麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死

麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲Farewell Addressto Congressmy country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is monly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater expression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the munist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to munism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must prehend something of asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, aheretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. in this situation, it bees vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. thesepolitical-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoidthe pitfalls of unrealism.of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the littoral line of the americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.*any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort.* no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or ourfriends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly ect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this littoral defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. for that reason, i have strongly remended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under munist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was pletely non-homogenous, being partmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tes of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under theregime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiangkai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus bee militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute excellent soldiers, with petent staffs and manders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has bee aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.i have from the beginning believed that the chinese munists' support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the samelust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a mendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government mitted to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked munism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race. of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. we must be patient andunderstanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the ans of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as i said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was plete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were mitted against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.such decisions have not been forthing.while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never givena thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china's coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the mon enemy.for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces mitted to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements,the position of the mand from the military standpoint forbade victory.we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its plete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nieen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:men since the beginning of time have sought peace. various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. from the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by wayof the crucible of war. the utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. we have had our last chance. if we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, armageddon will be at our door. the problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past XX years. it must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. war's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.in war there is no substitute for victory.there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence bees the only other alternative."why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" i could not answer.some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither explanation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the maximum power it can mit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy willmore likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against munism. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description. they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: "don't scuttle the pacific!"i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have metall tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, buti still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.good bye.。

麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死Dear friends, colleagues, and fellow citizens,It is with a heavy heart that I bid farewell to you all today. As I prepare to step down from my position as the Chief of Staff of the United States Army, I cannot help but reflect on the incredible journey that has led me to this moment.It has been my honor and privilege to serve this great nation for over four decades, and to stand shoulder to shoulder with some of the most courageous and dedicated soldiers our country has ever produced. From the battlefields of Vietnam, to the sands of Iraq and Afghanistan, I have witnessed firsthand the bravery, valor, and selflessness that define the American soldier.However, as I take my leave, I am left with one thought above all others: the legacy of our service. For the past seventy-five years, since the end of World War II, our soldiers have been engaged in conflicts around the world, fighting for freedom and democracy, and defending the values that make America truly great.And it is this legacy that I am most proud of. As I look back on my own career, I am humbled by the sacrifices made by those who came before me, and inspired by the dedication and determination of those who will continue to serve.For the soldier, the mission never ends. Whether in peacetime or in war, we are called upon to defend our country and our way of life. We do not seek conflict, but when it comes, we are ready to meet it head on.This is why I believe that the soldier never dies. Yes, we may leave the military, and we may even pass from this life, but the spirit of the soldier lives on. It is the courage, the honor, and the commitment that we embody that will endure, and inspire future generations of Americans to step forward and answer the call to serve.As I close, I want to thank each and every one of you for your support, your dedication, and your unwavering commitment to our cause. You are the backbone of our great nation, and it is through your strength and resilience that we will continue to thrive and prosper.So let us honor the legacy of those who have come before us, and pledge to carry the torch of freedom and democracy forward into the future. For the soldier never truly dies - we march on, guided by the principles of duty, honor, and country.Thank you, and God bless America.。

