WTO与中国工业.docx
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WTO背景下中国的产业转移战略研究一、本文概述随着全球化的深入发展和世界贸易组织的成立,国际经济交流与合作日益密切,产业转移成为各国调整经济结构、优化资源配置的重要手段。
中国,作为世界上最大的发展中国家和WTO的重要成员,其产业转移战略在WTO背景下显得尤为关键。
本文旨在深入研究WTO背景下中国的产业转移战略,分析当前国际经济形势下中国产业转移的现状、问题与挑战,并提出相应的对策建议。
本文将首先回顾WTO成立以来中国产业转移的发展历程,总结中国在全球产业链中的地位变化。
通过对比分析国内外产业转移的理论与实践,探讨中国产业转移的内在动力和外在压力。
接着,本文将深入分析中国在WTO背景下产业转移面临的主要问题和挑战,如产业结构不合理、技术创新能力不足、环境压力增大等。
在此基础上,本文将提出中国产业转移的战略方向和政策建议,以促进产业结构优化升级、提高国际竞争力、实现可持续发展。
通过本文的研究,我们期望能够为政府和企业提供有价值的参考,推动中国在全球经济一体化进程中实现更加科学合理的产业转移,为中国的经济发展注入新的活力。
二、WTO与中国经济加入世界贸易组织(WTO)是中国经济发展历程中的一个重要里程碑。
自2001年加入WTO以来,中国经济与全球经济的联系日益紧密,不仅深度参与国际分工,而且积极推动全球贸易和投资自由化。
在这一背景下,中国的产业转移战略也受到了深刻的影响。
WTO为中国提供了一个更加开放、透明的国际经济环境,为中国企业“走出去”和外国企业“走进来”提供了更加便利的条件。
在WTO框架下,中国逐步降低了关税,取消了非关税壁垒,使得国内外企业在同一市场上进行公平竞争。
这为中国企业参与国际竞争、提升产业竞争力创造了有利条件。
同时,加入WTO也促使中国加快产业结构调整和优化。
面对国际市场的竞争压力,中国不得不加速淘汰落后产能,推动产业升级。
在这一过程中,产业转移战略发挥了重要作用。
通过引导产业向更具竞争优势的地区转移,中国不仅优化了资源配置,还提高了产业的国际竞争力。
中国加入WTO对我国制造业的影响2001年12月,中国加入世界贸易组织(WTO),彻底打开了我国经济对外开放的大门。
加入WTO将我国的对外贸易政策与世界贸易组织标准对接,推动了我国在国际市场上的参与度,同时在广泛开放上市场的同时,也面临着其他经济体所带来的竞争。
本文将探讨中国加入WTO对我国制造业的影响。
一、对我国制造业的促进有人认为,中国加入WTO并不会对我国制造业造成实际上的促进或改善,反而使中国的制造业遭受全球性的竞争。
但在现实中,加入WTO通过进一步扩大开放,为我国制造业创造了更多的外在机会和空间。
首先,加入WTO后,我国制造业的外向型经济得到了极大的发展。
减少贸易壁垒和关税,消除非关税贸易壁垒,比如配额、许可、进口证书等,为我国制造业在国际市场上的参与度提高,有利于我国制造业的进口、出口及与国际主流标准接轨,提升了中华民族工业的国际地位。
其次,中国加入WTO还推进了中国市场的改革和规范化。
加强竞争政策实施、国际惯例尺度落实、市场监测的实际作用等机制的建立与完善,使竞争更加公平,有足够的市场意识和市场约束力度。
这也意味着制造商迅速适应全球发展的国际贸易和全球供应链中的角色转变的能力得到了很大优化。
最后,中国加入WTO推进了我国市场的多元化,丰富了我国消费市场的形象,加强了大量本土企业、实验品牌和实际商业存在的产品凸显。
这为中国的制造业提供了更多的机会和变现空间,尽管不同产业在国内外市场上的竞争和营销还面临挑战,但中国的制造业还拥有稳健、发展菜单及巨大生意机会的优势。
二、对我国制造业的挑战虽然有了众多的机会,但是加入WTO也对中国制造业带来了巨大的挑战。
首先,人工成本的上升让一些成本敏感性较高的产业失去了增长动力。
随着我国经济的快速发展,劳动力的市场价格也随之上升,因此,将机器人自动化技术、智能工厂和现代高技术装备运用到生产生意当中,可以有效支撑企业持续不断的创新及提高运用的质量和有效性。
浅析中国与世界贸易组织历经15年艰苦谈判,中国终于于2001年12月11日成为世界贸易组织的正式成员,这是中国改革开放进程中具有历史意义的一件大事。
下文研究了中国与世界贸易组织的关系,欢迎阅读。
摘要:中国加入世贸组织后享有全面参与多边贸易体制等十项基本权利及履行遵守非歧视原则等十一项基本义务。
并作出逐步降低关税以及逐步开放服务市场的基本承诺。
加入WTO的十余年来,中国坚定不移地坚持改革开放,主动地抓住经济全球化的历史机遇,但在这一过程中,始终面临着各种挑战。
关键词:WTO;法律文件;权利与义务;机遇与挑战2001年11月11日,对外贸易经济合作部部长石广生代表中国政府在中国加入议定书上正式签字,并向世贸组织秘书处递交了由国家主席江泽民签署的中国加入WTO批准书。
2001年12月11日,中国正式成为WTO第143个成员。
历经15年艰苦谈判,中国终于于2001年12月11日成为世界贸易组织的正式成员,这是中国改革开放进程中具有历史意义的一件大事。
至此,中国取得加入WTO进程的历史性突破,将世界上人口最多的一个市场带入到了全球化的游戏规则中。
2013年的今天,中国已经加入WTO整整12个年头,在这12年中,随着自由贸易区域的扩大和各国政策法规对外国投资的放宽,全球市场的日益开放,我国的经济发生了翻天覆地的变化。
加入WTO给中国的经济带来如下机遇:有利于拉动投资和内需,促进持续快速发展;国际地位的提高;促使国家调整工业和贸易结构;吸引大量外资。
并且带来不少挑战:对政府体制的挑战;企业国际竞争力的挑战;资源和环境问题。
1中国加入世界贸易组织历程1.1中国入世谈判历程第一阶段:从80年代初到1986年7月,主要是酝酿和准备“复关”事宜。
1971年中国恢复在联合国的合法席位后,相继参加了与关贸总协定并称世界经济“三大支柱”的国际货币基金组织和世界银行。
国内经济体制改革也不断向市场化发展,中国初步具备了加入多边贸易体制的条件。
加入WTO对中国工业化进程的影响近几十年,中国的工业化进程取得了巨大的成功。
中国的制造业已经在全球范围内占据了重要地位,成为了世界制造业的重要动力源。
而其中一个重要的里程碑就是加入了WTO(世界贸易组织)。
然而,加入WTO对中国工业化进程有着哪些具体的影响呢?这是一个值得深入探讨的话题。
1. 市场准入和贸易自由化加入WTO,最直接的影响当然是市场准入和贸易自由化。
中国可以更加自由地进入世界市场,也能够享受到国际贸易体系带来的优惠政策和规则,这对于中国的出口有着积极的影响。
一方面,中国可以通过大规模生产和低成本来满足国际市场对于廉价商品的需求;另一方面,也能够更好地适应国际市场对于高质量、高附加值的商品的需求。
2. 国内市场竞争加剧然而,国际市场带来的营商环境和竞争压力对于国内市场同样有着极大的影响。
加入WTO后,中国企业将面临更加激烈的竞争,要在全球化竞争的舞台上生存和发展,需要不断提升竞争力,提高产品的质量、创新能力和品牌影响力。
3. 技术引进和自主研发加入WTO对中国企业的技术引进和自主研发也产生了影响。
在市场准入的背景下,外国企业将带来更多高端、先进的技术,这有助于中国企业提高自身的水平。
同时,中国企业也会在技术创新和自主研发方面加大投入,在全球范围内拓展自身的技术优势。
4. 产业结构和升级加入WTO让中国从一个主要依靠人力资源优势的劳动密集型经济转向更加注重技术和资本密集型的产业结构,并推动了中国的产业升级。
随着全球产业链的变化,中国的制造业和服务业,都面临产业转型升级的压力和机遇。
加入WTO为中国转型和升级提供了一个更开放的机遇,同时也促进了中国与其他国家的联系和合作。
5. 吸引外资和共同发展加入WTO意味着中国对于外商投资进入更具有吸引力和便利性,外资的引入为中国带来了资本和技术上的支持。
在贸易自由化的环境下,加强与其他国家的联系,探寻合作机会,将成为世界上任何一个国家寻求发展的必经之路。
中国加入wto对我们的影响加入WTO 对中国制造业的影响:若干行业分析与政策调整方向一、加入WTO对我国主要制造业部门的影响程度由于我国各制造业部门的现实与潜在竞争力和比较优势各不相同,因而从加入WTO后的短期与中长期来看,这些部门所受影响程度具有很大的差异性。
我们依据影响程度对主要制造业部门进行简单分类,主要考虑因素有:一是现实国际竞争力。
主要从全球化趋势、市场化程度、对外开放程度和产业成熟度等影响因素上进行考察,加入WTO的影响具有短期性。
通常情况下,越是现实国际竞争力强的部门,加入WTO后的初期受益越明显,相反亦然。
现实竞争力具有静态性,在动态比较优势和发展战略的双重作用下,现实国际竞争力可能会在不同部门间进行转移和传递。
二是潜在国际竞争力。
主要从产业成熟度、国内需求增长潜力和比较优势等影响因素上进行考察,加入WTO的影响具有长期性。
通常情况下,越是具有潜在竞争力的部门,在加入WTO 后的相当长的一个时期内,其获得现实竞争力的可能性越大。
应当注意的是,潜在竞争力与比较优势并没有直接转化关系。
换句话说,具有比较优势的行业不一定就具有潜在竞争力,而没有比较优势的行业也不一定就不具有潜在竞争力。
潜在竞争力与比较优势之间能否转化在很大程度上取决于产业发展前景、市场需求的增长空间和创造动态比较优势的制度环境等多种因素。
这里需要强调的是动态比较优势。
从一个相当长的时期来看,一个国家的要素集中度是不断变化的,这与该国经济增长的长期趋势、工业化进程、产业成熟度、要素积累、学习过程等多种因素密切相关。
在发展中国家经济起飞初期,低廉的“无限劳动供给”是最大的比较优势,因此根据比较优势理论,发展中国家集中生产并出口劳动密集型产品是最合理的选择。
但随着经济持续增长和居民收入水平的不断提高,一些国家的劳动力成本显著上升,比较优势和产业分工格局开始发生改变,劳动密集型产业在不断增大的成本压力下开始向劳动力成本更低的国家进行产业转移(即所谓的“雁阵”理论)。
论WTO在全球化中的作用及对中国的影响世贸组织是一个专门协调国际贸易关系的估计经济组织。
协调好了各国之间的贸易关系可以使各成员国在互惠互利的基础上削减关税,消除估计贸易中的其他贸易障碍和歧视待遇,充分利用世界资源,扩大生产和交换,让发达国家的生产资料在全球更广泛的流动,加速生产的社会化和经济的全球化。
世界贸易组织诞生于1995年1月1日,是一个专门协调国际贸易关系的国际经济组织,现有成员151个。
世界贸易组织的宗旨:(1)提高生活水平,保证充分就业;(2)扩大货物、服务的生产和贸易(服务贸易在国际贸易中所占的份额越来越大,这使WTO各成员方认识到服务贸易对世界经济的增长和发展具有日益增长的重要性,有必要将服务贸易和货物贸易同等对待。
在乌拉圭回合谈判中,达成了《服务贸易总协定》(GA TS),对服务贸易的市场准入等一系列问题做出了明确的规范,这大大拓广了国际贸易的内涵,促进了服务贸易的发展。
)(3)坚持走可持续发展之路(4)保证发展中国家贸易和经济的发展(在WTO负责实施管理的贸易协定与协议中都对发展中国家给予特殊和差别待遇,确认了发达国家必须承担的义务,有助于发展中国家成员方经济和贸易的发展。
)(5)建立更加完善的多边贸易体制从宗旨来看,WTO为世界经济的全球化发挥着重大作用,促进了各国经济的发展。
那么,WTO在全球化中扮演着什么样的角色呢?关贸总协定在自20世纪40年代末至90年代中期近半个世纪的时间里,经历了世界经济由战后恢复重建到高速增长直至经济全球化的全过程,它以贸易自由化为旗帜,吸纳了越来越多的缔约方,管辖了越来越大的方位,影响了越来越多的领域,推动了国际贸易的发展,维护了国际贸易和经济秩序。
其作用具体表现为几个方面:(一)加入WTO对中国经济发展积极影响1、进一步扩大出口,吸引外资加入WTO的中国,享有最惠国待遇,第一章所提到的那些最惠国待遇,这些对中国经济的发展是及其有力的。
中国有着丰富的劳动力和一些自然资源,通过WTO这个世界大平台给予的降低关税等特惠国渠道,吸引了大量的人前来购买或者投资,中国步入了宽敞的出口渠道。
经济全球化背景下对外开放随着人类迈入21世纪,国际经济格局也发生了变革,经济全球化的趋势日益明显。
中国自加入WTO以来,与世界其他大国的经济交往加深,进一步融入经济全球化的大潮之中。
在这场潮流中,趋利避害,将使中国的对外开放步入一个新的阶段。
一、关于经济全球化的概述经济全球化是在经济社会化和经济国际化的基础上形成的。
经济全球化得以实现,有赖于经济的跨国发展,而经济的跨国发展可以追溯到16世纪西方资本主义国家的殖民扩张活动,随着时间的推移,跨国经济的发展得以加强,于二战后,真正意义的经济全球化开始了。
20世纪80年代,经济全球化引起国际的广泛关注,进入90年代,经济全球化成为世界经济发展的主要趋势。
经济全球化的定义在不同的机构有不同的理解,国际货币基金组织的定义为:“全球化是跨国商品与服务交易及国际资本流动规模和形式增加,以及技术的广泛迅速传播,世界各国经济的相互依赖性增强。
”由此可见,经济全球化在商品生产、服务交易、技术交流与市场共享等方面均有所表现[1]。
