中国翻译史(英文版详细)

中国翻译史及其著名翻译家中国翻译发展史的五个历史时期•古代：汉隋唐宋的佛经翻译时期•明清之际的科学翻译时期•近代：清末民初的西学翻译时期（鸦片战争后~ “五四运动”前)•现代：“五四”以后的社会科学和文学翻译时期•当代：新中国成立后一、东汉~唐宋的佛经翻译Translation on Buddhism Scripture•中国翻译史上有“译经三大家”的说法•鸠摩罗什：他和弟子僧肇翻译了《金刚经》、《法华经》、《维摩经》、《中观论》和《百论》等共七十四部,三百八十四卷•真谛(印度佛教学者、梁武王）49《摄大乘论》•玄奘：唐高僧,俗称唐僧。

贞观二年(公元826年),玄奘去印度求经, 17年后回国,带回佛经657部。

玄奘主持了更大规模的译场,用19年时间译经75部1335卷。

此外,他还把老子著作的一部分译成梵语,是第一个把汉语著作介绍到国外去的中国人二、明末清初的科技翻译translation on science and technology•徐光启（1562-1633）（与利玛窦）：《几何原本》•李之藻（1565-1630）：“晓畅兵法，精于泰西之学”，与徐光启齐名。

•杨廷筠（1557—1627）与徐、李被称为中国天主教“三大柱石”三、鸦片战争后~ “五四运动”前Opium war~ May4th Movement•严复（最著名）信、达、雅•梁启超“通学、通文”•马建忠“善译”•林则徐•林纾："译界之王"、“译才并世数严林”。

不懂外文，由别人在旁边口译，他边听边以古文写作；30多人协助他口译，译出包括英、美、法等十多国家的作品近200部。

四、“五四”~中华人民共和国成立May4th ~ foundation of P.R.C•鲁迅：“宁信而不顺” rather to be faithful than smooth•胡适、•林语堂：”忠实、通顺、美“ Moment in Peking《京华烟云》 My Country and My People《吾国与吾民》•茅盾、•郭沫若、•瞿秋白、•朱生豪、（1912~1944）是中国翻译莎士比亚作品较早和最多的一人“莎士比亚翻译第一人”《仲夏夜之梦》《威尼斯商人》，《第十二夜》等等•朱光潜•梁实秋 rather to be smooth than faithful五、新中国成立以后(当代）•新中国成立初期：环境特殊、“一边倒”苏联著作•“文革”时期：翻译、出版领域,基本上成为一片荒漠•改革开放以来：翻译出版事业蓬勃发展,形成中国翻译史上又一次（第四次）翻译高潮。

中国翻译史及重要翻译家08英本1 杨慧颖 NO.35中国翻译史上有许多为人们所熟知的大家，现就其翻译观点和主要作品做一简介：严复是中国近代翻译史上学贯中西、划时代意义的翻译家，也是我国首创完整翻译标准的先驱者。

严复吸收了中国古代佛经翻译思想的精髓，并结合自己的翻译实践经验，在《天演论》译例言里鲜明地提出了“信、达、雅”的翻译原则和标准。

“信”（faithfulness）是指忠实准确地传达原文的内容；“达”（expressiveness）指译文通顺流畅；“雅”（elegance）可解为译文有文才，文字典雅。

这条[1]著名的“三字经”对后世的翻译理论和实践的影响很大，20世纪的中国译者几乎没有不受这三个字影响的。

主要翻译作品：《救亡决论》，《直报》，1895年《天演论》，赫胥黎，1896年～1898年《原富》（即《国富论》），亚当·斯密，1901年《群学肄言》，斯宾塞，1903年《群己权界论》，约翰·穆勒，1903年《穆勒名学》，约翰·穆勒，1903年《社会通诠》，甄克斯，1903年《法意》（即《论法的精神》），孟德斯鸠，1904年～1909年《名学浅说》，耶方斯，1909年鲁迅鲁迅翻译观的变化,从早期跟随晚清风尚以意译为主,到后期追求直译、反对归化。

鲁迅的翻译思想主要是围绕"信"和"顺"问题展开的。

他"宁信而不顺"的硬译观在我国文坛上曾经引发过极大的争议。

鲁迅先生说过:凡是翻译,必须兼顾两面,一则当然力求其易解,一则是保存着原作的丰姿。

从实质上来讲,就是要使原文的内容、风格、笔锋、韵味在译文中得以再现。

翻译涉及原语(source language)与译语(target language) 两种语言及其文化背景等各方面的知识,有时非常复杂。

所以,译者要想收到理想的翻译效果,常常需要字斟句酌,反复推敲,仅仅懂得一些基本技巧知识是不够的,必须广泛涉猎不同文化间的差异,必须在两种语言上下工夫,乃至独具匠心。

