尼治石墙酒吧进行暴力示威,争取权利的男男女女也都准备好了,要献出他们的生命.So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.这就是为什么我们说美国是独一无二的.我们的国家并不是一开始就是完美无瑕,而是我们有能力做出改变,让追随美国梦的人拥有更好的生活.Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.是的,我们取得的进步并不对每个人来说都是公平的,民主的事业总是艰难的、充满争议的,有时甚至是血腥的.每向前迈两步,给人的感觉却是我们退后了一步.但是美国在漫长的发展过程中,我们一直锐意进取,不断拓宽我们的信条,去拥抱所有人,而不仅仅是其中一部分人.If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history...if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11...if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens -- you might have said our sights were set a little too high.如果八年前,我告诉你们,美国将扭转大衰退,重振汽车行业,并创造出历史以来最多的就业机会；如果当时我告诉你们,我们将与古巴人民开启一个新的篇章,停止伊朗核武器计划并揪出9/11事件的幕后主使；如果当时我告诉你们,我们将实现婚姻平等,为另外2000万的同胞赢得健康保险的权利；如果当时我告诉你们这些,你们可能会说我的目标定得太高了.But that's what we did. That's what you did. You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.但是现在这就是我们所做到的,这就是你们所做到的.是你们促成了这些变化,你们让希望成真,也正是因为你们,无论从哪个角度看,现在的美国比我上任时变得更好、更强.In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.十天之内,世界将会见证我们民主的一个标志：观众：不——自由选举选出的总统之间,权力交接应当是和平的.我已向即将就职总统的特朗普先生承诺,我的团队将会尽己所能保证平稳交接,就像布什总统之前为我做的一样.因为我们所有人都需要确保政府可以帮助我们应对目前面临的诸多挑战.We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.我们拥有这些,我们拥有一切应对挑战的武器.毕竟,我们仍然是这个世界上最富有、最强大、最受尊敬的国家.我们的青年和发展动力,我们的多样性和开放程度,我们应对风险和进行革新的能力,都在向我们表明未来应该是属于我们的.But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.但是,只有我们保持民主这些潜力才会发挥出来.只有当我们的政治反映出人民的正直,只有我们所有人,不论党派关系或特殊利益,都有助于推动我们实现共同目的的渴望时,这些潜力才会发挥出来.That's what I want to focus on tonight -- the state of our democracy.这就是今晚我想说的重点——我们的民主体制.Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity -- the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.要知道,民主并不强求一致.我们的领袖会争吵,会妥协,但他们知道民主需要一种基本的团结意识,虽然我们存在各种差异,但我们却是一个整体,我们共兴亡.There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism -- these forces haven't just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.历史上,我们国家的团结曾多次受到威胁.在本世纪初,我们的国家就面临了这样的挑战：世界不断变小,不平等持续扩大,人口变化以及恐怖主义蔓延,这些因素不只是对我们国家安全和经济繁荣的考验,也是对我们民主体制的考验.我们如何来应对这些挑战,将决定我们是否有能力教育好我们的孩子,创造新的就业机会,并保护我们的家园.换言之,怎样应对挑战将决定我们的未来.Our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.首先,我们的民主政体发挥作用的前提是我们承认每个人都在经济发展中享有机会.值得高兴的是今天的美国经济正在增长.薪资水平、房产价值和退休金都在增长.