学术英语原文4单元
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His Politeness Is Her PowerlessnessDeborah Tannen There are many different kinds of evidence that women and men are judged differently even if they talk the same way. This tendency makes mischief in discussions of women, men and power. If a linguistic strategy is used by a woman, it is seen as powerless; if it is used by a man, it is seen as powerful. Often, the labeling of “women‟s language” as “powerless language” reflects the view of women‟s behavior through the lens of men‟s.Because they are not struggling to be one-up, women often find themselves framed as one-down. Any situation is ripe for misinterpretation. This ambiguity accounts for much misinterpretation by experts as well as nonexperts, by which women‟s ways of thinking, uttered in a spirit of rapport, are branded powerless. Nowhere is this inherent ambiguity clearer than in a brief comment in a newspaper article in which a couple, both psychologists, were jointly interviewed. The journalist asked them the meaning of “being very polite.” T he two experts responded simultaneously, giving different answers. The man said, “Subservience.” The woman said, “Sensitivity.”Both experts were right, but each was describing the view of a different gender.Experts and nonexperts alike tend to see anything women do as evidence of powerlessness. The same newspaper article quotes another psychologist as saying, “A man might ask a woman, …Will you please go to thestore?‟ where a woman might say, …Gee, I really need a few things from the store, but I‟m so tired.‟” The woman‟s style is called “covert,” a term suggesting negative qualities like being “sneaky” and “underhanded.” The reason offered for this is power. The woman doesn‟t feel she has the right to ask directly.Granted, women have lower status than men in our American society. But this is not necessarily why they prefer not to make outright demands. The explanation for a woman‟s indirectness could just as well be her seeking connection. If you get your way as a result of having demanded it, the payoff is satisfying in terms of status: You‟re one-up because others are doing as you told them. But if you get your way because others happened to want the same thing, or because they offered freely, the payoff is rapport. You‟re neither one-up nor one-down by being happily connected to others whose wants are the same as yours. Furthermore, if indirectness is understood by both parties, then there is nothing covert about it: That a request is being made is clear. Calling an indirect communication covert reflects the view of someone for whom the direct style seems “natural” and “logical” -a view more common among men.Indirectness itself does not reflect powerlessness. It‟s easy to think of situations where indirectness is the prerogative of others in power. For example, a wealthy couple who knows that their servants will do their bidding need not give direct orders, but simply state wishes: The woman ofthe house says, “It‟s chilly in here,” and the servant sets about raising the temperature. The man of the house says, “It‟s dinner time,” and the servant sees about having dinner served. Perhaps the ultimate indirectness is getting someone to do something without saying anything at all: The hostess rings a bell and a maid brings the next course; or a parent enters the room where children are misbehaving and stands with hands on hips, and the children immediately stop what they‟re doing.Entire cultures operate on elaborate systems of indirectness. For example, I discovered in a small research project that most Greeks assumed a wife who asked, “Would you like to go to the party?” was hinting that she wanted to go. They felt that she wouldn‟t bring it up if she didn‟t want to go. Furthermore, they felt, she would not state here preference outright because that would sound like a demand. Indirectness was the appropriate means for communicating her preference.Japanese culture has developed indirectness to a fine art. For example, a Japanese anthropologist, Harumi Befu, explains the delicate exchange of tended the invitation, Befu first had to determine whether it was meant literally or just pro forma, much as an American might say, “We‟ll have to have you over for dinner some time” but would not expect you to turn up at the door. Having decided the invitation was meant literally and having accepted, Befu was then asked what he would like to eat. Following custom, he said anything would do, but his friend, alsofollowing custom, pressed him to specify. Host and guest repeated this exchange an appropriate number of times, until Befu deemed it polite to answer the question -politely -by saying tea over rice -as the last course of a sumptuous meal. Befu was not surprised by the feast because he knew that protocol required it. Had he been given what he asked for, he would have been insulted. But protocol also required that he make a great show of being surprised.This account of mutual indirectness in a lunch invitation may strike Americans as excessive. But far more cultures in the world use elaborate systems of indirectness than value directness. Only modern Western societies place a priority on direct communication, and even for us it is more a value than a practice.Evidence from other cultures also makes it clear that indirectness does not itself reflect low status. Rather, our assumptions about the status of women compel us to interpret anything they do as reflecting low status. Anthropologist Elinor Keenan, for example, found that in a Malagasy-speaking village on the island of Madagascar, it is women who are direct a nd men who are indirect. And the villagers see the men‟s indirect way of speaking, using metaphors and proverbs, as the better way. For them, indirectness, like the men who use it, has high status. They regard women‟s direct style as clumsy and crude, deba sing the beautiful subtlety of men‟s language. Whether women or men are direct or indirect differs;what remains constant is that women‟s style is negatively valuated -seen as lower in status than the men‟s.各种各样的证据表明:即使女性和男性说话方式相同,人们对他们的看法还是不同。
Unit FourTask 1The Dawn of The Age of Artificial IntelligenceReasons to cheer the rise of the machinesErik Brynjolfsson & Andrew Mcafee【1】The advances we’ve seen in the past few years– cars that drive themselves, useful humanoid robots, speech recognition and synthesis systems, 3D printers, Jeopardy!-champion computers—are not the crowning achievements of the computer era. They’re the warm-up acts. As we move deeper into the second machine age we’ll see more and mo re such wonders, and they’ll become more and more impressive.【2】How can we be so sure? Because the exponential, digital, and recombinant powers of the second machine age have made it possible for humanity to create two ofthe most important one-time events in our history: the emergence of real, useful artificial intelligence (AI) and the connection of most of the people on the planet via a common digital network.【3】Either of these advances alone would fundamentally change our growth prospects. When combin ed, they’re more important than anything since the Industrial Revolution, which forever transformed how physical work was done.Thinking Machines, Available now【4】Digital machines have escaped their narrow confines and started to demonstrate broad abilities in pattern recognition, complex communication, and other domains that used to be exclusively human. We’ve recently seen great progress in natural language processing, machine learning (the ability of a computer to automatically refine its methods and improve its results as it gets more data), computer vision, simultaneous localization and mapping, and many other areas.【5】We’re going to see artificial intelligence do more and more, and as this happens costs will go down, outcomes will improve, and our lives will get better. Soon countless pieces of AI will be working on our behalf, often in the background. They’ll help us in areas ranging from trivial to substantive to life changing. Trivial uses of AI include recognizing our friends’ faces in photos and recommending products. More substantive ones include automatically driving cars on the road, guiding robots in warehouses, and better matching jobs and job seekers. But these remarkable advances pale against the life-changing potential of artificial intelligence.【6】To take just one recent example, innovators at the Israeli company OrCam have combined a small but powerful computer, digital sensors, and excellent algorithms to give key aspects of sight to the visually impaired (a population numbering more than twenty million in the United States alone). A user of the OrCam system, which was introduced in 2013, clips onto her glasses a combination of a tiny digital camera and speaker that works by conducting sound waves through the bones of the head. If she points her finger at a source of text such as a billboard, package of food, or newspaper article, the computer immediately analyzes the images the camera sends to it, then reads the text to her via the speaker.【7】Reading text ‘in the wild’– in a variety of fonts, sizes, surfaces, and lighting conditions—has historically been yet another area where humans outpaced even the most advanced hardware and software. OrCam and similar innovations show that this is no longer the case, and that here again technology is racing ahead. As it does, it willhelp millions of people lead fuller lives. The OrCam costs about $2,500 – the price of a good hearing aid – and is certain to become cheaper over time.