里根第一次就任美国总统时的演讲(中文翻译)

TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton（中文翻译）第一篇：The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton(中文翻译)克林顿第二次就职演说同胞们：藉此二十世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际，让我们睁开眼睛迎接下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。

所幸的是，时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘，一个新的千周年，而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新新的、光辉的边缘——一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。

我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。

在“希望之乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下，让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。

美国的希望源于十八世纪一种无畏的信念：人生来皆平等。

在十九世纪，我们的国家横跨大陆，拯救了联邦，废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。

这一信念得以流传和扩展。

然后，在辛劳和胜利之中，这种希望奔上了世界的舞台，使本世纪成为美国的世纪。

这是怎样的一个世纪啊。

美国成为世界上最强大的工业大国，它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来，并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出援助之手。

在这一进程中，美国产生了庞大的中产阶级和老年人保险制度，建立了无与伦比的学习中心，并对全民开放公立学校，分裂了原子且探索了太空，发明了计算机和微芯片，通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权革命，及扩大妇女的公民权利，就业机会和人身尊严，而深掘了正义之泉。

现在，也是第三次，一个新世纪来到我们面前，这又是一个选择的时候，我们进入十九世纪时有一个选择，使得我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸，我们进入二十世纪时又有一个选择，使得工业革命能符合我们的价值观，即自由经营，水土保持，和恪守人类正义，这些选择使得一切迥然不同。

在二十一世纪曙光来临之际，一个自由的民族必须做出选择，去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。

去释放全民无尽的潜能，并且，去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。

上次我们在此相聚时，我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确，我们那时曾宣誓确立新的道路，复兴我们的国家。

历届美国总统就职演说中英双语第一篇范文：美国历届总统就职演讲稿First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years―a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought tobe peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than myown, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents,the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and courseof nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republicanmodel of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that Ishould renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parentof the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.Second Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF __LPHIAMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793Fellow Citizens:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.Inaugural Address of John Adams__AL __ IN THE CITY OF __LPHIA__Y, MARCH 4, 1797When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences― universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce,discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and countrythan any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my ownnative State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations ofmen into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, andsecured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union,without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the publicopinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and callthemselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with第二篇范文：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowmentsfrom nature and unpracticed in the duties of civiladministration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Thecircumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me fromentering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage ofcommunities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between。

里根总统就职演说英语Title: President Reagan"s Inaugural AddressOn this day, we gather to celebrate the inauguration of our 40th President, Ronald Reagan. A man of great vision and leadership, President Reagan has dedicated his life to the service of our nation. He has fought tirelessly to protect our freedom and promote our interests around the world.As we stand here today, we are reminded of the great challenges that we face as a nation. We are facing a global economy that is constantly evolving, and we must adapt to these changes if we are to remain competitive. We are also facing a healthcare system that is failing to meet the needs of our people, and we must find new ways to address this issue.But despite these challenges, we must not lose sight of the great opportunities that lie before us. We have the ability to build a brighter future for ourselves and for generations to come. And it is up to each and every one of us to contribute our own efforts to this cause.As President, Ronald Reagan will work tirelessly to promote peace and prosperity around the world. He will continue to support our Allies and work to contain the spread of Communism. He will also work to improve our relations with other countries,and to promote trade and friendship between our nations.In addition, President Reagan will work to improve the lives of our people here at home. He will promote economic growth and job creation, and work to reduce the deficit and debt. He will also work to improve education and training programs, and to promote innovation and technology in our nation.Finally, President Reagan will continue to fight for the values that make our nation great. He will fight to protect our freedom and our Constitution, and to promote a more just and equitable society.In conclusion, let us reflect on the legacy of Ronald Reagan.A man of great courage and leadership, he has given his all to our nation. It is now up to us to carry on his legacy and to continue to work towards a brighter future for all Americans. Thank you, and God bless you.。