Old soldiers never die -----------Douglas MacArthurMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who h ave stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are ce ntered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do no t stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundame ntal and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must b e resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the just ice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of li fe, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commo nly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is th e Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have it s impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequa te to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of n o greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strengt h on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communis m in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance i n Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the r evolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve a ny degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life suc h as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of A sia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of c olonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dign ity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural res ources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whethe r one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of A sian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies i n consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a cour se blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian people s covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is frie ndly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the di gnity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their st omachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their he ads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. T hese political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own nati onal security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are th e changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the cour se of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That sal ient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along whi ch the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force inte nt upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pa cific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific O cean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of th e Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islan ds extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air pow er every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air powerevery port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any host ile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphi bious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air ov er those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenue s of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly asp ect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be mai ntained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operat ions, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggress ion. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely d ependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leade r who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in t he past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must F ormosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once thre aten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well for ce our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washingt on.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainlan d, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over t he past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogeno us, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-ma king tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regi me of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruit ion under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the chara cter of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become milit arized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent sol diers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new anddominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Ru ssia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively im perialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumula tion has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation o f local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recen tly displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the exp ansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beg inning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest refor mation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to le arn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in w ar's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individu al liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been cr eated a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of e vents in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese p eople have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surroundin g them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of ou r occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms a s to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully j ustified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, n or in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence t hat the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in A sia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the oppo rtunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan peopl e are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representati on on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially th ey appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korea n conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to inter vene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standp oint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not co ntemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invade rs; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to per mit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground force s into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situat ion did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary prot ection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the C hina coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coa stal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their e ffective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our fo rces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possibl e delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in thepast by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up b ases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force o f some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coa st to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command fr om the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate ar ea where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line dis advantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive c ampaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy u tilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political d ecisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know wa r as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on b oth friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling internation al disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleshi p Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time havesought peace. Various methods through theages have been attempted to devise aninternational process to prevent or settledisputes between nations. From the verystart workable methods were found in sofar as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality oflarger international scope have neverbeen successful. Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path tobe by way of the crucible of war. Theutter destructiveness of war now blocksout this alternative. We have had our lastchance. If we will not devise somegreater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door. Theproblem basically is theological andinvolves a spiritual recrudescence andimprovement of human character that willsynchronize with our almost matchlessadvances in science, art, literature, and allmaterial and cultural developments ofthe past 2000 years. It must be of the spiritif we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to ap ply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. Th ey are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable e mphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for ne w and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an en emy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with C hina; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, an y new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in mili tary or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military ac tion is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bomb ardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack a nd devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one whi ch has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage a nd fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests ther e, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers al ways.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, ev en before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish ho pes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oat h on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since va nished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack b allads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career an d just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him t he light to see that duty.Good Bye.中文翻译：总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们：我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说（双语对照）General Douglas MacArthur 道格拉斯麦克阿瑟Sylvanus Thayer Award Acceptance Address'Duty, Honor, Country' 责任、荣誉、国家这是美国五星上将道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟82岁时的西点告别演说（翻译仅供参考）General Westmoreland ([注]Gen. Westmoreland 就是后来出任驻越南美军司令的魏摩兰将军), General Grove, distinguished guests, and gentlemen of the Corps!As I was leaving the hotel this morning, a doorman asked me, 'Where are you bound for, General?' And when I replied, 'West Point,' he remarked, 'Beautiful place. Have you ever been there before?'今天早晨，当我走出旅馆时，看门人问道：“将军，您上哪去？”一听说我要去西点，他说：“那是个好地方，您从前去过吗？”No human being could fail to be deeply moved by such a tribute as this [Thayer Award]. Coming from a profession I have served so long, and a people I have loved so well, it fills me with an emotion I cannot express. But this award is not intended primarily to honor a personality, but to symbolize a great moral code -- the code of conduct and chivalry of those who guard this beloved land of culture and ancient descent. That is the animation of this medallion. For all eyes and for all time, it is anexpression of the ethics of the American soldier. That I should be integrated in this way with so noble an ideal arouses a sense of pride and yet of humility which will be with me always.这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。

全世界著名的十大演讲（01）麦克阿瑟告别演说：老兵不死一、麦克阿瑟其人道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟，Douglas MacArthur，美国陆军五星上将；第二次世界大战时期历任美国远东军司令，西南太平洋战区盟军司令，战后出任驻日盟军最高司令和"联合国军"总司令。

1880年，麦克阿瑟出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家；1899年，考入西典军校；1903年，以第一名的优异成绩毕业。

1906年，麦克阿瑟成为美国陆军工兵学校学员，兼任西奥多·罗斯福总统的军事副官；1915年晋升为少校;1916年，调任陆军部长贝克的副官，负责与新闻界的联络事务。

1917年，麦克阿瑟任第42步兵师参谋长，晋升为上校，赴法国参加世界大战，他声称该师人员来自美国各地，犹如跨越长空的彩虹，故该师亦称“彩虹师”；1918年6月，晋升为美国陆军准将。

1919年6月，39岁的麦克阿瑟被任命为西典军校校长。

1925年，麦克阿瑟晋升为少将；1930年11月，接受陆军四星上将的临时军衔，就任美国陆军参谋长。

1943年，麦克阿瑟被任命为盟军西南太平洋战区总司令；1944年12月，晋升为陆军五星上将。

1945年8月15日，日本宣布无条件投降，麦克阿瑟则被杜鲁门总统任命为驻日盟军最高司令，负责对日军事占领和日本的重建工作。

1950年7月，联合国安理会任命麦克阿瑟为联合国军总司令，指挥朝鲜战争；1951年4月，杜鲁门以"未能全力支持美国和联合国的政策"为借口撤了他的职。

麦克阿瑟回到美国后，在华盛顿受到了万人空巷的英雄式欢迎，许多大城市都爆发了支持麦克阿瑟，反对杜鲁门的游行示威活动；1951年4月19日，在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》的著名演讲。