【8】Digital technologies are also restoring hearing to the deaf via cochlear implants and will probably bring sight back to the fully blind; the FDA recently approved a first-generation retinal implant. AI’s benefits extend even to quadriplegics, since wheelchairs can now be controlled by thoughts. Considered objectively, these advances are something close to miracles –and they’re still in their infancy.Billions of Innovators, Coming Soon【9】In addition to powerful and useful AI, the other recent development that promises to further accelerate the second machine age is the digital interconnection of the planet’s people. There is no better resource for improving the world and bettering the state of humanity than the world’s humans– all 7.1 billion of us. Our good ideas and innovations will address the challenges that arise, improve the quality of our lives, allow us to live more lightly on the planet, and help us take better care of one another. It is a remarkable and unmistakable fact that, with the exception of climate change, virtually all environmental, social, and individual indicators of health have improved over time, even as human population has increased.【10】This improvement is not a lucky coincidence; it is cause and effect. Things have gotten better because there are more people, who in total have more good ideas that improve our overall lot. The economist Julian Simon was one of the first to make this optimistic argument, and he advanced it repeatedly and forcefully throughout his career. He wrote, “It is your mind that matters economically, as much or more than your mouth or hands. In the long run, the most important economic effect of population size and growth is the contribution of additional people to our stock of useful knowledge. And this contribution is large enough in the long run to overcome all the cos ts of population growth.”【11】We do have one quibble with Simon, however. He wrote that, “The main fuel to speed the world’s progress is our stock of knowledge, and the brake is our lack of imagination.” We agree about the fuel but disagree about the brake. The main impediment to progress has been that, until quite recently, a sizable portion of the world’s people had no effective way to access the world’s stock of knowledge or to add to it.【12】In the industrialized West we have long been accustomed to having libraries, telephones, and computers at our disposal, but these have been unimaginableluxuries to the people of the developing world. That situation is rapidly changing. In 2000, for example, there were approximately seven hundred million mobile phone subscriptions in the world, fewer than 30 percent of which were in developing countries.【13】By 2012 there were more than six billion subscriptions, over 75 percent of which were in the developing world. The World Bank estimates that three-quarters of the people on the planet now have access to a mobile phone, and that in some countries mobile telephony is more widespread than electricity or clean water.【14】The first mobile phones bought and sold in the developing world were capable of little more than voice calls and text messages, yet even these simple devices could make a significant difference. Between 1997 and 2001 the economist Robert Jensen studied a set of coastal villages in Kerala, India, where fishing was the main industry.10 Jensen gathered data both before and after mobile phone service was introduced, and the changes he documented are remarkable. Fish prices stabilized immediately after phones were introduced, and even though these prices dropped on average, fishermen’s profits actually increa sed because they were able to eliminate the waste that occurred when they took their fish to markets that already had enough supply for the day. The overall economic well-being of both buyers and sellers improved, and Jensen was able to tie these gains directly to the phones themselves.【15】Now, of course, even the most basic phones sold in the developing world are more powerful than the ones used by Kerala’s fisherman over a decade ago. And cheap mobile devices keep improving. Technology analysis firm IDC forecasts that smartphones will outsell feature phones in the near future, and will make up about two-thirds of all sales by 2017.【16】This shift is due to continued simultaneous performance improvements and cost declines in both mobile phone devices and networks, and it has an important consequence: it will bring billions of people into the community of potential knowledge creators, problem solvers, and innovators.