里根就职演讲中文字幕1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照按照宪法要求,政府权利正在有序地移交,我们已经如此例行公事了两个世纪,很少有人觉得这有什么特别的.但在世界上更多人看来,这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式,却实在是一个奇迹.（二）Mr.President,Iwantourfellowcitizenstoknowhowmuchyoudidtocarryonthistr adition.Byyourgraciouscooperationinthetransitionprocess,youhaveshowna watchingworldthatweareaunitedpeoplepledgedtomaintainingapoliticalsyst emwhichguaranteesindividuallibertytoagreaterdegreethananyother,andIth ankyouandyourpeopleforallyourhelpinmaintainingthecontinuitywhichisthe bulwarkofourRepublic.总统先生,我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力.通过移交程序中的通力合作,你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体,这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由.同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助,因为你们坚持了这样的传承,而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基.Thebusinessofournationgoesforward.TheseUnitedStatesareconfrontedwi thaneconomicafflictionofgreatproportions.Wesufferfromthelongestandone oftheworstsustainedinflationsinournationalhistory.Itdistortsoureconom icdecisions,penalizesthrift,andcrushesthestrugglingyoungandthefixed-i neelderlyalike.Itthreatenstoshatterthelivesofmillionsofourpeople.我们国家的事业在继续前进.合众国正面临巨大的经济困难.我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀,它扰乱着我们的经济决策,打击着节俭的风气,压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计.（三）Idleindustrieshavecastworkersintounemployment,causinghumanmiseryandpe rsonalindignity.Thosewhodoworkaredeniedafairreturnfortheirlaborbyatax systemwhichpenalizessuccessfulachievementandkeepsusfrommaintainingfullproductivity.Butgreatasourtaxburdenis,ithasnotkeptpacewithpublicspen ding.Fordecades,wehavepileddeficitupondeficit,mortgagingourfutureando urchildren"sfutureforthetemporaryconvenienceofthepresent.Tocontinueth islongtrendistoguaranteetremendoussocial,cultural,political,andeconom icupheavals.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严.即使那些有工作的人,也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬,因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就,使我们无法保持充分的生产力.尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重,但还是跟不上公共开支的增长.数十年来,我们的赤字额屡屡上升,我们为图目前暂时的方便,把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了.这一趋势如果长此以往,必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡.（四）YouandI,asindividuals,can,byborrowing,livebeyondourmeans,butforonlyal imitedperiodoftime.Why,then,shouldwethinkthatcollectively,asanation,w earenotboundbythatsamelimitationWemustacttodayinordertopreservetomorr ow.Andlettherebenomisunderstanding--wearegoingtobegintoact,beginningt oday.Theeconomicillswesufferhaveeuponusoverseveraldecades.Theywillnot goawayindays,weeks,ormonths,buttheywillgoaway.Theywillgoawaybecausewe ,asAmericans,havethecapacitynow,aswehavehadinthepast,todowhateverneed stobedonetopreservethislastandgreatestbastionoffreedom.Inthispresentc risis,ernmentistheproblem.作为个人,你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活,然而只能维持一段有限的时期,我们怎么可以认为,作为一个国家整体,我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天,我们今天就必须行动起来.大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动.我们深受其害的经济弊病,几十年来一直袭击着我们.这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失,但它们终将消失.它们之所以终将消失,是因为我们作为现在的美国人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒.。

7. Ronald Reagan’s First Inaugural Address (January 20, 1981)Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “Yes!” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world’s strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow – measured in inches and feet, not miles – but we will progress.It is time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence, a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, president of the Massachusetts Co ngress, said to his fellow Americans: “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of … On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important question upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves.”Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to insure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children’s children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and the beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries – they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it – now or ever.7．里根总统第一任就职演说（1981年1月20日）我们能解决摆在我们面前的这些问题吗？回答是毫不含糊和断然的两个字：能够。