1962年5月2日，麦克阿瑟来西点军校接受军事院校最高荣誉奖—西尔事纳斯·塞耶荣誉奖章。

在仪式上，他检阅了军校学员，发表了《责任·荣誉·国家》演讲。

美国经典演讲麦克阿瑟：《老兵不死》（英文原版及翻译）President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in theweight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debaterepresents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving thatwhich I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issuesare global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector,oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. WhileAsia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I canthink of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threatis a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destructionof every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communismin Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past andthe revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieveany degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of lifesuch as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples ofAsia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of theearth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples arerapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raisethe living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress totheir own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as thewhole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policiesin consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoplescovet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignityof equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof overtheir heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course ofthe past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United Stateslay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salientextending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack. The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All thiswas changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted toembrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americasand all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores ofAsia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific. Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific wouldbe doomed to failure. Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and canbe maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific isentirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach ofthat line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attackevery other major segment. This is a military estimate as to which I have yetto find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I havestrongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregonand Washington. To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture overthe past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of theConfucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under theregime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the startof a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed underthe leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character ofa united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in itsown concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism. There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinesemake-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has beenso thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager tofollow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies. I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that theaggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China andTibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the samelust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conquerorsince the beginning of time. The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicatedto the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed tothe advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That itmay be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the courseof events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanesepeople have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surroundingthem from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of ouroccupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms asto the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fullyjustified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious,nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service inthe advance of the human race. Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and astrong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- asin our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippinesstand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity forhigh moral leadership in Asia is unlimited. On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on theChinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along soundand constructive lines. With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, Inow turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to thePresident's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, thatdecision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming. While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our groundforces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the newsituation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if ourpolitical aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old. Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protectiongiven the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conductof the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas andof Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic ofChina on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy. For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countlessAmerican and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles,principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every militaryleader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff. I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements werenot available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-upbases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Forceof some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were tobe no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from themilitary standpoint forbade victory. We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope atbest for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attritionupon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I haveconstantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect,that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war asfew other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I havelong advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on bothfriend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling internationaldisputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred andforty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on theBattleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so faras individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character thatwill synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." But once waris forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every availablemeans to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision. In war there is no substitute for victory. There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clearlesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement butbegets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, asin blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative. "Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I couldnot answer. Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seemsvalid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, andthe Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra,any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity inmilitary or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis. The tragedyof Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confinedto its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose tosave, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment whilethe enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitudeof the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!" I havejust left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I canreport to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way. It wasmy constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably andwith the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growingbloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always. I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The worldhas turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, andthe hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrainof one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away." And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, anold soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.中文翻译：总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们：我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。