二、经济全球化为中国对外开放带来的机遇自改革开放以来,中国的经济日益融入经济全球化的潮流之中,中国是吸引外资最多的发展中国家,大量引进了外国的资金、技术、商品。
中国参与经济全球化的过程,同时也是中国经济深受经济全球化影响的过程,而中国要在21世纪取得更大的经济上的成就,就要正确认识经济全球化给中国带来的影响。
对于中国来说,经济全球化带来的机遇来自以下几个方面。
1.我国对外贸易快速发展。
“20世纪80年代以来,随着中国改革开放的不断推进,中国对外经济联系日益密切和加深,成为推动中国经济发展和改革的重要因素。
”中国对外贸易的数额占我国经济增长的比重逐渐加大,在我国国民经济发展中发挥着重要的作用[2]。
2.我国产业结构升级加快。
作为发展中国家,完成产业结构的升级,需要引进大量的资金和技术,而处于改革开放中的中国,产业结构升级所需要的技术,已非国内的供给能力可以实现的,经济全球化给中国带来了机遇,大量的国外先进技术,有力地支撑了我国的产业结构的升级。
中国与世界贸易组织的关系【摘要】历经15年艰苦谈判,中国终于于2001年成为世界贸易组织的正式成员,这是中国改革开放进程中具有历史意义的一件大事。
加入WTO的十余年来,中国坚定不移地坚持改革开放,主动地抓住经济全球化的历史机遇,积极利用WTO 多边贸易体制框架,与世界各国发展经贸关系,经济社会发展取得了巨大成就,经济指标年年都有新突破。
【关键词】世界贸易组织多边贸易体制多哈谈判中国的发展离不开世界市场的巨大消费能力,而世界市场也着实需要中国日益的强大生产能力,而这种相互依存关系的纽带正是世界贸易组织—WTO。
简单的说,WTO为中国在世界范围内的崛起起到了推波助澜的关键作用,也成为改革开放效果持续显现的重要因素。
同时,在面对世界性的金融危机时,中国展示了其不同于世界其它国家的顽强的生命力和强大的国内市场,对世界经济的复苏起到了不可忽视的作用。
一、世界贸易组织的成就和作用WTO作为当今世界唯一规范全球贸易的国际组织,通过多边贸易谈判、贸易政策审议和争端解决机制,为广大成员参与并受益于国际贸易提供了多边制度保障,在推动全球经济可持续发展,遏制贸易保护主义等方面,发挥了砥柱中流的重要作用,显示了多边贸易体制强大的生命力和制度优势。
WTO成立于1995年,是第二次世界大战后建立的关税与贸易总协定(GATT)的继承者。
多边贸易体制历经60多年的风雨历程,经受住了种种考验,取得了举世瞩目的成就,一是建立起统一的多边贸易体制,遏制了单边主义的倾向;二是WTO 成为世界经济的“发动机”,半个多世纪来,全球贸易总量增长了30倍,全球关税平均水平从最初的40%下降到目前的4%。
三是在金融危机中,WTO充分发挥监督和约束作用,及时启动“贸易措施监督机制”,定期发布报告,跟踪各国经济刺激措施,在抵制贸易保护主义方面发挥了中流砥柱的作用。
四是不断加强WTO多边贸易规则的广度和力度,越来越多的涉及贸易的活动得到规范。
迄今WTO已发动了九轮多边贸易谈判,目前正在进行的多哈回合谈判首次以发展为主题,将进一步扩大贸易自由化。
中国加入wtoWTO与中国工业从“复关”到“入世”,中国产业界一直在关注着进入这个多边贸易体制后,中国产业所面临的挑战和带来的机遇。
,总体看来,随着这个进程的拖延,认为机遇大于挑战的人逐渐有所增加(当然这主要是从中国产业的中长期发展的角度看待这个问题)。
这种增加主要是基于近年来中国自主降低关税和引进竞争机制使国内一些产业的国际竞争力得到明显的提高。
同时也意识到中国一旦加入世贸,短期内无疑将使国内产业面临巨大的竞争压力。
有关人士认为,将会有七大领域受到冲击,包括电讯。
商业。
农业。
金融。
保险。
证券和诸如汽车。
电子。
石化等产业领域。
其中以机械。
化工。
钢铁及玻璃业等行业所受的压力最大,在外资进入后一些企业将加速倒闭,不排除国内产业出现合并的可能。
而一些高科技。
电讯及金融行业,则会为加强竞争力而选择与外资合作,估计届时资金将会流向这些优质的行业。
一、加入WTO对申国产业的影响当然,中国加入世贸组织将加速推动国有企业改革,使其更快迈向市场化,所以就中长期而言,其影响将是正面的。
在为中国经济持续稳定发展带来历史性机遇的同时,它也对中国许多产业的发展带来了一些严峻的挑战。
随着关税的降低,国内商品的价格优势将会逐渐消失,同时由于技术与管理水平与发达国家存1/ 6在的差距,也会对经济发展带来负面的影响。
首先,以往那些严重重复建设的行业和企业在市场开放后,会受到市场竞争机制更加严厉的惩罚,预计相当一部分企业要重新选择发展方向,还有一部分企业会被淘汰。
其次,由于中国高科技产业的发展起步较晚,不少行业和产业还是空白,如果我们不尽快发展,国外企业就有可能长驱直入地抢先占领市场。
最后,加入WTD以降低关税为主要代价,中国目前一些质次价高的产品会更快地被淘汰,而这样的产品又多集中在就业较为集中的传统产业。
具体到工业领域,加入WID对不同产业的影响会各不相同,其中,既有受益的企业,也有炮受冲击的行业。
总体分析看,短期内劳动密集型和资源型企业将会受益,但在目前“通货紧缩”形势下受益的空间有限。
WTO对中国的影响1. 简介WTO(世界贸易组织)是一个全球性的多边贸易组织,旨在促进全球贸易自由化和经济合作。
中国自2001年加入WTO以来,WTO对中国的影响逐渐显现。
本文将从经济、政治和社会等多个方面分析WTO对中国的影响。
2. 经济影响2.1 扩大贸易机会中国加入WTO后,享受了更大的市场准入和贸易自由化。
WTO规则强制各成员国平等对待,减少了贸易壁垒和非关税障碍,为中国企业提供了更广阔的国际市场。
中国的出口额在加入WTO后大幅增加,成为全球最大的出口国之一。
2.2 提升生产效率WTO强制各成员国遵守贸易规则,促使中国进行内外部的市场开放和改革。
中国企业为了适应竞争,不断提升生产效率,加强技术创新和管理能力,降低生产成本。
这些努力不仅使中国企业更具竞争力,而且推动了整个中国经济的发展。
2.3 加强国际合作WTO作为全球化贸易的重要组织,帮助中国积极参与国际合作。
中国加入WTO后,积极参与国际贸易谈判,推动自由贸易的发展。
与其他国家签订双边和多边贸易协议,进一步拓展了中国的经济合作伙伴。
3. 政治影响3.1 提升国际声誉中国加入WTO后,获得了国际社会的认可和尊重。
作为一个贸易大国,中国在国际事务中发挥了更重要的角色。
中国在WTO会议上积极参与和主导谈判,为发展中国家争取更多的利益,树立了中国的国际形象。
3.2 推动经济改革WTO对中国的加入要求改革开放的进一步推进。
中国为了适应WTO的规则,不得不进行一系列的经济、产业和法律改革。
这些改革推动了中国的经济结构转型,加快了市场化进程,促进了中国经济的可持续发展。
3.3 提高政府效能为了适应WTO的规则,中国政府加强了治理能力和透明度。
政府机构优化和服务效能的提升,为吸引外商投资和推动经济发展创造了更好的环境。
同时,政府更加重视知识产权保护和争端解决机制,维护了国内外企业的权益。
4. 社会影响4.1 就业机会增加中国的加入WTO扩大了贸易和商业活动,为中国创造了大量的就业机会。
WTO与中国加入WTO是中国政府为适应经济全球化趋势而做出的一项重大战略决策,也是扩大开放、深化改革的必然结果。
它对中国的影响决不仅限于经济领域,而是涉及到社会生活的各个层面。
正确地估计这一影响的程度和趋势,是中国政府制订未来社会政策的基础,也是保持政治稳定与实现社会发展目标的客观需要。
sO100一、加入WTO将加速中国社会的变迁与转型20多年来,中国发生了翻天覆地的变化。
虽然改革开放一直以经济体制为主线,但改革并非仅仅局限于经济领域。
政府的管理模式、社会生活的组织方式以及意识形态等等在改革开放过程中都发生了根本性的转变。
这些转变不仅为经济体制改革、经济结构调整和经济增长提供了动力,也导致了社会生活各个层面的全面变迁以及整个社会的全面转型。
无论国家、社会组织还是个体社会成员,其行为目标和方式都发生了重大变化,个人、组织、群体、国家之间的关系模式不断进行调整,包括经济资源、文化资源乃至政治资源在内的各种社会资源不断地重新组合,社会的生活节奏也逐步加快。
在这种背景下,中国加入了WTO,这不仅意味着中国在经济和文化等领域将进一步对外开放,也意味着必然要进行各种资源的进一步重新配置以及经济和社会生活组织方式的进一步调整,其结果必然是带来进一步的社会变迁,加速社会转型。
(一)社会结构变动将进一步加快加入WTO意味着劳动力资源将更多地由市场进行配置。
随着对内、对外开放程度的提高,目前存在的户籍、身份、单位等限制劳动力流动的制度壁垒将逐步减弱并最终被消除。
这些体制层面上的变化,加上经济结构的调整,必然导致更大范围、更加频繁的以劳动力流动为核心的社会流动,并进而导致社会结构的进一步变化。
——就业结构变动与职业分化将进一步加速改革开放以来,中国的就业结构已经发生了重大变化,成为社会结构变动的重要组成部分。
从城镇就业比重看,1978年城镇就业人口占全国就业人口的比重为23.7%,2000年上升至29.9%。
从三次产业间的关系看,1978年全部就业人口在一、二、三产业中就业的比例分别为70.5%、17.3%、12.2%,2000年则变为50.0%、22.5%、27.3%,二、三产业的就业人口开始超越第一产业。
经济全球化对中国工业布局的影响分析近年来,经济全球化成为全球发展的主题之一,对中国以及其他国家的工业布局产生了深远的影响。
本文将从多个方面探讨经济全球化对中国工业布局的影响,深入分析其利弊,展望未来的发展趋势。
一、市场扩大化经济全球化使得中国能够进一步扩大其市场规模。
随着中国加入世界贸易组织(WTO)和签订自由贸易协定,中国与其他国家之间的贸易壁垒逐渐降低,市场准入条件得到改善。
中国的产品可以更加自由地进入国际市场,同时,国外的产品也更容易进入中国市场。
这种市场扩大化促进了中国工业的快速发展,并增加了就业机会。
然而,市场扩大化也带来了一定的挑战。
中国制造业面临着来自全球竞争对手的压力,必须提高产品质量和技术创新能力,才能在国际市场上立足。
此外,中国工业也面临着环境和资源限制的压力,需要加强可持续发展和绿色生产的意识。
二、产业结构调整经济全球化推动了中国的产业结构调整。
传统的劳动密集型产业逐渐向中高端制造业和服务业转型。
中国通过吸引外资和引进先进技术,加快了产业升级和转型升级的进程。
中国的制造业正在向智能制造、机器人技术和高端装备制造等领域迈进,提高了生产效率和产品质量。
这种产业结构调整带来了更高的产值和创新能力,也提升了中国在全球市场中的竞争力。
然而,产业结构调整也带来了一些问题,例如劳动力市场的不平衡和工人技能短缺。
因此,中国需要加强培训和教育,提高劳动力素质,以适应新型产业的发展需求。
三、跨国公司的涌入经济全球化使得越来越多的跨国公司将生产基地和供应链延伸到中国。
这些公司将中国视为重要的投资和生产目的地,通过建立合资企业或独资公司,进一步扩大在中国市场的份额和影响力。
这些外资企业为中国带来了技术、管理和资金等方面的优势,促进了中国工业的发展。
然而,跨国公司涌入也带来了一些问题。
首先,对本土企业形成了竞争压力,一些本土企业可能面临被并购或淘汰的风险。
其次,跨国公司的进入使得中国在某些领域对外国技术和产品过于依赖,需要加强自主创新能力和知识产权保护。