Ronald Reagan: Address from the Brandenburg Gate (BerlinWall)Delivered 12 June 1987Thank you very much. Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we're drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Lincke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen koffer in Berlin." [I still ha ve a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President von Weizsacker has said: "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told-George Marshallannounced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the Western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium --virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany-busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of park land. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles-the wonderful goods of the Ku'damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on Earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But, my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on Berliner herz, Berliner humor, ja, und Berliner schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner schnauze.] [Laughter]In the 1950's, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind-too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control. Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent--and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides. Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of-striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter deployment, there were difficult days--days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth. As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons. While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative-research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place--a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete. Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, tocreate a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world. To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation. There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you many have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic Games here in Berlin, East and West?In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something de eper, something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love--love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago,before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the Sun strikes that sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin --the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner, "This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality." Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.☼注释☼:♫unalterable [✈⏹●♦☜❒☜♌●] adj. 不能变更的♫totalitarian [ ♦☜◆♦✌●♓♦☪☜❒♓☜⏹] adj. 极权主义的♫shelter [ ☞♏●♦☜] n. 掩蔽处, 身避处, 庇护所♫doctrine [ ♎♦❒♓⏹] n.教条, 学说♫orchestra [ ♓♦♦❒☜] n. 管弦乐队, 乐队演奏处♫unprecedented [✈⏹☐❒♏♦♓♎☜⏹♦♓♎] adj. 空前的♫liberalization [ ●♓♌☜❒☜●♋♓♏♓☞☜⏹] n. 自由主义化, 使宽大♫conventional [ ☜⏹♏⏹☞☜⏹●] adj. 惯例的, 常规的♫retaliation [❒✋♦✌●✋♊♏✋☞☹⏹] n. 报复, 报仇♫implementation [ ♓❍☐●♓❍♏⏹♦♏♓☞☜⏹] n. 执行♫aviation [ ♏♓♓♏♓☞☜⏹] n.飞行, 航空♫distinction [♎♓♦♦♓☠☞☜⏹] n. 区别, 差别♫embodiment [♓❍♌♎♓❍☜⏹♦] n. 体现, 具体化, 化身。

最新整理美国肯尼迪总统就职演说英文原稿及中文译文美国肯尼迪总统就职演说英文原稿及中文译文We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning-- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. 我们今天在这里，不是庆祝政党的胜利，而是共享自由的庆典――标志着一个结束，也是一个开始――彰显着更新，也彰显着改变。

因为我在你们面前许下我们的祖先近xxxx年前制定的相同的庄严誓言。

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.当今的世界已经是今非昔比。

因为人类的血肉之手掌握着消除人类一切贫困和生命的魔力。

committed on it by time.
• （George Washington,
• The Experiment of the American People）
a
2
1) Analysis of the original:
•A) Grammatical analysis •B) Stylistic analysis •C) Background knowledge
第二章 美国总统就职演说汉译
第一节 第二节
a
1
Original 21:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could
have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which
the notification was transmitted by your order, and
was rendered every day more necessary as well as more
dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of
frequent interruption in my health to the gradual waste
and of frequent interruption in my health to the
a complex sentence, composed of a main clause and an attributive clause, with a parenthetic clause embedded in the predicate and another attributive clause embedded in the appositive nominal phrase at the end of the sentence.

1981年美国总统里根就职演说First Inaugural Address of Ronald ReaganTUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They willnot go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. They are, in short, "We the people," this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning" and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around. And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth. Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government. It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us; to standby our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew; our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words "they" and "their" in speaking of these heroes. I could say "you" and "your" because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self- sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic "yes." To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of.... On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves."Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon that we asAmericans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of ** white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading, "My Pledge," he had written these words: "America must win this war. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone."The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice thatMartin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds; to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans. God bless you, and thank you.《里根第一仸总统就职演说》罗纳德-里根第一次就职演说第40仸总统(1981年-1989年)议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。