三一文库（）/演讲致辞/英语演讲稿麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲Farewell Address to Congressmr.president,mr.speaker,anddistinguishedmember softhecongress:istandonthisrostrumwithasenseofdeephumilityand greatpride--humilityinthewakeofthosegreatameri canarchitectsofourhistorywhohavestoodherebefor eme;prideinthereflectionthatthisforumoflegisla tivedebaterepresentshumanlibertyinthepurestfor myetdevised.herearecenteredthehopesandaspirati onsandfaithoftheentirehumanrace.idonotstandher easadvocateforanypartisancause,fortheissuesare fundamentalandreachquitebeyondtherealmofpartis anconsideration.theymustberesolvedonthehighest planeofnationalinterestifourcourseistoprovesoundandourfutureprotected.itrust,therefore,thaty ouwilldomethejusticeofreceivingthatwhichihavet osayassolelyexpressingtheconsideredviewpointof afellowamerican.iaddressyouwithneitherrancornorbitternessinthe fadingtwilightoflife,withbutonepurposeinmind:t oservemycountry.theissuesareglobalandsointerlo ckedthattoconsidertheproblemsofonesector,obliv ioustothoseofanother,isbuttocourtdisasterforth ewhole.whileasiaiscommonlyreferredtoasthegatew aytoeurope,itisnolesstruethateuropeisthegatewa ytoasia,andthebroadinfluenceoftheonecannotfail tohaveitsimpactupontheother.therearethosewhocl aimourstrengthisinadequatetoprotectonbothfront s,thatwecannotdivideoureffort.icanthinkofnogre aterexpressionofdefeatism.ifapotentialenemycan dividehisstrengthontwofronts,itisforustocounte rhiseffort.thecommunistthreatisaglobalone.itss uccessfuladvanceinonesectorthreatensthedestruc tionofeveryothersector.youcannotappeaseorother wisesurrendertocommunisminasiawithoutsimultaneouslyunderminingoureffortstohaltitsadvanceineu rope.beyondpointingoutthesegeneraltruisms,ishallcon finemydiscussiontothegeneralareasofasia.before onemayobjectivelyassessthesituationnowexisting there,hemustcomprehendsomethingofasiaspastandt herevolutionarychangeswhichhavemarkedhercourse uptothepresent.longexploitedbytheso-calledcolo nialpowers,withlittleopportunitytoachieveanyde greeofsocialjustice,individualdignity,orahighe rstandardoflifesuchasguidedourownnobleadminist rationinthephilippines,thepeoplesofasiafoundth eiropportunityinthewarjustpasttothrowoffthesha cklesofcolonialismandnowseethedawnofnewopportu nity,aheretoforeunfeltdignity,andtheself-respe ctofpoliticalfreedom.musteringhalfoftheearthspopulation,and60percen tofitsnaturalresourcesthesepeoplesarerapidlyco nsolidatinganewforce,bothmoralandmaterial,withwhichtoraisethelivingstandardanderectadaptatio nsofthedesignofmodernprogresstotheirowndistinc tculturalenvironments.whetheroneadherestotheco nceptofcolonizationornot,thisisthedirectionofa sianprogressanditmaynotbestopped.itisacorollar ytotheshiftoftheworldeconomicfrontiersasthewho leepicenterofworldaffairsrotatesbacktowardthea reawhenceitstarted.inthissituation,itbecomesvitalthatourowncountr yorientitspoliciesinconsonancewiththisbasicevo lutionaryconditionratherthanpursueacourseblind totherealitythatthecolonialeraisnowpastandthea sianpeoplescovettherighttoshapetheirownfreedes tiny.whattheyseeknowisfriendlyguidance,underst anding,andsupport--notimperiousdirection--thed ignityofequalityandnottheshameofsubjugation.th eirpre-warstandardoflife,pitifullylow,isinfini telylowernowinthedevastationleftinwarswake.wor ldideologiesplaylittlepartinasianthinkingandar elittleunderstood.whatthepeoplesstriveforisthe opportunityforalittlemorefoodintheirstomachs,alittlebetterclothingontheirbacks,alittlefirmer roofovertheirheads,andtherealizationofthenorma lnationalisturgeforpoliticalfreedom.thesepolit ical-socialconditionshavebutanindirectbearingu ponourownnationalsecurity,butdoformabackdropto contemporaryplanningwhichmustbethoughtfullycon sideredifwearetoavoidthepitfallsofunrealism.ofmoredirectandimmediatebearinguponournational securityarethechangeswroughtinthestrategicpote ntialofthepacificoceaninthecourseofthepastwar. priortheretothewesternstrategicfrontieroftheun itedstateslayonthelittorallineoftheamericas,wi thanexposedislandsalientextendingoutthroughhaw aii,midway,andguamtothephilippines.thatsalient provednotanoutpostofstrengthbutanavenueofweakn essalongwhichtheenemycouldanddidattack.thepacificwasapotentialareaofadvanceforanypred atoryforceintentuponstrikingattheborderingland areas.allthiswaschangedbyourpacificvictory.ourstrategicfrontierthenshiftedtoembracetheentire pacificocean,whichbecameavastmoattoprotectusas longasweheldit.indeed,itactsasaprotectiveshiel dforalloftheamericasandallfreelandsofthepacifi coceanarea.wecontrolittotheshoresofasiabyachai nofislandsextendinginanarcfromthealeutianstoth emariannasheldbyusandourfreeallies.fromthisisl andchainwecandominatewithseaandairpowereveryas iaticportfromvladivostoktosingapore--withseaan dairpowereveryport,asisaid,fromvladivostoktosi ngapore--andpreventanyhostilemovementintothepa cific.*anypredatoryattackfromasiamustbeanamphibiouse ffort.