‘Infinite Computing’ and Beyond【17】Today, people with connected smartphones or tablets anywhere in the world have access to many (if not most) of the same communication resources and information that we do while sitting in our offices at MIT. They can search the Web and browse Wikipedia. They can follow online courses, some of them taught by the best in the academic world. They can share their insights on blogs, Facebook, Twitter,and many other services, most of which are free. They can even conduct sophisticated data analyses using cloud resources such as Amazon Web Services and R, an open source application for statistics.13 In short, they can be full contributors in the work of innovation and knowledge creation, taking advantage of what Autodesk CEO Carl Bass calls “infinite computing.”【18】Until quite recently rapid communication, information acquisition, and knowledge sharing, especially over long distances, were essentially limited to the planet’s elite. Now they’re much more democratic and egalitarian, and getting more so all the time. The journalist A. J. Liebling famously remarked that, “Freedom of the press is limited to those who own one.” It is no exaggeration to say that billions of people will soon have a printing press, reference library, school, and computer all at their fingertips.【19】We believe that this development will boost h uman progress. We can’t predict exactly what new insights, products, and solutions will arrive in the coming years, but we are fully confident that they’ll be impressive. The second machine age will be characterized by countless instances of machine intelligence and billions of interconnected brains working together to better understand and improve our world. It will make mockery out of all that came before.Notes1.Erik Bynjolfsson: He is an American academic and Schussel Family Professor ofManagement at the MIT Sloan School of Management, the Director of the MIT Center for Digital Business and a Research Associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research, known for his contributions to the world of IT Productivity research and work on the economics of information more generally.2.Andrew Mcafee:He is the associate director of the Center for Digital Business atthe MIT Sloan School of Management, studying the ways information technology (IT) affects businesses and business as a whole. His research investigates how IT changes the way companies perform, organize themselves, and compete, and at a higher level, how computerization affects competition, society, the economy, and the workforce. He was previously a professor at Harvard Business School and a fellow at Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society. He is the author of Enterprise 2.0, published in November 2009 by Harvard Business School Press, and co-author of Race Against the Machine with Erik Brynjolfsson. In 2014, thiswork was expanded into the book The Second Machine Age. He writes for publications including Harvard Business Review, The Economist, Forbes, The Wall St. Journal, and The New York Times. He speaks frequently to both academic and industry audiences, most notably at TED 2013 and on the The Charlie Rose Show.3.Julian Simon: 朱利安·西蒙,美国伊利诺斯大学的经济学和工商管理教授。
《学术英语(管理)》Unit4《学术英语(管理)》Unit 4 TextA《彼得.德鲁克与领导能力》1 毫无疑问,“现代管理学之父”彼得.德鲁克认为领导能力是本质的管理技能。
早在1947年,他在《哈泼斯》杂志上宣称“管理就是领导”。
七年后,在他的第一本完全致力于管理的书中,他写道:“领导能力是最重要的,甚至没有东西可取代它。
”无论如何,不管这些早期清楚的叙述,德鲁克偶尔似乎对领导能力含糊其词(equivocate含糊其词)。
在论述了领导能力的重要性之后,他就只有一些简短的叙述,比如,他添加的“领导能力教不了也学不到”。
2 清楚地,德鲁克对领导能力也有矛盾看法的(ambivalent有矛盾心理(看法)的),如至少它是可以教育的想法而他在他大部分事业上保持这样的想法。
在1973年出版的《管理:任务、责任、实践》一书中,他重申(reiterate重申):“没有东西可以取代领导能力,但管理并不能创造领导者。
”即使是一本有着839页的书,领导能力并没有凭它本身的权利作为一个章节出现。
*德鲁克对于领导能力的态度的展开3 尽管他对其重要性的清楚的信仰,领导能力从未成为德鲁克写作的焦点。
为什么有这个奇怪的冲突?4 虽然我们不能肯定为什么德鲁克不愿直面处理领导能力,我们知道德鲁克作为一名年轻人时为希特勒的上台作证,他的文章题目是“元首,意味着‘领导者’”。
那种联想很可能产生终生的(lifelong)共鸣(resonance共鸣)。
德鲁克他自己肯定(明白)即将面临的是什么,他几乎是在希特勒上台掌权后就离开了德国。
一直以来,希特勒的成功难住(baffled使困惑,难住)了他。
为什么这么多东西涌向(flock聚集,蜂拥而至)他的领导能力?最后,他总结道“希特勒是一个‘错误领导者’”。
他说,错误领导者也是“有号召力的(charismatic有号召力的)”——是另一种他难以接受的领导阶层的号召力。
5 不管他对概念的挣扎,他很好认识到领导能力在任何的项目和人们的尝试(endeavor尝试,努力)中都具有批判性的影响。