里根第一次就任美国总统时的演讲（中文翻译）1、对于今天在此的我们中的一些人，这是一个庄严的值得纪念的时刻。

然而在我国的历史上，这不过是个司空见惯的事件。

这个按宪法要求的有序的政权交替周而复始地进行了近二百年，而我们中很少有人停下来考虑一下我们到底有多么独特。

在世界上很多人的眼里，这个我们习以为常的四年一度的庆典不啻一个奇迹。

2、总统先生，我要让人民知道您为传承这一传统付出了多少心血。

在这个政权交替过程中，您的殷切合作向关注的世人展示了我们是一个统一的民族，决心维系一个比其他任何一个国家都更保证个人自由的政治体制。

我要感谢您和您的同僚在维护国策连续性上给予的倾力合作。

3、我国的事业继往开来。

我国的大多数州都经历着经济困境。

我们苦于历史上最严重、持续时间最长的通货膨胀之一。

它扭曲了我们的经济决策，惩罚了节俭，粉碎了奋斗的年轻人和固定收入的老人们等的梦想。

它威胁着要粉碎成千成万美国人的生活。

4、不景气的工业让工人们陷入失业、霉运和无尊严中。

很多人付出了辛劳却没有收获应得的回报，始作俑者就是惩罚成就和阻碍我们发挥最大生产力的税收体系。

5、但是尽管我们的税收负担很重，还是跟不上公共开销。

几十年来我们赤字不断累积，为了当前片刻的方便透支了我们的未来和我们子孙后代的未来。

纵容这种趋势就是放任无尽的社会、文化、政治和经济动荡。

6、你和我，作为个人，可以靠借贷，超前消费，但只能在有限的一段时间内。

那么为什么我们作为一个集体，即一个国家来考虑这个问题，我们就不被同一限制约束了呢？7、为了我们的明天，我们今天必须行动。

毋庸置疑，我们今天将开始一个新的开始。

8、我们遭遇的经济顽症已经持续几十年了。

它们不会在几天、几周或几个月内消失，但它们一定会消失。

之所以它们一定会消失，是因为我们美国人现在具备这个实力，如同我们过去一样，完成保卫这个自由世界最后的最伟大的堡垒所需要做的一切。

9、在当前的危机中，政府不是我们的问题的解，政府本身就是问题。

里根总统就职演说篇一：1981年里根第一任总统就职演说-译文里根第一任总统就职演说罗纳德-里根第一次就职演说第40任总统(1981年-1989年)中文译文议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。

当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。

按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。

但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。

通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。

同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

我们国家的事业在继续前进。

合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。

我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。

即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。

数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。

这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。

1984年,美国前总统里根在总统就职演说篇一：1981年里根第一任总统就职演说-译文里根第一任总统就职演说罗纳德-里根第一次就职演说第40任总统(1981年-1989年)中文译文议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。