*noamphibiousforcecanbesuccessfulwithout controlofthesealanesandtheairoverthoselanesini tsavenueofadvance.withnavalandairsupremacyandm odestgroundelementstodefendbases,anymajorattac kfromcontinentalasiatowardusorourfriendsinthep acificwouldbedoomedtofailure.undersuchconditions,thepacificnolongerrepresen tsmenacingavenuesofapproachforaprospectiveinva der.itassumes,instead,thefriendlyaspectofapeac efullake.ourlineofdefenseisanaturaloneandcanbe maintainedwithaminimumofmilitaryeffortandexpen se.itenvisionsnoattackagainstanyone,nordoesitp rovidethebastionsessentialforoffensiveoperatio ns,butproperlymaintained,wouldbeaninvinciblede fenseagainstaggression.theholdingofthislittora ldefenselineinthewesternpacificisentirelydepen dentuponholdingallsegmentsthereof;foranymajorb reachofthatlinebyanunfriendlypowerwouldrenderv ulnerabletodeterminedattackeveryothermajorsegm ent.thisisamilitaryestimateastowhichihaveyettofind amilitaryleaderwhowilltakeexception.forthatrea son,ihavestronglyrecommendedinthepast,asamatte rofmilitaryurgency,thatundernocircumstancesmus tformosafallundercommunistcontrol.suchaneventu alitywouldatoncethreatenthefreedomofthephilippinesandthelossofjapanandmightwellforceourweste rnfrontierbacktothecoastofcalifornia,oregonand washington.tounderstandthechangeswhichnowappearuponthechi nesemainland,onemustunderstandthechangesinchin esecharacterandcultureoverthepast50years.china ,upto50yearsago,wascompletelynon-homogenous,be ingcompartmentedintogroupsdividedagainsteachot her.thewar-makingtendencywasalmostnon-existent ,astheystillfollowedthetenetsoftheconfucianide alofpacifistculture.attheturnofthecentury,unde rtheregimeofchangtsolin,effortstowardgreaterho mogeneityproducedthestartofanationalisturge.th iswasfurtherandmoresuccessfullydevelopedundert heleadershipofchiangkai-shek,buthasbeenbrought toitsgreatestfruitionunderthepresentregimetoth epointthatithasnowtakenonthecharacterofaunited nationalismofincreasinglydominant,aggressivete ndencies.throughthesepast50yearsthechinesepeoplehavethu sbecomemilitarizedintheirconceptsandintheiride als.theynowconstituteexcellentsoldiers,withcom petentstaffsandcommanders.thishasproducedanewa nddominantpowerinasia,which,foritsownpurposes, isalliedwithsovietrussiabutwhichinitsownconcep tsandmethodshasbecomeaggressivelyimperialistic ,withalustforexpansionandincreasedpowernormalt othistypeofimperialism.thereislittleoftheideologicalconcepteitheronew ayoranotherinthechinesemake-up.thestandardofli vingissolowandthecapitalaccumulationhasbeensot horoughlydissipatedbywarthatthemassesaredesper ateandeagertofollowanyleadershipwhichseemstopr omisethealleviationoflocalstringencies.ihavefromthebeginningbelievedthatthechinesecom munistssupportofthenorthkoreanswasthedominanto ne.theirinterestsare,atpresent,parallelwiththoseofthesoviet.butibelievethattheaggressiveness recentlydisplayednotonlyinkoreabutalsoinindo-c hinaandtibetandpointingpotentiallytowardthesou threflectspredominantlythesamelustfortheexpans ionofpowerwhichhasanimatedeverywould-beconquer orsincethebeginningoftime.thejapanesepeople,sincethewar,haveundergonethe greatestreformationrecordedinmodernhistory.wit hacommendablewill,eagernesstolearn,andmarkedca pacitytounderstand,theyhave,fromtheashesleftin warswake,erectedinjapananedificededicatedtothe supremacyofindividuallibertyandpersonaldignity ;andintheensuingprocesstherehasbeencreatedatru lyrepresentativegovernmentcommittedtotheadvanc eofpoliticalmorality,freedomofeconomicenterpri se,andsocialjustice.politically,economically,andsociallyjapanisnow abreastofmanyfreenationsoftheearthandwillnotag ainfailtheuniversaltrust.thatitmaybecountedupontowieldaprofoundlybeneficialinfluenceoverthec ourseofeventsinasiaisattestedbythemagnificentm annerinwhichthejapanesepeoplehavemettherecentc hallengeofwar,unrest,andconfusionsurroundingth emfromtheoutsideandcheckedcommunismwithintheir ownfrontierswithouttheslightestslackeninginthe irforwardprogress.isentallfourofouroccupationd ivisionstothekoreanbattlefrontwithouttheslight estqualmsastotheeffectoftheresultingpowervacuu muponjapan.theresultsfullyjustifiedmyfaith.ikn owofnonationmoreserene,orderly,andindustrious, norinwhichhigherhopescanbeentertainedforfuture constructiveserviceintheadvanceofthehumanrace.ofourformerward,thephilippines,wecanlookforwar dinconfidencethattheexistingunrestwillbecorrec tedandastrongandhealthynationwillgrowinthelong eraftermathofwarsterribledestructiveness.wemus tbepatientandunderstandingandneverfailthem--as inourhourofneed,theydidnotfailus.achristiannat ion,thephilippinesstandasamightybulwarkofchristianityinthefareast,anditscapacityforhighmoral leadershipinasiaisunlimited.onformosa,thegovernmentoftherepublicofchinahas hadtheopportunitytorefutebyactionmuchofthemali ciousgossipwhichsounderminedthestrengthofitsle adershiponthechinesemainland.theformosanpeople arereceivingajustandenlightenedadministrationw ithmajorityrepresentationontheorgansofgovernme nt,andpolitically,economically,andsociallythey appeartobeadvancingalongsoundandconstructiveli nes.withthisbriefinsightintothesurroundingareas,in owturntothekoreanconflict.whileiwasnotconsulte dpriortothepresidentsdecisiontointerveneinsupp ortoftherepublicofkorea,thatdecisionfromamilit arystandpoint,provedasoundone,aswe--asisaid,pr ovedasoundone,aswehurledbacktheinvaderanddecim atedhisforces.ourvictorywascomplete,andourobjectiveswithinreach,whenredchinaintervenedwithnu mericallysuperiorgroundforces.thiscreatedanewwarandanentirelynewsituation,as ituationnotcontemplatedwhenourforceswerecommit tedagainstthenorthkoreaninvaders;asituationwhi chcalledfornewdecisionsinthediplomaticsphereto permittherealisticadjustmentofmilitarystrategy .suchdecisionshavenotbeenforthcoming.whilenomaninhisrightmindwouldadvocatesendingou rgroundforcesintocontinentalchina,andsuchwasne vergivenathought,thenewsituationdidurgentlydem andadrasticrevisionofstrategicplanningifourpol iticalaimwastodefeatthisnewenemyaswehaddefeate dtheold.apartfromthemilitaryneed,asisawit,toneutralize thesanctuaryprotectiongiventheenemynorthofthey