贫困率正在降低.股价实现历史新高,而富裕阶层的交税比例也日趋合理.失业率实现了十年最低.参保比例达到了从未有过的高水平.Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system -- that covers as many people at less cost -- I will publicly support it.医疗成本的增长速度实现了半个世纪以来的最低水平.如我之前所说,如果有哪个方案可以实现医疗体系的更大提升,实现以更低成本覆盖更多人群,那么我一定会公开支持这一方案,我当时所说是认真的.That, after all, is why we serve -- to make people's lives better, not worse.But for all the real progress we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growingmiddle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind -- the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills -- convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful -- a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.我当选后,出现了一种说法是美国进入后种族时代种族歧视已经不存在,这只是一个愿景,并不是现实.因为种族问题在我们的社会中仍然是一种强有力的分裂力量.虽然这一问题得到了某种程度的改善,但我们每一个人都需要做出更多的努力.毕竟,如果每一个经济问题都被看作是勤劳的白人中产阶级和不受欢迎的少数民族之间的矛盾,那所有种族的工人只能是争夺蝇头小利,而富人坐收渔翁之利.There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.但是针对这种长期形成的问题,没有快速解决方案.我同意我们应该在推行自由贸易的同时重视贸易公平.但是其他国家的影响不会是下一次经济危机爆发的原因,持续的自动化发展才会带来这样的后果.自动化将使许多优质岗位上的中产阶级工人被取代.And so we must forge a new social compact -- to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.因此,我们必须达成一份新的社会契约以保证所有孩子能够接受他们所需的教育,以给予工人联合在一起的力量从而争取更高薪资,以完善社会保障从而使其更加适应我们现在的生活状况,以推进税收改革,从而使那些在我们经济体中攫取最多的公司和个人承担起对国家的义务,因为他们正是仰赖国家才得以取得成功.我们可以就如何才能更好地实现这些目标展开讨论.但是我们不能因这些目标本身而感到自满.因为如果我们不能为所有人创造机会的话,不满和分裂会阻碍我们的进步,并且这种阻力会逐年增强.There's a second threat to our democracy -- one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago -- you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.我们的民主政体还面临第二道威胁,这一威胁几乎和我们的国家一样古老.我当选总统之后,出现了后种族时代的说法.这样的图景是美好的,但从未实现.种族问题依然是造成我们社会分裂的一股强力.现在,不管有些人持怎样的说法,我的阅历告诉我种族间的关系比10年、20年或30年前都要融洽.你可以从数据中看到这一点,不同政治背景的年轻美国人所持的态度也可以证实这一点.But we're not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children -- because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America's workforce. And our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.但是我们现在所实现的仍不够,我们还应付出更多努力.如果把每个经济问题都视为努力工作的白人中产阶级和不付出劳动的少数群体之间的斗争,那么各个阶层工人的努力都只是徒劳,富裕阶层却得以进一步坚守他们的既得利益.如果我们单凭移民群体的孩子和我们相貌不同便不愿意投资在他们身上,那么我们将同时损害我们自己孩子的前途.因为那些棕色皮肤的孩子将逐渐成为美国劳动力中越来越重要的一部分.经济并不一定是一场零和博弈,这一点已经被证实了.