WTO Accession and Performance of Chinese Manufacturing Firms*Loren Brandt, Johannes Van Biesebroeck,Luhang Wang, and Yifan Zhang§March 24, 2017AbstractWe examine the effects of the trade liberalization that accompanied China’s WTOaccession on the evolution of markups and productivity of Chinese manufacturingfirms. Although these two dimensions of performance cannot be separately identifiedwhen firm output is measured by revenue, we show that detailed price deflators makeit possible to estimate the average effect of industry-level tariff reductions on bothdimensions separately. Several novel findings emerge. First, cuts in output tariffsreduce markups, but raise productivity. Second, the pro- competitive effects are mostimportant for incumbents, while efficiency gains dominate for new entrants. Third,cuts in input tariffs raise both markups and productivity. We highlight severalmechanisms operating in liberalized sectors that help explain our findings in theChinese context. Liberalized sectors saw an increase in the exit of private firms andmore frequent replacement of management in badly performing state-owned firms.Both patterns are likely to reduce agency problems. The initial productivity of newentrants is higher in more open sectors. And while lower input tariffs had only alimited role in increasing access to imported intermediates, they had a strong price-reducing effect, even on domestically produced intermediates.*We thank seminar participants at Columbia, Frankfurt, Nottingham, Princeton, Yale, the World Bank, and Zurich, and several conferences for comments. Special thanks to Jan De Loecker for extensive feedback on estimation and identification problems. Financial support from ERC grant No. 241127, SSHRC, and CFI/OIT is gratefully acknowledged.§Brandt: University of Toronto; Van Biesebroeck (Corresponding author): KU Leuven and CEPR, Naamsestraat 69, 3000 Leuven, Belgium, E-mail: jo.vanbiesebroeck@kuleuven.be; Wang: Xiamen University;Zhang: Chinese University of Hong Kong.“The competition arising [from WTO membership] will also promote a more rapid and more healthy development of China’s national economy”Premier Zhu Rongji (Press release, Washington, DC, April 1999)1IntroductionChina’s manufacturing sector experienced impressive productivity growth over much of the 1990s and 2000s before the onset of the Great Recession (Brandt, Van Biesebroeck and Zhang, 2012). Expanded access to international markets and export growth are often cited as key drivers of this improvement (Yu, 2014; Khandelwal, Schott and Wei, 2013).1 Largely neglected is the impact on local firms of reforms that facilitated access to China’s domestic market for the rest of the world. Chinese leaders such as Premier Zhu Rongji, constrained by domestic political economy considerations in their efforts to restructure major segments of industry, believed that reforms required as a condition for WTO accession would be an important catalyst for change.2A large literature examines the effects of trade liberalizing reforms on productivity, but there is little work estimating the effects of these same policies on markups. An advantage of looking at markups compared to productivity is that they can be estimated without observing firm-level prices. A complication is that, in addition to efficiency gains, they also capture effects on equilibrium prices in output and input markets. From the definition of the markup, i.e. the ratio of price to marginal cost, we can decompose trade-induced changes in output prices into changes in markups, input prices, and production efficiency. These correspond to three independent, welfare-enhancing effects of trade liberalization. First, lowering import tariffs increases competition and induces firms with market power to lower their markups (Levinsohn, 1993). This behavior raises consumer surplus at the expense of producer surplus, but also reduces allocative distortions. Second, lowering tariffs on imports of intermediate goods directly reduces marginal costs (Tybout and Westbrook, 1995). And third, marginal costs can also fall due to higher productivity or efficiency. While all three mechanisms, ceteris paribus, reduce output prices and raise welfare, the second two will increase markups unless pass-through of cost savings is perfect. The relationship between the markup and gains from trade is thus not monotonic, but depends on the mechanism at work.3We use firm-level data that covers most of the manufacturing sector in China to investigate the role of domestic trade liberalization over a period that spans China’s entry into the WTO in 2001. Our results indicate that differences in performance across industries are systematically related to variation in tariff reductions. Although productivity cannot be separately identified from the markup when one does not observe firm-level output and input prices (Garcia and Voigtländer, 2013), our interest is not in the levels, but rather in the covariance of the performance dimensions with tariffs. The productivity measure that we estimate using detailed industry-level price deflators to deflate nominal values contains firm- specific price deviations from the average price evolution. However, these price deviations are by construction uncorrelated with changes in industry-level tariffs if the regression applies the same weight1 The important consequences of these changes for global welfare have been noted as well, see di Giovanni, Levchenko and Zhang (2014) and Autor, Dorn and Hanson (2013).2 The sentiments in the quote above, made after ironing out final details about the WTO accession with President Clinton, is echoed by several researchers. For example, Branstetter and Lardy (2008) also view more competition as an essential source of pressure that forced structural reforms.3 Moreover, while the last two mechanisms are expected to raise markups, the extent depends on the pass- through of cost savings into prices, further complicating the link from markups to welfare.to firms as their products receive in the construction of the industry deflator. Thus, if price deflators and tariff cuts are observed at the same level of detail, it is possible to estimate the average effect of trade liberalization separately on efficiency and markups.We estimate the production function and recover markups as in De Loecker and Warzynski (2012), who implement the estimator proposed by Ackerberg, Caves and Frazer (2016). Consistent estimation in the absence of firm-specific price information requires that the unobservable firm heterogeneity can be represented by a single-dimensional state variable (Ackerberg et al., 2007). In this case, the control function that absorbs the effects of unobservable productivity differences controls for both endogenous input choices and the possible endogeneity of output or input prices (De Loecker et al. 2016). ‘Revenue’ TFP, so-called TFPR, is obtained as a residual of the production function.Our first contribution is to separately identify the effects on firm-level markups of reducing output tariffs and tariffs applied to an industry’s inputs, as Amiti and Konings (2007) originally did for productivity. We find a negative effect of input tariffs on markups, which reflects their direct effect on input prices. The effect of output tariffs, on the other hand, is positive, but only statistically significant if we use firm weights. Trade liberalization reduces markups of larger firms, but has no significant effect on the average over the entire sample. Note that this effect introduces a systematic relationship between the deviations of firm-specific prices from the industry price deflator. The gap will be decreasing in size, i.e. positive for small firms that do not adjust their markup and negative for large firms. As a result, if all firms are given equal weight, the coefficient on output tariffs in the productivity regression will be biased downwards, and the productivity-boosting effect of trade liberalization will be overestimated. The use of within-industry firm weights corrects for this.Our second contribution is to contrast effects on markups with those on productivity in order to provide insights into the mechanisms through which trade liberalization effects materialize. Our results for China confirm that lower input tariffs lead to higher productivity, as was the case for Indonesia (Amiti and Konings, 2007) and India (Topolova and Khandelwal, 2011). 4 For a Cobb-Douglas production function, the effect of an external factor on the markup can be decomposed into an effect on TFP and the net impact of opposing effects on output and input prices (De Loecker and Goldberg, 2014). Given that we find a larger effect of input tariffs on productivity than on markups (in absolute value), the pass-through of cost savings into lower output prices must outweigh the direct input price effect of the input tariff cut. This is only possible if the cost savings include some efficiency gains.In contrast with the studies mentioned above, we find that cuts in output tariffs also raise productivity, indicating that more competition triggers efficiency improvements.5 Combined with the insignificant coefficient of output tariffs in the markup regression, our results imply that competition puts downward pressure on output prices and that most efficiency gains are passed on to consumers. This is consistent with the directly estimated effect of tariffs on output prices which is of a similar magnitude as the effect on productivity, but has an opposite sign. For large firms, the pro-competitive and price-reducing effect even dominates and the coefficient on markups turns positive.4 Note that the average effect on input prices is already accounted for through the effect on the input price deflator and we should interpret the effect on productivity as an efficiency effect. Separate price regressions show a remarkably strong effect of tariff reductions on domestic price deflators, even exceeding the share of imports in domestic consumption.5 When Amiti and Konings (2007) include both tariff rates in their productivity regression, the input tariff coefficient is six times the size of the output tariff coefficient, and the latter is statistically insignificant when they cluster standard errors at the industry-year level. The output tariff coefficient is only significant at the 10% level in Topolova and Khandelwal (2011) who cluster only at the firm level.Our third contribution is to obtain further insights into the mechanisms by decomposing the aggregate effect. Several of the patterns that we document are intuitive. The pro-competitive effect of output tariff cuts on markups only shows up robustly for incumbents, who are more likely to possess market power. The efficiency gains associated with input tariff cuts are much stronger for new entrants, who likely have more flexibility to adjust their production process and take advantage of the new opportunities. We find some efficiency gains for incumbents, but they are offset by a deterioration in resource allocation as the correlation between market share growth and the firm-level productivity level becomes weaker in sectors where input tariffs fall the most.One pattern unique to China is a significant negative effect of output tariffs on TFP, even after controlling for input tariffs. Effects of trade liberalization in other countries point mostly to benefits from the availability or cheaper access to imported intermediates, but we find that their share in total input use barely increased in China.6 The productivity effects in China show up for both incumbents and new entrants. For incumbent firms, one plausible mechanism is that increased competition affects the agency problem between managers and owners. It can both strengthen incentives to make productivity-enhancing investments (Raith, 2003; Chen, 2014) and weaken resistance to productivity- enhancing reorganizations (Schmitz, 2005). For private firms, we show that the probability of exit increases in liberalized industries, providing