alu,ifeltthatmilitarynecessityintheconductofthewarmadenecessary:firsttheintensificationofour economicblockadeagainstchina;twotheimpositiono fanavalblockadeagainstthechinacoast;threeremov alofrestrictionsonairreconnaissanceofchinascoa stalareasandofmanchuria;fourremovalofrestricti onsontheforcesoftherepublicofchinaonformosa,wi thlogisticalsupporttocontributetotheireffectiv eoperationsagainstthecommonenemy.forentertainingtheseviews,allprofessionallydes ignedtosupportourforcescommittedtokoreaandbrin ghostilitiestoanendwiththeleastpossibledelayan datasavingofcountlessamericanandalliedlives,ih avebeenseverelycriticizedinlaycircles,principa llyabroad,despitemyunderstandingthatfromamilit arystandpointtheaboveviewshavebeenfullysharedi nthepastbypracticallyeverymilitaryleaderconcer nedwiththekoreancampaign,includingourownjointc hiefsofstaff.icalledforreinforcementsbutwasinformedthatreinforcementswerenotavailable.imadeclearthatifnot permittedtodestroytheenemybuilt-upbasesnorthof theyalu,ifnotpermittedtoutilizethefriendlychin eseforceofsome600,000menonformosa,ifnotpermitt edtoblockadethechinacoasttopreventthechinesere dsfromgettingsuccorfromwithout,andifthereweret obenohopeofmajorreinforcements,thepositionofth ecommandfromthemilitarystandpointforbadevictor y.wecouldholdinkoreabyconstantmaneuverandinanapp roximateareawhereoursupplylineadvantageswerein balancewiththesupplylinedisadvantagesoftheenem y,butwecouldhopeatbestforonlyanindecisivecampa ignwithitsterribleandconstantattritionuponourf orcesiftheenemyutilizeditsfullmilitarypotentia l.ihaveconstantlycalledforthenewpoliticaldecis ionsessentialtoasolution.effortshavebeenmadetodistortmyposition.ithasbe ensaid,ineffect,thatiwasawarmonger.nothingcouldbefurtherfromthetruth.iknowwarasfewothermenno wlivingknowit,andnothingtomeismorerevolting.ih avelongadvocateditscompleteabolition,asitsvery destructivenessonbothfriendandfoehasrenderedit uselessasameansofsettlinginternationaldisputes .indeed,ontheseconddayofseptember,nineteenhund redandforty-five,justfollowingthesurrenderofth ejapanesenationonthebattleshipmissouri,iformal lycautionedasfollows:mensincethebeginningoftimehavesoughtpeace.vari ousmethodsthroughtheageshavebeenattemptedtodev iseaninternationalprocesstopreventorsettledisp utesbetweennations.fromtheverystartworkablemet hodswerefoundinsofarasindividualcitizenswereco ncerned,butthemechanicsofaninstrumentalityofla rgerinternationalscopehaveneverbeensuccessful. militaryalliances,balancesofpower,leaguesofnat ions,allinturnfailed,leavingtheonlypathtobebyw ayofthecrucibleofwar.theutterdestructivenessof warnowblocksoutthisalternative.wehavehadourlas tchance.ifwewillnotdevisesomegreaterandmoreequitablesystem,armageddonwillbeatourdoor.theprob lembasicallyistheologicalandinvolvesaspiritual recrudescenceandimprovementofhumancharactertha twillsynchronizewithouralmostmatchlessadvances inscience,art,literature,andallmaterialandcult uraldevelopmentsofthepastXXyears.itmustbeofthe spiritifwearetosavetheflesh.butoncewarisforceduponus,thereisnootheralterna tivethantoapplyeveryavailablemeanstobringittoa swiftend.warsveryobjectisvictory,notprolongedindecision .inwarthereisnosubstituteforvictory.therearesomewho,forvaryingreasons,wouldappease redchina.theyareblindtohistorysclearlesson,for historyteacheswithunmistakableemphasisthatappe asementbutbegetsnewandbloodierwar.itpointstono singleinstancewherethisendhasjustifiedthatmeans,whereappeasementhasledtomorethanashampeace.l ikeblackmail,itlaysthebasisfornewandsuccessive lygreaterdemandsuntil,asinblackmail,violencebe comestheonlyotheralternative."why,"mysoldiersaskedofme,"surrendermilitaryad vantagestoanenemyinthefield?"icouldnotanswer.somemaysay:toavoidspreadoftheconflictintoanall -outwarwithchina;others,toavoidsovietintervent ion.neitherexplanationseemsvalid,forchinaisalr eadyengagingwiththemaximumpoweritcancommit,and thesovietwillnotnecessarilymeshitsactionswitho urmoves.likeacobra,anynewenemywillmorelikelyst rikewheneveritfeelsthattherelativityinmilitary orotherpotentialisinitsfavoronaworld-widebasis .thetragedyofkoreaisfurtherheightenedbythefactt hatitsmilitaryactionisconfinedtoitsterritorial limits.itcondemnsthatnation,whichitisourpurposetosave,tosufferthedevastatingimpactoffullnava landairbombardmentwhiletheenemyssanctuariesare fullyprotectedfromsuchattackanddevastation.ofthenationsoftheworld,koreaalone,uptonow,isth esoleonewhichhasriskeditsallagainstcommunism.t hemagnificenceofthecourageandfortitudeofthekor eanpeopledefiesdescription.theyhavechosentoriskdeathratherthanslavery.the irlastwordstomewere:"dontscuttlethepacific!"ihavejustleftyourfightingsonsinkorea.theyhavem etallteststhere,andicanreporttoyouwithoutreser vationthattheyaresplendidineveryway.itwasmyconstantefforttopreservethemandendthiss avageconflicthonorablyandwiththeleastlossoftim eandaminimumsacrificeoflife.itsgrowingbloodshe dhascausedmethedeepestanguishandanxiety.thosegallantmenwillremainofteninmythoughtsandi nmyprayersalways.iamclosingmy52yearsofmilitaryservice.whenijoin edthearmy,evenbeforetheturnofthecentury,itwast hefulfillmentofallofmyboyishhopesanddreams.the worldhasturnedovermanytimessinceitooktheoathon theplainatwestpoint,andthehopesanddreamshavelo ngsincevanished,butistillremembertherefrainofo neofthemostpopularbarrackballadsofthatdaywhich proclaimedmostproudlythat"oldsoldiersneverdie; theyjustfadeaway."andliketheoldsoldierofthatballad,inowclosemymi litarycareerandjustfadeaway,anoldsoldierwhotri edtodohisdutyasgodgavehimthelighttoseethatduty .goodbye.。