英文版中国成语故事英文版中国故事，成语故事英文版精选，成语故事是历史的积淀，是几千年以来人民智慧的结晶。

成语故事翻译成英文的难度应该不小。

关于中国成语故事英文版，喜欢就一起看看吧！英文版中国成语故事1：滥竽充数during the warring states period (475-221bc), the king of the state of qi was very fond of listening to yu ensembles. he often got together 300 yu players to form a grand music.the king treated his musician very well. a man named nanguo heard about that and he managed to become a member of the band, even though he wan not good at playing the instrument at all.whenever the band played for the king, nanguo just stood in the line and pretended to play. nobody realized he was making no sound at all.as a result, he enjoyed his treatment just as the other musician did. when the king died, his son became the new ruler who also liked the music played on the yu.however, he preferred solos so that he ordered the musicians to play the yu one by one. therefore, nanguo had to run out of the palace.英文版中国成语故事2:偃旗息鼓In the Three Kingdoms Period, during a battle between Cao Cao and Liu Bei, the latter ordered his generals Zhao Yun and Huang Zhong to capture Cao Cao’s supplies.Cao Cao led a large force against Zhao Yun, who retreated as fas as the gates of his camp.There, he ordered that the banners be lowered and the war drums silenced, and that the camp gates be left wide open.Zhao Yun then stationed(安置，驻扎) his troops in ambush(埋伏) nearly. When Cao Cao arrived and saw the situation, he immediately suspected a trap and withdrew his forces.This idiom is nowadays used to indicate metaphorically(隐喻地) halting an attack or ceasing all activities.英文版中国成语故事3:破镜重圆in the northern and southern dynasties when the state of chen (a.d. 557-589) was facing its demise(死亡，终止) , xu deyan, husband of the princess, broke a bronze mirror into halves.each of them kept a half as tokens(代币，符号) in case they were separated. soon afterwards, they did lose touch with each other, but the two halves of the mirror enabled them to be reunited.this idiom is used to refer to the reunion of a couple after they lose touch or break up.成语故事是中国所特有的，总感觉翻译成英文的就变了味儿。