direct performance incentives through a greater threat of bankruptcy. For state-owned firms that face softer budget constraints, we show that the probability of replacing the CEO after a spell of low growth increases, pointing to a deliberate change in governance practice. A separate channel we document is a higher initial productivity for entrants relative to incumbents in liberalized industries. With stronger competition, selection at entry becomes more stringent which raises the relative productivity of successful entrants, as in the model with spatial competition of Syverson (2004). This pattern is consistent with the large role that Khandelwal et al. (2013) attribute to net entry in explaining the surge in Chinese exports after the removal of textile quotas.Our results are most closely related to the work of De Loecker et al. (2016) for India. In a similar specification as ours, they also find a strong negative relationship between markups and input tariffs, but no significant relationship between markups and output tariffs. They emphasize that cost-reducing effects of trade liberalization, either directly through input prices or indirectly through improved efficiency as we found in China, give firms a strong incentive to raise markups. Since they observe firm-level prices, they are able to construct an estimate for marginal cost. Once controlled for, they find an unambiguous pro-competitive effect of output tariff cuts on markups. Their point estimates of this effect for India is remarkably similar to the (combined) effect we estimate for China: each percentage point reduction in output tariffs lowers markups between 0.10 and 0.15 log-points.Two other studies have looked at the impact of trade liberalization on markups, but focus on markup dispersion and its effect on resource misallocation. Edmond, Midrigan and Xu (2015) calculate gains from trade by comparing the observed equilibrium for Taiwan with a simulated autarky situation, assuming oligopolistic competition throughout. They find that the pro-competitive effect in concentrated industries has a first-order effect on welfare by reducing misallocation and this effect is increasing in the cross-country correlation in sectoral productivity. Lu and Yu (2015) show that the dispersion in markups in China decreased following its entry in the WTO, mostly due to a relative decline at the top which is consistent with our findings.6 Lower input tariffs have a strong price-reducing effect in upstream industries, even for domestically produced intermediates, but the average effect is already controlled for through the (input) price deflators. These benefits could include higher quality of imported inputs that are not be fully reflected in prices or greater input variety that generates a production complementarity (Halpern, Koren and Szeidl, 2015).Finally, our findings are related to several strands in the literature that aim to understand the aggregate productivity effects of trade liberalization. Decomposing aggregate changes, several influential studies highlight the important benefits due to exit of unproductive firms (Eslava et al., 2013) and the reallocation of market share away from unproductive firms (Pavcnik, 2002). The theoretical framework that Arkolakis et al. (2012) use to assess the gains from trade does not allow any role for within-firm productivity growth, which we estimate to be an important mechanism in China. Moreover, complementarity between trade and industrial policy has been a central issue in the study of transitions to a market economy (Murphy, Shleifer and Vishny, 1992). Our estimates provide micro-level evidence for the complementarity between trade liberalization on one hand and deregulation of firm entry or reforming loss-making state-owned firms on the other.7The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 discusses the relevant policy history that led to increased international competition in China. Section 3 provides a conceptual framework f or the analysis and discusses estimation issues. Section 4 describes the data. Section 5 shows the impact of tariff reductions on several margins and in Section 6 we discuss corroborating evidence for several mechanisms that could explain the estimated effects. Section 7 concludes.2Increased international competition2.1Policy regimeIn the late 1970s China embarked on a radical path of economic reforms. Opening the economy to the rest of the world was an integral part of these reforms from the beginning. China established four Special Economic Zones in 1980 and Economic and Technical Development Zones in fourteen coastal cities in 1984, to encourage entry of foreign direct investment (FDI) and the development of a manufacturing export sector through the importation of much-needed capital, managerial know-how, and technology. Outside of these zones it allowed the importation and licensing of new technologies and capital goods as part of a policy to modernize existing domestic enterprises. It concurrently reduced tariff and non- tariff barriers on a unilateral basis and extended direct trading rights to more firms, culminating in its entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the end of 2001.Even before its accession to WTO, China’s manu facturing sector was already relatively open on several dimensions. First, as part of its policy of encouraging FDI for exporting, China exempted mostly foreign firms involved in export processing from tariffs on imported raw materials, intermediates, and capital equipment. Exemption of import duties was expanded in the second half of the 