本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲 Farewell Addressto CongressMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reachquite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say assolely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoplesof Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their owndistinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orientits policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonialera is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignityof equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standardof life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastationleft in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asianthinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for isthe opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out throughHawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatoryforce intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shiftedto embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by usand our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore --with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency,that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.。

麦克阿瑟西点军校演讲（精选）第一篇：麦克阿瑟西点军校演讲（精选）DutyHonorCountry“Duty”“honor”“country”---thosethreehallowedwordsreverentlydictatewhat youwanttobe,whatyoucan be,whatyouwillbe。

They areyourallyingpoint tobuildcouragewhencourageseemstofail,toregainfaithwhenth ereseemstobelittlecauseforfaith,tocreatehopewhenhopebecomesforlor n.Unhappily,Ipossess neitherthateloquenceofdiction ,thatpoetry ofimagination,northatbrillianceofmetaphortotellyouallthatthey mean,Thesearesomeofthethingstheybuild, Theybuildyour basic character ,Theymold you foryourfuture rolesas the custodians ofthe nation's defense, They make you strong enough to knowwhen you are weak,and brave enough to face yourselfwhen you are afraid,Theyteach youtobeproudandunbendinginhonestfailure,but humble andgentle in success;nottoosubstitutewords for action;not to seek the the path ofcomfort,butto face the stress andspur of difficulty challenge;to learnto standupin the storm,but to have compassiononthosewhofall;to masteryourself before you seek to master others;to have a heart that is clean,a goal that is high;to learn tolaugh,yet never forget how toweep;to reach in to the future ,yet never neglect the past;to be serious,yet never take yourself too seriously;tobemodestsothat you willrememberthesimplicity oftruegreatness,theopenmind oftruewisdom,the meeknessoftruestrength.Theyteachyouinthis wayto beanofficer andan gentleman.责任荣誉国家责任、荣誉、国家---这三个神圣的词语，虔敬的告诉你们想成为什么，你们能成为什么，你们会成为什么。