新时代研究生学术英语第四单元作文In the fast-paced and ever-evolving world of higher education, the role of academic English has become increasingly significant. Especially for graduate students, proficiency in this language is not just a prerequisite for successful research but also a key to unlocking the doors of global opportunities. The fourth unit of "New Era Graduate Academic English" highlights the nuances and complexities of this language, emphasizing its application in various academic contexts.Firstly, the unit focuses on the evolving nature of academic English. With the advent of new technologies and the expansion of the global knowledge base, the language of academia is constantly evolving. Terms and concepts that were once niche or specific to a particular field are now becoming more mainstream, crossing disciplinary boundaries. This shift requires graduate students to be not just passive learners of language but active participants in its evolution.Secondly, the unit delves into the importance ofcritical thinking in academic writing. Academic English isnot just about grammar and vocabulary; it's about expressing ideas clearly, critically, and persuasively. Graduate students are expected to analyze complex issues, synthesize information from multiple sources, and present their findings in a coherent and logical manner. This requires a high level of critical thinking skills, which the unit helps develop through various exercises and assignments.Moreover, the unit emphasizes the role of cultural awareness in academic communication. Academic English is not just a language; it's a cultural construct. Understanding the cultural backgrounds and contexts of different academic communities is crucial for effective communication. Graduate students need to be aware of the nuances of academic writing in different cultures, from the choice of words to the structure of arguments.Lastly, the unit covers the practical application of academic English in research papers and presentations. It provides guidelines on how to structure a research paper, choose appropriate language, and present findings effectively. This is invaluable for graduate students whoare embarking on their research journeys and aim to publish their work in international journals or present their research at international conferences.In conclusion, the fourth unit of "New Era Graduate Academic English" provides a comprehensive and holistic approach to academic writing. It equips graduate students with the language skills, critical thinking abilities, and cultural awareness necessary for success in the global academic arena. By mastering these skills, graduatestudents can not only excel in their academic careers but also contribute to the evolving narrative of academic English in the new era.**新时代研究生学术英语的演变:研究生的视角**在高等教育快速变革和发展的世界中,学术英语的作用变得日益重要。
学术英语医学第二版unit4(中英文实用版)English:The academic English medical textbooks, second edition, Unit 4, covers a wide range of topics related to medical science.This unit focuses on the importance of research in the medical field and how it contributes to the development of new treatments and therapies.It also discusses the ethical considerations involved in medical research, including informed consent and the protection of patient privacy.中文:学术英语医学第二版Unit4教材涵盖了医学科学领域的众多主题。
本单元重点介绍了医学研究的重要性,以及它如何促进新治疗方法和疗法的开发。
此外,还讨论了医学研究中的伦理问题,包括知情同意和患者隐私保护。
English:In this unit, students will learn how to critically analyze scientific articles and extract relevant information from them.They will also practice writing abstracts and presenting scientific data in a clear and concise manner.Additionally, this unit emphasizes the development of communication skills, which are essential for healthcare professionals to effectively convey information to patients and colleagues.中文:在本单元中,学生将学习如何批判性地分析科学文章并从中提取相关信息。
His Politeness Is Her PowerlessnessDeborah Tannen There are many different kinds of evidence that women and men are judged differently even if they talk the same way. This tendency makes mischief in discussions of women, men and power. If a linguistic strategy is used by a woman, it is seen as powerless; if it is used by a man, it is seen as powerful. Often, the labeling of “women’s language” as “powerless language” reflects the view of women’s behavior through the lens of men’s.Because they are not struggling to be one-up, women often find themselves framed as one-down. Any situation is ripe for misinterpretation. This ambiguity accounts for much misinterpretation by experts as well as nonexperts, by which women’s ways of thinking, uttered in a spirit of rapport, are branded powerless. Nowhere is this inherent ambiguity clearer than in a brief comment in a newspaper article in which a couple, both psychologists, were jointly interviewed. The journalist asked them the meaning of “being very polite.” The two experts responded simultaneously, giving different answers. The man said, “Subservience.” The woman said, “Sensitivity.”Both experts were right, but each was describing the view of a different gender.Experts and nonexperts alike tend to see anything women do as evidence of powerlessness. The same newspaper article quotes anotherpsychologist as saying, “A man might ask a woman, ‘Will you please go to the store?’ where a woman might say, ‘Gee, I really need a few things from the store, but I’m so tired.’” The woman’s style is called “covert,” a term suggesting negative qualities like being “sneaky” and “underhanded.” The reason offered for this is power. The woman doesn’t feel she has the right to ask directly.Granted, women have lower status than men in our American society. But this is not necessarily why they prefer not to make outright demands. The explanation for a woman’s indirectness could just as well be her seeking connection. If you get your way as a result of having demanded it, the payoff is satisfying in terms of status: You’re one-up because others are doing as you told them. But if you get your way because others happened to want the same thing, or because they offered freely, the payoff is rapport. You’re neither one-up nor one-down by being happily connected to others whose wants are the same as yours. Furthermore, if indirectness is understood by both parties, then there is nothing covert about it: That a request is being made is clear. Calling an indirect communication covert reflects the view of someone for whom the direct style seems “natural” and “logical” -a view more common among men.Indirectness itself does not reflect powerlessness. It’s easy to think of situations where indirectness is the prerogative of others in power. Forexample, a wealthy couple who knows that their servants will do their bidding need not give direct orders, but simply state wishes: The woman of the house says, “It’s chilly in here,” and the servant sets about raising the temperature. The man of the house sa ys, “It’s dinner time,” and the servant sees about having dinner served. Perhaps the ultimate indirectness is getting someone to do something without saying anything at all: The hostess rings a bell and a maid brings the next course; or a parent enters the room where children are misbehaving and stands with hands on hips, and the children immediately stop what they’re doing.Entire cultures operate on elaborate systems of indirectness. For example, I discovered in a small research project that most Greeks assumed a wife who asked, “Would you like to go to the party?” was hinting that she wanted to go. They felt that she wouldn’t bring it up if she didn’t want to go. Furthermore, they felt, she would not state here preference outright because that would sound like a demand. Indirectness was the appropriate means for communicating her preference.Japanese culture has developed indirectness to a fine art. For example, a Japanese anthropologist, Harumi Befu, explains the delicate exchange of tended the invitation, Befu first had to determine whether it was meant literally or just pro forma, much as an American might say, “We’ll have to have you over for dinner some time” but would not expectyou to turn up at the door. Having decided the invitation was meant literally and having accepted, Befu was then asked what he would like to eat. Following custom, he said anything would do, but his friend, also following custom, pressed him to specify. Host and guest repeated this exchange an appropriate number of times, until Befu deemed it polite to answer the question -politely -by saying tea over rice -as the last course of a sumptuous meal. Befu was not surprised by the feast because he knew that protocol required it. Had he been given what he asked for, he would have been insulted. But protocol also required that he make a great show of being surprised.This account of mutual indirectness in a lunch invitation may strike Americans as excessive. But far more cultures in the world use elaborate systems of indirectness than value directness. Only modern Western societies place a priority on direct communication, and even for us it is more a value than a practice.Evidence from other cultures also makes it clear that indirectness does not itself reflect low status. Rather, our assumptions about the status of women compel us to interpret anything they do as reflecting low status. Anthropologist Elinor Keenan, for example, found that in a Malagasy-speaking village on the island of Madagascar, it is women who are direct and men who are indirect. And the villagers see the men’s indirectway of speaking, using metaphors and proverbs, as the better way. For them, indirectness, like the men who use it, has high status. They regard women’s direct style as clumsy and crude, debasin g the beautiful subtlety of men’s language. Whether women or men are direct or indirect differs; what remains constant is that women’s style is negatively valuated -seen as lower in status than the men’s.各种各样的证据表明:即使女性和男性说话方式相同,人们对他们的看法还是不同。