1990s to certain types of domestic firms. Branstetter and Lardy (2008) report that in 2000 less than 40 percent of imports were subject to tariffs. Second, beginning in the early 1990s, China started to reduce its domestic tariffs, from 43.2 percent in 1992 (unweighted average at the 8-digit HS level) to 15.3 in 2001. These measures were accompanied by a reduction in the share of imports regulated by non-tariff barriers through licenses and quotas (Branstetter and Lardy, p. 635). This process continued as part of its negotiated WTO entry, only now some tariff reductions were less voluntary.China’s renewed openness complemented reform initiatives geared towards the domest ic economy. Thousands of state and collective-owned enterprises were either sold off or allowed to go bankrupt,7 Using cross-country regressions, Freund and Bolaky (2008) establish a similar connection between trade liberalization and deregulation of entry at the aggregate level.while entry restrictions on domestic private firms were relaxed tremendously.8 Imperceptible in the mid-1990s, employment in private firms rose to almost one-third of manufacturing employment by 2007 (Brandt et al. 2012). These wide-ranging reforms served as catalyst for economic growth that has averaged nearly 8 percent per annum in per capita terms since the start of reforms.2.2Quantifying the extent of trade liberalizationWe obtained import tariff rates at the 8-digit level of the Harmonized System (HS) product classification from the World Bank’s WITS dataset. We map them into China’s Industrial Classification (CIC) system at the 4-digit level (424 manufacturing industries) to obtain output tariffs that we use in the firm and industry-level analysis.9 To avoid any bias in the industry average due to low trade volumes in heavily protected product lines, we use an unweighted average. Input tariffs are a weighted average of output tariffs, using as weights the industry input shares from the 2002 Input-Output (IO) table. Reflecting the higher level of aggregation of the Chinese IO table, the input tariffs are effectively at the 3-digit level. By constructing a consistent industry classification over time, accounting for important changes in 2003, we obtain a measure of inward tariff protection at the industry level that is comparable over the period from 1994 to 2007.Figure 1 shows the evolution of import tariffs including several years before our sample period. A number of patterns stand out. First, tariff reduction proceeded in spurts, with large and widespread reductions occurring between 1994 and 1997, and then again in 2002; reductions are more gradual and idiosyncratic in other years. Second, output tariffs were on average substantially higher than input tariffs, reflecting the different treatment of final goods from raw materials, intermediates inputs and capital imports. And third, by the end of the period the median output tariff was only 7.5 percent, far below the average for countries with a similar income level as China. The gap between the median output and input tariff also narrowed to less than two percentage points.[Insert Figure 1 approximately here]The average evolution hides important variation both across industries and within industries over time that we exploit to estimate the effects of the trade liberalization on productivity and markups. The shaded area in Figure 1 denotes the inter-quartile range for industry output tariffs, and the dashed lines the corresponding inter-quartile range for input tariffs. Industries initially differed tremendously in the protection they received. The narrowing of the two bands over time highlights the important tariff compression: For output tariffs, the inter-quartile range declined from 18-55 percent in 1994 to 6-12 percent in 2007. As a result, the extent of trade liberalization experienced by industries often differed substantially.Non-tariff barriers (NTBs) and restrictions on foreign investment were also part of the policy landscape. Annual circulars of the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation and the Ministry of Commerce provide information on the licensing of imports and exports, as well as FDI8 Revision of the constitution in 1999, for example, improved the political environment for private entrepreneurs, while amendments in 2004 signaled better safeguards for private property rights.9 We extend the HS–CIC concordance table constructed by the NBS to include all manufactured products (HS) and manufacturing industries (CIC) and correct several mistakes. Changes in the HS system in 2002 (affecting nearly ten percent of all product lines) and in the CIC system in 2003 required multiple concordance tables.restrictions.10 In some sectors foreign firms were required to work with a domestic partner, while in others they were prohibited from entering entirely. In Figure 2, we graph the fraction of industries that contain at least one 8-digit product line subject to some form of FDI restriction. The number declined from a high of 87 (out of 424 industries) in 1995 to 47 in 2007, with most of the liberalization happening at the moment of WTO entry. The decline is more rapid for the restrictions than for outright prohibitions, which made up one-fifth of the total in 2007. The total number of industries subject to some form of import licenses also fell, but the decline was both less monotonic and more drastic. After a brief rise from 15.3 percent in 1997 to 22.6 percent in 2000, it declined to only 1.2 percent in 2007.