去年,不同种族、年龄和性别群体的收入都实现了增长.Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That's what our Constitution and highest ideals require.所以如果我们想要严肃地对待种族问题,我们就应该支持反歧视的相关法律.这些法律包括雇佣、住房、教育和司法体系方面的反歧视.这是我们宪法的要求,也是我们最高理想的要求.But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said "You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view...until you climb into his skin and walk around in it."但是仅仅依靠法律是不够的.我们必须转变观念,当然这种转变不会在一朝一夕间实现.社会观念的转变一般通过几代人的努力才能完成.但是我们的民主制度将继续在这个多元的国家中发挥作用.而我们每一个人都应该从一部美国小说中的主角身上吸取教训,这一角色是阿提克斯·芬奇译者注：阿提克斯·芬奇为作家哈珀·李的小说杀死一只知更鸟中塑造的正直律师的典范形象,他曾说“除非你站在另一个人的角度考虑问题,除非你爬进他的身体并来回走动,否则你是不会真正了解这个人的.”For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face -- the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he's got all the advantages, but who's seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.对于黑人和其他少数群体来说,应该将我们为正义而进行的奋斗同其他群体正面临的挑战联系在一起.这些群体不仅包括难民、移民、城市里的贫穷家庭和跨性别美国人,还包括中年白人,因为他们也许看起来具有优势,但他们同时也正面临经济、文化和技术方面的变革.我们应该关注他们,倾听他们的想法.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.对于美国白人来说,这意味着我们要明白奴隶制的影响和吉姆·克劳法译者注：吉姆·克劳法为1876年至1965年间美国南部及边境各州对有色人种实行的种族隔离制度的法律并不是在60年代凭空消失的,我们要明白少数群体发出不满时,他们不是为了反对种族主义或倡导政治正确.当他们发起和平示威时,他们不是在要求特殊对待,他们只是在要求国父们承诺的平等对待.For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation's creed, and it was strengthened.对于本土美国人来说,这意味着我们要认识到自己今天对于移民的种种偏见,如针对爱尔兰人、意大利人和波兰人的偏见,将摧毁美国最本质的精神.正如我们所见,美国并没有因为这些移民而走向衰落；这些移民忠于美国倡导的宗旨,他们的到来使美国变得更强.So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.因此无论我们持什么立场,我们都应该更加努力.我们都应该以这样的认知为出发点：每一个公民都同我们一样热爱着这个国家,同我们一样努力工作、一样重视家庭；他们的孩子也像我们的孩子一样,充满好奇、前途无量并且值得爱护.None of this is easy. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste -- all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that's out there.要做到这一点并非易事.对于我们中的太多人来说,躲进我们自己的圈子是更安全,这些圈子包括我们的邻里、大学校园、教堂或是社交网络,在安全地带我们周围尽是和我们相像、有相同政治立场和从不挑战我们观点的人.赤裸裸的党争、经济和地域方面不断攀升的自满情绪、迎合不同人群造成的媒体间的分裂,这些都使区别对待的做法看起来是自然的,甚至是不可避免的.于是我们在自己的安全地带越来越感到安心,于是我们开始只接受迎合我们的观点,无论这些观点是对是错,而不是接受那些基于现有证据的说法.This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we'll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we'll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.这一趋势构成了对我们民主体制的第三道威胁.