Brief Introduction of the Chinese Translation HistoryChinese translation theory was born out of contact with vassal states during the Zhou Dynasty. It developed through translations of Buddhist scripture into Chinese. It is a response to the universals of the experience of translation and to the specifics of the experience of translating from specific source languages into Chinese. It also developed in the context of Chinese literary and intellectual tradition.The modern Standard Mandarin word fanyi翻譯"translate; translation" compounds fan "turn over; cross over; translate" and yi "translate; interpret". Some related synonyms are tongyi通譯"interpret; translate", chuanyi傳譯"interpret; translate", and zhuanyi轉譯"translate; retranslate".The Chinese classics contain various words meaning "interpreter; translator", for instance, sheren舌人(lit. "tongue person") and fanshe反舌(lit. "return tongue"). The Classic of Rites records four regional words: ji寄"send; entrust; rely on" for Dongyi東夷"Eastern Yi-barbarians", xiang象"be like; resemble; image" for Nanman南蠻"Southern Man-barbarians", didi狄鞮"Di-barbarian boots" for Xirong西戎"Western Rong-barbarians", and yi譯"translate; interpret" for Beidi北狄"Northern Di-barbarians".In those five regions, the languages of the people were not mutually intelligible, and their likings and desires were different. To make what was in their minds apprehended, and to communicate their likings and desires, (there were officers), — in the east, called transmitters; in the south, representationists; in the west, Tî-tîs; and in the north, interpreters. (王制"The Royal Regulations", tr. James Legge 1885 vol. 27, pp. 229-230)A Western Han work attributes a dialogue about translation to Confucius. Confucius advises a ruler who wishes to learn foreign languages not to bother. Confucius tells the ruler to focus on governance and let the translators handle translation.The earliest bit of translation theory may be the phrase "names should follow their bearers, while things should follow China." In other words, names should be transliterated, while things should be translated by meaning.In the late Qing Dynasty and the Republican Period, reformers such as Liang Qichao, Hu Shi and Zhou Zuoren began looking at translation practice and theory of the great translators in Chinese history.Zhi Qian (3rd c. AD)Zhi Qian (支謙)'s preface (序) is the first work whose purpose is to express an opinion about translation practice. The preface was included in a work of the Liang Dynasty. It recounts an historical anecdote of 224AD, at the beginning of the Three Kingdoms period. A party of Buddhist monks came to Wuchang. One of them, Zhu Jiangyan by name, was asked to translate some passage from scripture. He did so, in rough Chinese. When Zhi Qian questioned the lack of elegance, another monk, named Wei Qi (維衹), responded that the meaning of the Buddha should be translated simply, without loss, in aneasy-to-understand manner: literary adornment is unnecessary. All present concurred and quoted two traditional maxims: Laozi's "beautiful words are untrue, true words are not beautiful" and Confucius's "speech cannot be fully recorded by writing, and speech cannot fully capture meaning".Zhi Qian's own translations of Buddhist texts are elegant and literary, so the "direct translation" advocated in the anecdote is likely Wei Qi's position, not Zhi Qian's.Dao An (314-385AD)Dao An focused on loss in translation. His theory is the Five Forms of Loss (五失本):1.Changing the word order. Sanskrit word order is free with a tendency to SOV. Chinese is SVO.2.Adding literary embellishment where the original is in plain style.3.Eliminating repetitiveness in argumentation and panegyric (頌文).4.Cutting the concluding summary section (義說).5.Cutting the recapitulative material in introductory section.Dao An criticized other translators for loss in translation, asking: how they would feel if a translator cut the boring bits out of classics like the Shi Jing or the Classic of History?He also expanded upon the difficulty of translation, with his theory of the Three Difficulties (三不易):municating the Dharma to a different audience from the one the Buddha addressed.2.Translating the words of a saint.3.Translating texts which have been painstakingly composed by generations of disciples.Kumarajiva (344-413AD)Kumarajiva’s translation practice was to translate for meaning. The story goes that one day Kumarajiva criticized his disciple Sengrui for translating “heaven sees man, and man sees heaven” (天見人,人見天). Kumarajiva felt that “man and heaven connect, the two able to see each other” (人天交接,兩得相見) would be more idiomatic, though heaven sees man, man sees heaven is perfectly idiomatic.In another tale, Kumarajiva discusses the problem of translating incantations at the end of sutras. In the original there is attention to aesthetics, but the sense of beauty and the literary form (dependent on the particularities of Sanskrit) are lost in translation. It is like chewing up rice and feeding it to people (嚼飯與人).Huiyuan (334-416AD)Huiyuan's theory of translation is middling, in a positive sense. It is a synthesis that avoids extremes of elegant (文雅) and plain (質樸). With elegant translation, "the language goes beyond the meaning" (文過其意) of the original. With plain translation, "the thought surpasses the wording" (理勝其辭). For Huiyuan, "the words should not harm the meaning" (文不害意). A good translator should “strive to preserve the original” (務存其本).Sengrui (371-438AD)Sengrui investigated problems in translating the names of things. This is of course an important traditional concern whose locus classicus is the Confucian exhortation to “rectify names” (正名). This is not merely of academic concern to Sengrui, for poor translation imperils Buddhism. Sengrui was critical of his teacher Kumarajiva's casual approach to translating names, attributing it to Kumarajiva's lack of familiarity with the Chinese tradition of linking names to essences (名實).Sengyou (445-518AD)Much of the early material of earlier translators was gathered by Sengyou and would have been lost but for him. Sengyou’s approach to translation resembles Huiyuan's, in that both saw good translation as the middle way between elegance and plainness. However, unlike Huiyuan Sengyou expressed admiration for Kumarajiva’s elegant translations.Xuanzang (600-664AD)Xuanzang’s theory is the Five Untranslatables (五種不翻), or five instances where one should transliterate:1.Secrets: Dharani 陀羅尼, Sanskrit ritual speech or incantations, which includes mantras.2.Polysemy: bhaga (as in the Bhagavad Gita) 薄伽, which means comfortable, flourishing, dignity, name, lucky,esteemed.3.None in China: jambu tree 閻浮樹, which does not grow in China.4.Deference to the past: the translation for anuttara-samyak-sambodhi is already established as Anouputi 阿耨菩提.5.To inspire respect and righteousness: Prajna 般若instead of “wisdom” (智慧).Daoxuan (596-667AD)Yan Fu (1898)Yan Fu is famous for his theory of fidelity, clarity and elegance (信達雅), which some believe originated with Tytler. Yan Fu wrote that fidelity is difficult to begin with. Only once the translator has achieved fidelity and clarity should he attend to elegance. The obvious criticism of this theory is that it implies that inelegant originals should be translated elegantly. Clearly, if the style of the original is not elegant or refined, the style of the translation should not be elegant either.Liang Qichao (1920)Liang Qichao put these three qualities of a translation in the same order, fidelity first, then clarity, and only then elegance.Lin Yutang (1933)Lin Yutang stressed the responsibility of the translator to the original, to the reader, and to art. To fulfill this responsibility, the translator needs to meet standards of fidelity (忠實), smoothness (通順) and beauty.Lu Xun (1935)Lu Xun's most famous dictim relating to translation is "I'd rather be faithful than smooth" (寧信而不順).Ai Siqi (1937)Ai Siqi described the relationships between fidelity, clarity and elegance in terms of Western ontology, where clarity and elegance are to fidelity as qualities are to being.Zhou Zuoren (1944)Zhou Zuoren assigned weightings, 50% of translation is fidelity, 30% is clarity, and 20% elegance.Zhu Guangqian (1944)Zhu Guangqian wrote that fidelity in translation is the root which you can strive to approach but never reach. This formulation perhaps invokes the traditional idea of returning to the root in Daoist philosophy.Fu Lei (1951)Fu Lei held that translation is like painting: what is essential is not formal resemblance but rather spiritual resemblance (神似).Qian Zhongshu (1964)Qian Zhongshu wrote that the highest standard of translation is transformation (化, the power of transformation in nature): bodies are sloughed off, but the spirit (精神), appearance and manner (姿致) are the same as before (故我, the old me or the ol。