[Insert Figure 2 approximately here]In our analysis, we use import tariffs as the key explanatory variables because they provide the most accurate and detailed information on trade openness. The overall pattern of trade liberalization is apparent for all three indicators shown in Figure 2. In the cross-section, the correlation between the different forms of protection is significantly positive in 1997. By 2007, however, the correlations between tariffs and either NTBs or FDI restrictions had become very weak, reflecting the convergence of import tariffs to a fairly uniform level in all industries and the dwindling importance of recorded NTBs.2.3Endogeneity of tariffsThere are two endogeneity concerns when using tariffs as explanatory variable for the extent of trade liberalization. A first concern is reverse causality. A negative association between tariffs and productivity might not be due to lower tariffs inducing improved productivity, but to policymakers lowering tariffs selectively only in industries that are able to compete with less expensive imports, for example, in industries experiencing a productivity spurt. A second concern is misattribution. Industry characteristics that are merely correlated with tariff cuts might be the real reason for the subsequent productivity growth.There are several reasons why the first of these concerns is unlikely to be a serious problem. The low remaining variation in tariff rates by 2007 implies that there was little room for policy discretion in tariff reductions. The inter-quartile range for output tariffs was only 6-12 percent at the end of the sample period and for input tariffs the range was even narrower, 5-7 percent. The average import tariff declined from 44 to 10 percent between 1992 and 2007, but equally remarkable was the decline in the standard deviation across industries from 28 to 7 percent. Moreover, the partial correlation between tariff rates in the first and last year is extremely high at 0.70. An industry’s relative protection in 2007 is well explained by its initial protection.Figure 3 shows this pattern explicitly, plotting the change in import tariffs between 1992 and 2007 on the vertical axis against the initial level on the horizontal axis. The dispersion of protection across industries is extremely wide in 1992, with nine industries receiving protection of more than 100 percent. By 2007, only a single industry had an import tariff above 40 percent and only nine were above 25 percent. The relationship between tariff reduction and initial protection is almost one-to-one, as can be seen from the close fit with the dashed line, which has a slope of -1.10 The Chinese government first published the Catalogue for the Guidance of Foreign Investment Industries in 1995. It was revised in 1997, 2002, 2004, 2007, 2011 and 2014. It classifies all industries, which we mapped into t he CIC classification, into “encourage”, “permit”, “restrict” and “prohibit” categories.[Insert Figure 3 approximately here]The bottom panel of Figure 3 shows that there is more heterogeneity in the extent of tariff reductions in the post-WTO period (2001-2007). There could be some policy endogeneity, but only in an expected sense as tariff cuts after 2001 were already fixed in the WTO accession agreement. For these cuts to depend on an industry’s strong productivity evolution, this performance either had to be predicted at the time of negotiations or, more plausibly, actual tariffs had to deviate from the agreed rates. We observe some deviations and to rule out this form of policy endogeneity, we use the rates from the accession agreement, which were mostly fixed by 1999, as instruments for the actual tariff rates.11 We report this first stage regression for the period between 2002 and 2007 in Column (5) of Table 1. The maximum tariff level is a good predictor of the actual tariff and the coefficient below one suggests that tariff reductions were often implemented earlier than the accession agreement mandated.To investigate more formally whether industry variation in trade liberalization is related to past performance, we regress changes in tariffs between 1998 and 2007 on initial productivity, similar to Topalova and Khandelwal (2011). Because we estimate productivity separately for each two-digit sector, comparisons of productivity levels are only valid within these sectors. We resolve this in two ways. First, when using the initial level of TFP in 1998, we include two-digit sector dummies such that we only compare productivity levels between 4-digit industries within the same 2-digit sector. Second, we use TFP growth in the three years prior to 1998, exploiting variation in pre-1998 productivity trends across all 4-digit industries.The baseline results in columns (1) and (2) of Table 1 show that neither of these two measures of initial productivity is correlated with the subsequent tariff cuts. Only when both measures are included simultaneously, in column (3), are the point estimates marginally significant, but they are of opposite signs and equally important in size (we report beta-coefficients, normalizing both variables by their standard deviation). More productive industries receive deeper tariff cuts, but industries experiencing faster productively growth before 1998 receive smaller tariff cuts afterwards. The latter relationship is in line with the expressed goal of using WTO entry as a catalyst for reforming lagging sectors in manufacturing, and it works against the reverse causality concern in the analysis below.