但是政治就是一场有关理念的战斗.我们的民主体制设计便是基于此.在针对医疗方面的争论中,我们为不同目标划分了优先次序并制定了实现它们的不同方案.但是如果没有对底线的坚守和接受新信息的意愿,如果我们不承认我们对手的观点也许是公正的,不承认科学和理性的重要性,那么我们便不能实现真正的沟通,不能相互妥协并建立共同立场.Isn't that part of what makes politics so dispiriting How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.不正是这些因素使人们对政治感到失望的吗如果政客没有对削减企业税感到不满的话,那我们提议增加对学龄前儿童的支出时,他们凭什么感到愤怒呢在抨击其他政党腐败的同时,我们怎么能宽宥党内腐败呢这些行为不只是不诚实,更是对事实的区别对待,是自我毁灭的行径.因为,就像我母亲曾经告诉我的,现实总能让你自食其果.Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change; they'll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.让我们接受气候变化带来的挑战吧.仅仅八年,我们对国外石油的需求量就削减了一半,可再生能源的产量也翻了一倍.我们领导世界各国达成协议,承诺拯救我们生活的星球.但是如果不坚决地采取行动,我们的孩子将没有时间再讨论气候变化问题是否存在,他们将忙于应对气候变化带来的各种影响——更多的环境问题,更多对经济的阻碍和一拨又一拨寻求美好生活环境的气候移民.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.现在,我们可以并且应该讨论解决环境问题的最佳方案.单纯地否认问题的存在是对后人的不负责,是对我们开国元勋的创新与解决实际问题精神的背离,而这一精神是我们国家精神的实质.It's that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse -- the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.这一精神起源于启蒙时代.正是这一精神使我们国家成为世界经济的引擎.小鹰镇和卡纳维拉尔角起飞的航天飞机承载的也正是这一精神.在这一精神的指导下,我们治愈了疾病、将智能手机放进了每个人的口袋.It's that spirit -- a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles -- the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.这一精神是一种信念,是对理性、进取心的信念,对权利应始终高于权力的信念,这一信念引导我们在经济萧条时期拒绝了法西斯和专制的诱惑,引导我们在二战后同其他民主政体一起建立了战后秩序.我们建立的战后秩序不仅基于军事力量和国家的团结,更是基于我们坚守的原则——法制、人权、宗教自由、言论自由、集会自由和媒体自由.That order is now being challenged -- first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.这一秩序现在正经受挑战.首先,挑战来自号称伊斯兰代言人的狂热暴力分子；如今外国资本中的独裁者将自由市场、开放的民主政体和公民社会视为威胁他们权力的眼中钉,他们开始挑战民主秩序.这两方面远比汽车爆炸和导弹对民主政体带来的威胁要深远.他们带来的威胁源于对变化的恐惧,对不同外表、言行和信仰的恐惧；法治是保证当权者承担责任的手段,他们却蔑视法治,他们对异见和思想自由从来不尊重.他们认为刀枪、炸弹和宣传机器即是正义.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We've taken out tens of thousands of terrorists -- including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.由于军人们的勇气和情报人员、执法力量和外交官们给予他们的支持,在过去的八年,没有任何一个国外恐怖组织得以在我们的领土策划或实施恐怖袭击.尽管在波士顿译者注：2013年4月15日,波士顿马拉松比赛发生爆炸案造成3人死亡,嫌犯曾表示扞卫伊斯兰教的决心、奥兰多译者注：2016年6月12日,响应伊斯兰圣战号召的嫌犯在奥兰多同性恋酒吧发起枪击,造成50人死亡、圣贝纳迪诺郡译者注：2015年12月2日,加州圣贝纳迪诺郡发生枪击案,造成14人死亡,行凶者曾宣誓效忠伊斯兰国首领和胡德堡译者注：2009年11月5日,美国陆军胡德堡基地发生圣战分子大规模枪击案,造成13人死亡发生的悲剧使我们意识到极端主义有多危险,但我们的执法部门也自此变得更加。