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)，美国陆军五星上将。

出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。

1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校，1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业，到工程兵部队任职，并赴菲律宾执勤。

麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验，被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”，凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略，麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。

提起这句话：“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fa de away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》的著名演讲。

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and grea t pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflec tion that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty i n the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and as pirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here a s advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental a nd reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They mu st be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, th at you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the proble ms of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court dis aster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gat eway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to As ia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impac t upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadeq uate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential ene my can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter hi s effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advan ce in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. Y ou can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia wi thout simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my di scussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend somethi ng of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called coloni al powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social jus tice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided o ur own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia f ound their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackl es of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heret ofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new forc e, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard a nd erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and i t may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world e conomic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates b ack toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient it s policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition ratherthan pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is n ow past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own f ree destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understandin g, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality a nd not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pit ifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wa ke. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a lit tle more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their ba cks, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national securit y, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national securi ty are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western st rategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Haw aii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory f orce intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was c hanged by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted t o embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to p rotect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shie ld for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean a rea. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands exte nding in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea an d air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- wit h sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Sing apore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea l anes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. Wit h na val and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead,the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a na tural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort a nd expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provid e the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maint ained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely depen dent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of th at line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determine d attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a mili tary leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongl y recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that u nder no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. S uch an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philip pines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western fronti er back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, wa s com pletely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided ag ainst each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent,as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a n ationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed un der the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly d ominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus beco me militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now co nsti tute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or anot her in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and th e capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war tha t the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership whic h seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interes ts are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but als o in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power w hich has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of t ime.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greates t reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedi cated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; an d in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representat ive government committed to the advance of political morality, free dom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of ma ny free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal tru st. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial inf luence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnifi cent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent chal lenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the sl ightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more seren e, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entert ained for future constructive service in the advance of the human r ace.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in con fidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fa il them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in t he Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is un limited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had t he opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip whi ch so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mai nland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened adm inistration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advanc ing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn t o the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the Presid ent's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, tha t decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hur led back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was com plete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened wi th numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situatio n not contemplated when our forces were committed against the No rth Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in th e diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military st rategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our grou nd forces into continental China, and such was never given a though t, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strat egic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as w e had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sa nctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that m ilitary necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first th e intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the im position of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Repu blic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to th eir effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to suppo rt our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end wi th the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American an d allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay ci rcles, principall y abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically ev ery military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including ou r own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcemen ts were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to ut ilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be n o hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approxi mate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with th e supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrit ion upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential toa solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been sai d, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further fro m the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and n othing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete a bolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has ren dered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indee d, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-fiv e, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battle ship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time havesought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchlessadvances in science, art, literature, and allmaterial and cultural developments ofthe past 2000 years. It must be of the spiritif we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative th an to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red Ch ina. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches wit h unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloo dier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justifie d that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham pea ce. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alte rnative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out w ar with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanati on seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its action s with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strik e whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that it s military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns th at nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctu aries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence o f the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies descripttio n.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savag e conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimumsacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my p rayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined th e Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and t he hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they ju st fade away."(我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。