[Insert Table 1 approximately here]Once we include additional controls, in column (4), the correlation between tariff cuts and initial productivity disappears entirely. These controls include previous and concurrent export performance, indicators for the type of good produced (intermediate, capital or consumer goods), and a number of US and Chinese industry characteristics that are predictive of cross-industry tariff variation in 1998. As noted above, a potential concern is that industry characteristics correlated with tariffs cuts might be the real source of the subsequent productivity growth. Exports, for example, grew rapidly following WTO entry and a strong export performance of an industry could raise its domestic productivity. However, we do not find any relationship between sectoral differences in export growth and tariff cuts. In fact, very few industry-level characteristics are correlated with the tariff changes. In the performance regressions below, we will control for industry-fixed effects at the 4-digit level, as well as employment levels and shares of state and foreign-owned firms.11 This instrument does not resolve endogeneity caused by policymakers’ correct anticipation of future performance when negotiating the WTO agreement. However, the inclusion of industry-fixed effects, a substantial lag between the negotiations and much of our sample period, and great uncertainty regarding industries’ future performance in the Chinese high-growth environment makes this a secondary concern.。
中国加入世界贸易组织对其产业结构的影响研究近年来,中国的加入世界贸易组织(WTO)引发了广泛的讨论。
许多人对中国的产业结构在这个国际舞台上发生了何种变化以及这些变化对中国的意义感兴趣。
本文将探讨中国加入WTO对其产业结构的影响,并分析其中的利弊。
首先,中国加入WTO为其国内产业带来了巨大的机遇。
作为世界上最大的制造业和出口国之一,中国的制造业在WTO中逐渐获得了更广阔的市场。
毋庸置疑,这对中国的高科技产业尤为重要。
中国加入WTO后,吸引了大量外国投资和技术,从而促进了本土企业的技术创新和进步。
中国的电子产品、汽车、航空航天等领域在国际市场上得到了更多的曝光和竞争机会,这无疑加速了中国产业结构的升级。
然而,中国加入WTO也带来了一些挑战。
首先是国内企业面临的市场竞争压力的加剧。
中国的加入使外国产品进入中国市场更容易,这导致了本土企业的竞争力下降。
许多小型企业无法承受外国企业的竞争压力,不得不破产或被外国企业并购。
同时,加入WTO也意味着中国的市场更加开放,进口商品的竞争将给中国的传统产业带来冲击。
举个例子,中国的纺织业在加入WTO后面临了巨大的竞争压力,因为来自其他WTO成员国的纺织品出口到中国市场。
因此,中国加入WTO也在一定程度上加剧了产业结构的失衡。
不过,中国政府也意识到了这些挑战,并采取了积极的措施来应对。
中国政府出台了一系列的政策,以促进国内企业的技术进步和产业升级。
政府鼓励本土企业加强研发投入,提高产品质量和竞争力。
政府还提供了财政和税收优惠政策,以支持技术创新和科技产业的发展。
此外,中国还加强了知识产权保护,并实施了一系列行业准入限制,以保护和发展本土产业。
这些措施在一定程度上缓解了产业结构调整过程中的问题。
总体来说,中国加入WTO对其产业结构带来了利弊。
中国的制造业在WTO 中获得了更广阔的市场,加速了产业结构的升级。
然而,同时也面临来自国外产品的竞争压力,导致一些小型企业被迫退出市场。
WHEN China joined the World Trade Organisation in late 2001, its share of world exports stoodat 4.3%. By last year that share had soared to10.6%, and the country had become the worldsbiggest exporter. In addition to awe and envy, its rise has spawned a rapidly growing list oftrade quarrels.China was a party to only two of the 93trade disputes that were taken to theWTO between its accession and the end of 20xx. But in the five years to the end of 20xx,itwas involved in 26of the 84 cases filed at the forum.中国于2001 年底加入世贸组织时,对外贸易出口额仅占世界总额的4.3%。
然而,去年该比例已飙升到10.6%,使得中国已经成为世界上最大的出口国。
对此,各国有敬畏也有妒忌,于是贸易纷争骤增。
在中国入世后至20xx 年年底这段时间,世贸组织所处理的商业纠纷中,惟独两起牵涉到中国。
然而,在05 年到10 年底这段时间,世贸处理的84 起纠纷中,就有26 起牵扯到中国。
On July 5th the WTOs dispute-settlement body found against China on three linkedcomplaints. The cases were brought by America, the European Union and Mexico in 20xx andtook issue with Chinas policy of restricting the exports of certain industrial raw materials,including bauxite,magnesium,zinc and silica, of which it is a leading producer. The plaintiffsargued that Chinas policies gave domestic firms that use these commodities an unfaircompetitive advantage, while also restricting world supply of these inputs and causing theirprices to soar.7 月5 号,世贸争议解决机构在连续3 场投诉中都判定中国违规。
加入WTO后中国对外贸易的发展变化加入世界贸易组织(WTO)是中国对外贸易发展中的一个重大转折点。
自2001年12月11日正式加入WTO以来,中国的对外贸易经历了巨大的变化。
以下是关于中国对外贸易发展变化的主要方面。
第二,加入WTO后,中国对外贸易结构发生了明显的变化。
在加入WTO之前,中国对外贸易主要依赖于资源密集型和劳动密集型产品,如纺织品、服装和玩具等。
然而,加入WTO后,中国逐渐实现了对外贸易结构的升级和调整。
高技术产品和装备制造业的比重逐渐增加,包括电子产品、机械设备、汽车和航空航天产品等。
这种结构的调整使中国的对外贸易在价值链中的地位提升,从低附加值产品向高附加值产品转变。
第三,加入WTO后,中国的对外贸易市场和合作伙伴多样化。
中国积极寻求与更多的国家和地区建立贸易关系,扩大市场开放和合作。
中国在加入WTO后加强了与亚太地区、欧洲、非洲和拉美等地区的贸易合作。
同时,中国还通过参与区域自由贸易协定,如东盟自由贸易区、中日韩自由贸易区等,推动区域贸易的发展。
这些努力使中国的对外贸易市场更加广泛,也增加了中国企业的出口机会。
第四,加入WTO后,中国的贸易体制和政策发生了和调整。
中国加入WTO意味着更加公平和透明的国际贸易规则和制度将适用于中国。
为了适应WTO的要求,中国不断完善贸易体制和政策。
中国进行了一系列的贸易法律和法规修订,包括保护知识产权、减少非关税壁垒、降低关税等。
同时,中国还加大了对外贸易的监管和标准化力度,以提高出口产品的质量和安全性。
最后,加入WTO后,中国的对外贸易面临了新的挑战和机遇。
一方面,国际贸易保护主义的抬头对中国的出口带来了不确定性。
另一方面,中国积极参与全球价值链和跨国公司的全球化布局,为中国企业提供了更广阔的市场和扩大产能的机会。
此外,中国还通过“一带一路”倡议和自由贸易试验区等开放政策,积极推动贸易便利化和贸易自由化的进程。
总体来说,加入WTO对中国的对外贸易发展带来了巨大的变化。
wTo与中国工业
从“复关”到“入世”,
一、加入wto对申国产业的影响
当然,中国加入世贸组织将加速推动国有企业改革,使其更快迈向市场化,所以就中长期
而言,其影响将是正面的。
在为中国经济持续稳定发展带来历史性机遇的同时,它也对中
国许多产业的发展带来了一些严峻的挑战。
随着关税的降低,国内商品的价格优势将会逐
渐消失,同时由于技术与管理水平与发达国家存在的差距,也会对经济发展带来负面的影响。
首先,以往那些严重重复建设的行业和企业在市场开放后,会受到市场竞争机制更加
严厉的惩罚,预计相当一部分企业要重新选择发展方向,还有一部分企业会被淘汰。
其次,由于中国高科技产业的发展起步较晚,不少行业和产业还是空白,如果我们不尽快发展,
国外企业就有可能长驱直入地抢先占领市场。
最后,加入wtd以降低关税为主要代价,中
国目前一些质次价高的产品会更快地被淘汰,而这样的产品又多集中在就业较为集中的传
统产业。
具体到工业领域,加入wid对不同产业的影响会各不相同,其中,既有受益的企业,也有炮受冲击的行业。
总体分析看,短期内劳动密集型和资源型企业将会受益,但在目前“通货紧缩”形势下受
益的空间有限。
如轻工。
工艺。
食品。
家用电器。
中低附加值机电等产业可保留或获得一
定发展机遇。
有些以出口为主的企业无疑会获得较大的发展空间。
二、 wto与中国纺织工业
加入wto,对纺织业的影响可能是双向的。
我国是最大的纺织服装出口国,纺织业特别是
化纤行业深受西方国家各种关税和非关税壁垒限制。
加入wto,纺织品贸易自由化将使我
国纺织服装企业深受其惠。
特别是到2005年全面取消配额,我国纺织服装业将可以进一
步扩大出口,有人测算,届时在欧美市场的份额可以从现在的15%上升到30%。
但是客
观他讲,中国加入世界贸易组织以后,对纺织业的影响可能是双向的。
目前中美双方在纺织品及其他市场准入和法律协议等问题上仍然有分歧。
在纺织品贸易上,中美双方分歧的焦点主要在于,美国坚持对中国维持十年的纺织品进口配额制,而世贸成
员国已签署多边的“多种纤维协定”,将在未来五年内取消国际纺织品贸易配额限制。
中
国须额外延长五年,并不公平。
中国是纺织品出口大国,作为劳动密集型的产业,纺织品行业对出口的依赖程度相对较高,纺织品亦是出口第二大品类(从1986年至 1996年一直居于首位,l996年机电产品出口
首次超过纺织品而居中国外贸出口首位),占中国外贸出口额的2成左右。
业内人士一般
希望中国政府能够在谈判中取胜,那么中国亦能在五年内取消出口的配额限制,未取消前
的配额增长率亦会不断提高,有利于中国纺织业扩大出口。
但我们也应该注意到,实际上
配额限制仅仅是2000余种非关税壁垒中数量限制的一种,其取消配额限制对于我国这样
的纺织品出口大国来说固然有利,但这绝不意味着诸如美国这样的纺织品主要进口国会放
开国内的纺织品市场。
虽然配额取消了,但还有许多符合wto规定的非关税壁垒存在,以
保护国际贸易“有秩序”地发展。
即使没有配额限制,其他非关税壁垒依然可以有效地限。