奥巴马离职演说尊敬的各位朋友，女士们，先生们：我站在这里，向全世界发表我离任的演说。

我感激上帝赐予我在过去八年中担任美国总统的机会，也要感谢美国人民对我的信任和支持。

今天，我想以一种真诚而坦率的方式，与大家分享一些我的思考和感悟。

在过去的八年中，美国经历了许多挑战和变革。

2008年，当我第一次当选时，全球正身处金融危机之中。

我承诺要重振美国经济，创造更多就业机会，并确保公平和机会平等。

今天，我自豪地说，我们已经共同努力实现了这些目标。

我们经历了艰难的恢复时期，但如今，美国的经济已经恢复并实现了持续的增长。

然而，经济的成功并不是我能够独自取得的。

这是所有美国人民共同努力的结果。

我们的企业家们创造了就业机会，我们的工人们努力工作，我们的消费者们支持着本土产业。

这是全体美国人民共同为之努力的成果。

除了经济的发展，我们也面临着许多其他重大挑战。

对于气候变化的威胁，我们采取了积极的行动，并参与了巴黎协定。

我们推动了医疗保健改革，让更多的人获得了基本医疗保障。

我们也努力实现了婚姻平权，并推动了性别平等的议程。

这些努力都让我感到骄傲。

此外，我们也不能忘记我们所面临的国际挑战。

我们在对待恐怖主义的态度上坚定不移，采取了严厉的措施来保护国家和人民的安全。

我们也与全球各国合作，共同应对难民危机和恐怖主义威胁。

虽然困难仍然存在，但我相信，只要我们保持团结与坚定，我们一定能够克服这些困难。

我离任并没有说这八年来一切都是完美的。

每一项政策都有其成功和失败之处。

但我相信，人们应该对我们所取得的进步感到满意。

我们已经做到了很多，但还有许多工作要做。

这是我离任的一个重要信息：世界永远不会是完美的，但是我们有能力不断改变和进步。

最后，我要向我的家人表示感激。

我的夫人，米歇尔，是我在这段政治生涯中最大的支持者和榜样。

我的两个可爱的女儿，玛丽安和萨沙，让我在每一天都感到幸福和骄傲。

你们是我最大的动力和灵感。

最后，我要向全体美国人民表达最深的感谢。

奥巴马卸任告别演讲完整原文中英对照(2)恐怖袭击过去八年中，没有任何一个境外恐怖主义组织成功地在美国本土上计划并执行一次恐怖袭击。

尽管美国发生了本土滋生的恐怖主义袭击事件，包括波士顿马拉松炸弹袭击以及圣博娜迪诺袭击事件。

对于那些一直坚守在工作岗位上的反恐工作人员，担任你们的指挥官是我一辈子的荣耀。

我反对任何歧视美国穆斯林群体的行为。

我们需要更加警惕，但是不需要害怕ISIL组织(伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国)杀害更多无辜的人民。

如果我们在斗争中坚守美国宪法和核心精神，他们就无法战胜美国。

俄罗斯或者中国等其他国家无法匹敌美国在全球范围内的影响，除非我们自己放弃这种影响力，变成一个只会欺负周边小国的大国。

不论我们属于哪一个党派，我们所有人都应当致力于重建美国的民主政治制度。

我们的民主宪法是一项杰出的成就，也是上天赐予的礼物，但是这仅仅是一张纸，宪法本身不具备任何力量。

宪法的力量是我们美国人民通过参与选举、做出决议赋予的。

......奥巴马告别演讲英文原文It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts –are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to mylife. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.It’s the convi ction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan –and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional.Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain thewealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism –these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.In other words, it will determine our future.Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. Theunemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.That, after all, is why we serve –to make people’s lives better, not worse.But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the countrythat’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opport unity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we dimi nish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination –in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great charactersin American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face –the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.。