当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。

按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。

但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。

通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。

同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

我们国家的事业在继续前进。

合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。

我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。

即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。

数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。

这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。

里根总统的离职演说第一篇：里根总统的离职演说Ronald Reagan： Farewell Address to the Nation My fellow Americans：This is the 34th time I'll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last.We've been together 8 years now，and soon it'll be time for me to go.But before I do，I wanted to share some thoughts，some of which I've been saving for a long time.It's been the honor of my life to be your President.So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks，but I could say as much to you.Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.One of the things about the Presidency is that you're always somewhat apart.You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving，and seeing the people through tinted glass ——the parents holding up a child，and the wave you saw too late and couldn't return.And so many times I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass，and connect.Well，maybe I can do a little of that tonight.People ask how I feel about leaving.And the fact is，“parting is such sweet sorrow.” The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom.The sorrow —— the goodbyes，of course，and leaving this beautiful place.You know，down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live.There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning.The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument，and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginiashore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past ,then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean.And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one —— a small story about a big ship，and a refugee，and a sailor.It was back in the early eighties，at the height of the boat people.And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway，which was patrolling the South China Sea.The sailor，like most American servicemen，was young，smart，and fiercely observant.The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat.And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America.The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety.As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas，one spied the sailor on deck，and stood up，and called out to him.He yelled，“Hello，American sailor.Hello，freedom man.”A small moment with a big meaning，a moment the sailor，who wrote it in a letter，couldn't get out of his mind.And，when I saw it，neither could I.Because that's what it has to —— it was to be an American in the 1980's.We stood，again，for freedom.Iknow we always have，but in the past few years the world again —— and in a way，we ourselves —— rediscovered it.It's been quite a journey this decade，and we held together through some stormy seas.And at the end，together，we're reaching our destination.The fact is，from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits，from the recession of '81 to '82，to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day，we've made a difference.The way I see it，there were two great triumphs，two things that I'm proudest of.One is the economic recovery，in which the people of America created —— and filled —— 19million new jobs.The other is the recovery of our morale.America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this.It was back in 1981，and I was attending my first big economic summit，which was held that year in Canada.The meeting place rotates among the member countries.The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations.Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened，and it was all Francois this and Helmut that.They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis.Well，at one point I sort of leaned in and said，“My name's Ron.” Well，in that same year，we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback —— cut taxes and regulation，started to cut spending.And soon the recovery began..Two years later，another economic summit with pretty much the same cast.At the big opening meeting we all got together，and all of a sudden，just for a moment，I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me.And then one of them broke the silence.“T ell us about the American miracle，”he said.Well，back in 1980，when I was running for President，it was all so different.Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe.Our views on foreign affairs would cause war.Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse.I even remember one highly respected economist saying，back in 1982，that “The engines of economic growth have shut down here，and they're likely to stay that way for years to come.” Well，he and the other opinion leaders were wrong.The fact is what they call “radical” was really “right.” What they called “dangerous” was just “desperately needed.”And in all of that time I won a nickname，“The Great Communicator.” But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference： it was the content.I wasn't a great communicator，but I communicated great things，and they didn't spring full bloom from mybrow，they came from the heart of a great nation —— from our experience，our wisdom，and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.They called it the “Reagan Revolution.” Well，I'll accept that，but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery，a rediscovery of our values and our common mon sense told us that when you put a big tax on something，the people will produce less of it.So，we cut the people's tax rates，and the people produced more than ever before.The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger.Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history：real family income up，the poverty rate down，entrepreneurship booming，and an explosion in research and new technology.We're exporting more than ever becauseAmerican industry became more competitive.And at the same time，we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at mon sense also told us that to preserve the peace，we'd have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion.So，we rebuilt our defenses，and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe.Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons —— and hope for even more progress is bright ——but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease.The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone.The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan.The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia，and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50，000 Cuban troops home from Angola.The lesson of all this was，of course，that because we're a great nation，our challenges seem complex.It will always be this way.But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves，the future will always be ours.And something else we learned：Once you begin a great movement，there's no telling where it'll end.We meant to change a nation，and instead，we changed a world.Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away fromthe ideologies of the past.For them，the great rediscovery of the 1980's has been that，lo and behold，the moral way of government is the practical way of government： Democracy，the profoundly good，is also the profoundly productive.When you've got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday，you can sit back sometimes，review your life，and see it flowing before you.For me there was a fork in the river，and it was right in the middle of my life.I never meant togo into politics.It wasn't my intention when I was young.But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you.I was happy with my career in the entertainment world，but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government，and with three little words：“We the People.” “We the People” tell the government wha t to do； it doesn't tell us.“We the People” are the driver； the government is the car，and we decide where it should go，and by what route，and how fast.Almost all the world's constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are.Our Constitution is a document in which “We the People” tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People” are free.This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I've tried to do these past 8 years.But back in the 1960's，when I began，it seemed to me that we'd begun reversing the order of things —— that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes，the government was taking more of our money，more of our options，and more of our freedom.I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say，“Stop.” I was a citizen politician，and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping.And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited.There's a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics：“As government expands，liberty contracts.”Nothing is less free than pure communism —— and yet we have，the past few years，forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union.I've been asked if this isn't a gamble，and myanswer is no because we're basing our actions not on words but deeds.The detente of this 1970's was based not on actions but promises.They'd promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better.But the gulag was still the gulag，and the state was still expansionist，and they still waged proxy wars in Africa，Asia，and Latin America.Well，this time，so far，it's different.President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan.He has also freed prisoners whose names I've given him every time we've met.But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents.Once，during the heady days of the Moscow summit，Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Arbat Street ——that's a little street just off Moscow's main shopping area.Even though our visit was a surprise，every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands.We were just about swept away by the warmth.You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy.But within seconds，a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd.It was an interesting moment.It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace，the government is Communist.And those who run it are Communists，and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.We must keep up our guard，but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders.I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them.We wish him well.And we'll continue to work to make sure that the SovietUnion that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one.What it all boils down to is this： I want the new closeness to continue.And it will，as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner.If and when they don't，at first pull your punches.If they persist，pull the plug.It's still trust but verify.It'sstill play，but cut the cards.It's still watch closely.And don't be afraid to see what you see.I've been asked if I have any regrets.Well，I do.The deficit is one.I've been talking a great deal about that lately，but tonight isn't for arguments，and I'm going to hold my tongue.But an observation：I've had my share of victories in the Congress，but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn't win for me.They never saw my troops；they never saw Reagan's regiments，the American people.You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.Well，action is still needed.If we're to finish the job，Reagan's regiments will have to become the Bush brigades.Soon he'll be the Chief，and he'll need you every bit as much as I did.Finally，there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells，and I've got one that's been on my mind for some time.But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I'm proudest of in the past 8 years：the resurgence of national pride that I called，“The New Patriotism.” This national feeling is good，but it won't count for much，and it won't last unless it's grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.An informed patriotism is what we want.And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world？ Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a differentAmerica.We were taught，very directly，what it means to be an American.And we absorbed，almost in the air，a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions.If you didn't get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood，from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio.Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school.And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture.The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was was like that，too，through the mid-sixties.But now，we're about to enter the nineties，and some things have changed.Younger parents aren't sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children.And as for those who create the popular culture，well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.Our spirit is back，but we haven't reinstitutionalized it.We've got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom —— freedom of speech，freedom of religion，freedom of enterprise.And freedom is special and rare.It's fragile； it needs production [protection].So，we've got to teach history based not on what's in fashion but what's important —— why the Pilgrims came here，who Jimmy Doolittle was，and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant.You know，4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day，I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father，who had fought on Omaha Beach.Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn，and she said，“we will always remember，we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.” Well，let's help her keep her word.If we forget what we did，we won't know who we are.I'm warning of an eradication of that —— of the American memory that could result，ultimately，in an erosion of the American spirit.Let's startwith some basics：more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.And let me offer lesson number one about America： All great change in America begins at the dinner table.So，tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins.And children，if your parents haven't been teaching you what it means to be an American，let 'em know and nail 'em on it.That would be a very American thing to do.And that's about all I have to say tonight，except for one thing.The past few days when I've been at that window upstairs，I've thought a bit of the 'shining city upon a hill.' The phrase comes from John Winthrop，who wrote it to describe the America he imagined.What he imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim，an early freedom man.He journeyed here on what today we'd call a little wooden boat；and like the other Pilgrims，he was looking for a home that would be free.I've spoken of the shining city all my political life，but I don't know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it.But in my mind it was a tall，proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans，windswept，God-blessed，and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace； a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity.And if there had to be city walls，the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here.That's how I saw it，and see it still.And how stands the city on this winter night？More prosperous，more secure，and happier than it was 8 years ago.But more than that：After 200 years，two centuries，she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge，and her glow has held steady no matter what storm.And she's still a beacon，still a magnet for all who must have freedom，for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness，towardhome.We've done our part.And as I walk off into the city streets，a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution，the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.My friends： We did it.We weren't just marking time.We made a difference.We made the city stronger；we made the city freer； and we left her in good hands.All in all，not bad —— not bad at all.And so，goodbye，God bless you，and God bless the United States of America.第二篇：美国第40任总统里根告别演说美国第40任总统里根告别演说(全文)时间：1989年1月11日地点：白宫我来说两句同胞们，这是我第34次，也是最后一次在椭圆形办公室向你们讲话。