奥巴马离职演说尊敬的美国同胞们：今天，我站在这里，心情无比复杂。

作为你们的总统，这是我最后一次在这里向你们发表演说。

回首过去的八年，我们共同走过了漫长而不平凡的道路。

我们一起面对了诸多挑战，也共同取得了许多成就。

当我在 2008 年第一次站在这个舞台上，我向你们承诺，将带来改变。

我知道，对于许多人来说，那是一个充满希望和期待的时刻。

而如今，当我即将离开这个职位，我可以问心无愧地说，我们努力了，我们真的带来了改变。

我们成功地让经济从严重的衰退中复苏。

记得当时，失业率居高不下，企业纷纷倒闭，无数家庭陷入困境。

但通过一系列的政策和努力，我们创造了数以百万计的新就业机会，经济重新走上了增长的轨道。

在医疗保健方面，我们取得了重要的突破。

“奥巴马医改”让数以千万计的美国人获得了医疗保险，不再因为生病而陷入贫困，不再因为负担不起医疗费用而放弃治疗。

这是我们对每一个美国人健康的承诺。

在教育领域，我们致力于让每一个孩子都能接受高质量的教育。

我们加大了对学校的投入，提高了教师的待遇，为更多的年轻人提供了上大学的机会。

因为我们深知，教育是通往未来的钥匙，是实现梦想的基石。

我们还在能源和环境方面采取了积极的行动。

推动可再生能源的发展，减少对化石燃料的依赖，努力应对气候变化。

这不仅是为了我们这一代人，更是为了子孙后代，为了我们共同生活的这个地球。

然而，我们也清楚地知道，还有很多问题尚未解决。

贫富差距依然存在，社会的不平等仍然是我们需要面对的挑战。

种族问题、枪支暴力等依然困扰着我们的社会。

但我相信，只要我们继续努力，只要我们不放弃追求公平、正义和机会平等，我们终将会找到解决这些问题的方法。

在这里，我要感谢每一位为这个国家付出的美国人。

是你们的辛勤工作，是你们的奉献和牺牲，让这个国家变得更加强大。

是你们在困难面前不屈不挠，在挑战面前勇往直前，让美国的精神得以延续。

我也要感谢我的团队，那些在白宫与我并肩作战的同事们。

你们的智慧、勇气和毅力，让我们能够克服一个又一个的难关，实现一个又一个的目标。

中英对照原文：Hello Skybrook!It's good to be home!Thank you, everybody!Thank you.Thank you.Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.It's good to be home.Thank you.你好，芝加哥！回家的感觉真好！谢谢，谢谢大家！（省略N个谢谢）We're on live TV here, I've got to move.我们正在电视直播呢，我要开始演讲了。

（现场观众非常热情，掌声不停啊。

）You can tell that I'm a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.你们叫我“跛脚鸭”总统好了，都没有人听从我的指示。

（掌声依然停不下来。

）Everybody have a seat.大家都坐下吧。

（求你们了。

）My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight it's my turn to say thanks. Whether we've seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people -- in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts -- are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned fromyou. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.我的美国同胞们，最近几周，米歇尔和我收到了无数令人感动的祝福，今晚轮到我来表达谢意了。

奥巴马离职演说尊敬的各位美国人民，今天，我站在这里向你们宣布，我即将结束我在美国白宫的任期，离开总统职位。

在过去的八年里，我有幸成为你们的总统，为这个伟大的国家服务。

现在，我想用这个机会来回顾我们所取得的成就，向你们表达我的谢意，并分享一些我对未来的期望。

回首过去八年，我们一起见证了美国的巨大变化。

在经济危机的阴霾下，我们团结一心，共同努力，使美国经济重新繁荣起来。

我们采取了勇敢的举措，挽救了许多企业，创造了就业机会，提高了人们的生活水平。

我们通过医保改革，帮助数百万美国人获得了医疗保障。

我们在气候变化问题上发挥了领导作用，推动了可持续发展，保护了地球家园。

除此之外，我们还为性别平等、少数族裔权益、同性婚姻等议题做出了重要努力。

我们努力实现一个包容、公正的社会，使每一个美国人都能够享受到平等的权利和机会。

我们还加强了国内和国际的安全合作，保护了美国人民的安全。

然而，我们的工作还远未完成。

我们仍然面临许多挑战。

在我们迈向未来的道路上，我们需要保持团结和合作。

我们需要继续推动经济增长，确保每个人都能够分享到繁荣。

我们需要继续加强教育系统，培养下一代的领袖。

我们需要解决气候变化问题，并保护我们的环境。

此外，我们还必须继续致力于国内和国际安全。

恐怖主义依然是一个严重威胁，我们必须保持警惕，加强合作，确保我们的国家和人民的安全。

我们还要继续为弱势群体争取权益，促进社会的包容与公正。

作为总统，我意识到，我不能解决所有的问题，但我坚信，只要我们团结一致，共同努力，我们可以改变我们国家和世界的未来。

每个人都可以发挥作用，做出贡献。

不论是通过公民参与、志愿服务，还是在家庭和社区中传递爱与关怀，每个人都可以让这个世界变得更美好。

最后，我想向我的妻子米歇尔和我的两个孩子，以及我的家人表示感谢。

他们一直支持着我，鼓励我，陪伴我度过了这八年的总统任期。

没有他们的支持，我无法承受这个重担。

我还要感谢你们，美国人民，是你们给了我这个机会，成为你们的总统。

奥巴马告别演讲英文全文 当地时间 1 月 10 日，奥巴马在芝加哥麦克米克会展中

心 (McCormick Place) 作了告别演讲。我们不妨来看看奥巴 马告别演讲英文全文吧，以下是小编精心整理的相关内容， 希望对大家有所帮助 !

奥巴马告别演讲英文全文

It 's good to be home. Myfellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we ' ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it ' s my turn to say thanks. Whether we' ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man. I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it. After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it '