Unit2 奥巴马表明需彻底告别过去1. 仅仅是举起手来宣誓就职，奥巴马总统在昨天就创造了历史。

但无论是从他对华盛顿街头聚集的众人发表的就职演说，还是白宫观礼台上形色不同的面孔，都表明他的总统任期可能会给这个面临历史性重大困难的国家带来更广泛的变革。

2. 当美国总统就职时公众似乎处于如此矛盾的一种心态实属罕见。

在“大萧条”以来最严重的经济衰退的打击下，美国人对国家的前途和自身的安康都深感悲观。

伊拉克战争耗尽了公众的耐心，阿富汗战争和中东冲突考验着最精明的领导人。

3. 奥巴马沉郁的演说——以及他对全国人民团结起来的敦促——是与演说的时间背景相契合的。

“今天我告诉你们，我们面临的挑战是真实存在的，”总统讲道。

“挑战很多，也很严峻，难以在短期内轻松化解。

但是美利坚，请记住这句话：挑战是会被征服的。

”4. 但在一个充满疑惑和绝望的时期，在股市再度暴跌的一天，奥巴马的就职典礼展示了这个民族当下心态的另一面，即对这位相对而言未经考验的、年轻的新总统所寄予的希望和信任。

5. 奥巴马在国会大厦西侧的露天平台上发表的讲话既针对迷惘心态，也针对乐观心态。

他面对国家广场上、街角边和教堂里的张张面孔以及全国各地千家万户发表演说。

他说：“今天我们汇聚于此，因为我们选择了希望，而非恐惧，选择了万众一心，而非冲突与争执。

”6. 这一天处处书写了历史，不仅见证了一代人的更替——从20 年来引领着美国的婴儿潮一代，到这位从未经历“动荡60年代”的领导人——以及民主党人重掌国会和白宫，而且见证了第一位非洲裔美国总统就职。

7.再显然不过，昨天的一系列活动证明，奥巴马总统的执政将彻底告别乔治·W.布什总统的执政。

新总统毫不讳言他们之间的不同政见。

奥巴马谈及伊拉克战争的策略变化，以及“在我们的安全和理想之间作出的错误选择。

”最后几句话则针对上届政府在公民自由和严酷的刑讯手段方面的立场。

鉴于布什在国外不受欢迎，最为突出的一点是，奥巴马对正热切专注着的世界宣布，“我们为重新领导世界做好了准备。

布什就职演讲稿中英文里根就职演讲稿中英文，第43任布美国总统布什，也称小布什，这里管理资料网整理里根就职演讲稿中英文版布什就任演讲稿中文尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们：这次权利的史中是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。

我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。

首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为国务卿这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统进程戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。

站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。

在我之前，许多美国在野党执政党从这里起步;在我之后，也会有会许多领导人从这里前进。

在美国悠久的建筑史中，都我们每个人能都有自己的位置;我们还在继续推动推动着文明史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。

这是一本新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。

这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的。

这是占去一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。

这就是美国史。

它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大与永恒理想指导奋力拼搏下几代人团结奋斗的历史。

这些理想中其最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的收藏价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。

德国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。

虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。

在四十年代上个世纪的大部分时间里，自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。

现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每家民族。

在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。

民主，我们不会独占，而会极力让各位分享。

民主，我们将铭记于心并且逐步传播。

225年过去了，我们仍旧有很长的路要走。

有很多公民取得了轻而易举，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所发誓的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。

失败的教育，潜在的和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。

里根就任发言稿尊敬的美国国民：感谢大家对我的支持和信任，今天我站在这里庄重宣誓就任美利坚合众国第40届总统。

我知道，在这个伟大的国家的历史上，我将承担重任。

作为总统，我将尽我所能，为美国和美国人民的利益而奋斗。

我还清晰地记得我第一次踏足白宫的那一刻，那是一种令人激动的时刻。

那时我向往的并不是权力和荣耀，而是为这个国家做出一些改变，为人民谋福祉。

在我就任总统之际，我深感美国正面临着一系列重大挑战。

经济的不稳定、失业率的上升、贫困问题的日益突出，这些都是我们所面临的紧迫问题。

我们不能坐以待毙，我们必须争分夺秒，采取有力的措施，为美国的经济恢复和人民的福祉做出努力。

首先，我将致力于促进经济增长和创造就业机会。

我们需要采取更加积极的政策，鼓励企业投资和扩张，为创业者提供更多的支持。

我们还要加大对教育的投资，提高人民的素质和技能水平，为他们创造更多的就业机会。

其次，我将努力解决贫困问题。

贫困是我们这个国家最大的耻辱之一，我们不能置之不理。

我将提出一系列减贫计划，包括增加政府对贫困人群的直接援助和提供更多的就业机会。

我还将推动改革社会保障体系，确保每个人都能获得基本的福利和保障。

此外，我将致力于改善医疗系统和提高医疗保健服务的质量。

我们的医疗系统存在着许多问题，比如高昂的医疗费用和不公平的医疗资源分配。

我将推动医疗改革，保障每个人都能获得高质量的医疗保健。

同样重要的是，我将加强国家安全的力度，确保美国的安全和利益不受威胁。

我将加大对恐怖主义的打击力度，联合其他国家加强国际合作，构建一个更加和平与安全的世界。

作为总统，我将尊重和坚守美国的核心价值观。

我将致力于维护宪法的权威，保护每个人的基本权利和自由。

我将尊重国会和司法部门的独立性，确保我们的国家保持着均衡和稳定。

最后，我希望借此机会向所有的美国人民发出一个呼吁。

让我们团结起来，共同努力，为我们的国家和人民谋福祉。

让我们抛弃分裂和仇恨，追求团结和进步。

让我们展示出一个团结、强大和充满机遇的美国。