乔治凯南：长电报(194602)

乔治凯南8000字长电报（George Kennan 8000 word longtelegram）乔治凯南8000字长电报(George Kennan 8000 word long telegram)The American embassy in Soviet union, George Kennan, sent the telegram to the state council......The first part of the Soviet propaganda machine's view of the postwar problem was as follows:A. The Soviet union still lives in hostile "capital encirclement", and in the long run, it is sustained with capitalismPeaceful coexistence is not possible. As Stalin told a delegation of American workers in 1927."Will be formed in the process of international revolution continues to develop the center of the scale of the two worlds. One is to put those tends to communist countries gathered around their communist center, one is to put those tends to capitalism countries gathered around their capitalist center. The two camps to dominate the world economy struggles will determine the fate of the whole world of capitalism and communism."B. Capitalism is plagued by the contradictions inherent in it. These contradictions cannot be resolved by peaceful compromise, and the biggest is the conflict between Britain and the United States.C. the inherent contradiction of capitalism is inevitably going tobe war. There are two types of wars: the wars between the two capitalist countries and the wars they have waged against the socialist world. The shrewd capitalists who want to escape the contradictions of capitalism tend to be in the latter category.D. Although interference with the Soviet union would bring disaster to the countries doing so, their intervention would, after all, delay the development of Soviet socialist socialism. So it must be prevented at all costs.E. the contradiction between the capitalist countries, although the Soviet union also is full of risk but also to promote the cause of socialism provides the possibility of a huge, remain strong, especially if the Soviet union in the military field rock solid in terms of ideology, and loyal to it wise leader.F. It must be remembered that the Soviet union believed that capitalism was not all bad. In addition to irredeemable reactionaries and bourgeois elements, capitalist societies include:(1) to unite some very open and positive people within the communist party.(2) some other molecules (now the sake of strategy called progress understanding or Democrats), their reactions, desire and activities happen to "objectively" is conducive to the interests of the Soviet union. The second species must be encouraged and used for the purpose of the Soviet union.G. characters on the opposite side of the capitalist society, the most dangerous is the so-called people's false friends that Lenin moderate socialists or social Democratic Party leaders (in other words, and never succumb to the communist party of the left). These people than outright reactionaries more dangerous, because the reactionaries emerged as they face, while moderate leftist leaders with socialist confuse people, to serve the interests of the reactionary capital.So that's the premise. From the point of view of Soviet policy, they were inferred from these premises:A. must do everything possible to improve the relative strength of the Soviet union as a member of the international community.Conversely, don't miss out on any opportunity to weaken the power and influence of all or very individual capitalist countries.B. The Soviet union and its friends abroad must be committed to deepening and exploiting the differences and contradictions between the capitalist powers. If the differences and contradictions between the capitalist countries and the "imperialist" wars were developed, then the capitalist countries would have to turn the war into a revolutionary uprising.C. Maximize the use of foreign "Democrats and progressives" to put pressure on the capitalist governments in accordance with the principles of Soviet interests.D. Must be ruthless with foreign socialists and social democratic leaders.The second part of this view is the background.Several aspects of the Soviet communist party line should be paid attention to before the concrete implementation of the communist party line.First, the communist party line does not represent the original view of the Russian people. Generally speaking, the Russian people are friendly to the outside world. They aspire to the recognition of the outside world, eager to compete with the people of the outside world for their talents, especially the fruits of their labours for a peaceful life. The party line only represents the official propaganda machine with the clever technique and the great patience to make the argument to the masses, while the masses "deep in the heart" often have a surprising resistance to those arguments. But the party line is binding on the views and actions of the people of the party, the secret police, the government, and so on.Second, pay attention to the elements of the Soviet communist party line, which are largely untrue. Experience has shown that peaceful coexistence between capitalism and socialist countries is entirely possible. The basic contradiction in advanced countries is not the contradiction between the capitalist ownership of the production information, but the contradiction between urbanization and industrialization itself. Russia has so far not suffered from a high degree of urbanization and industrialization, not because he issocialist, but because he is still backward. The competition within capitalism does not necessarily produce wars, and wars do not always result from it. After the destruction of Germany and Japan, after the recent war, the possibility of intervention in the Soviet union was a complete nonsense. If there is no provocation by the dissidents and the forces engaged in subversive activity, the possibility of peaceful coexistence between the capitalist world and between him and Russia is high. Finally, no sane person can doubt the sincerity of the moderate socialist leader in the west. In the Scandinavian peninsula, for example, whenever there is a chance, they always try their best to improve the living conditions of the working people, and deny that their achievements in this regard are unjust.These conclusions were made before world war ii and provedcompletely wrong by the war itself. In fact, the differences between Britain and America are not the main differences between the west. In addition to the axis countries,Capitalist countries have no intention of resolving theirdifferences by joining the anti-soviet crusaders. The Soviet union did not turn into a civil war or a revolution. Instead, the Soviet union had to publicly recognize it as a common goal to fight alongside thecapitalist powers.However, no matter how unsubstantiated and unproven, they are still bold today. What does that mean? This suggests that the Soviet partyline was not based on an objective analysis of Russian external forms.Indeed, he had little to do with anything beyond the Soviet border. Itis primarily a productof Russia's internal needs, which existed before the recent war.It's still there today.The kremlin's neurotic view of world affairs stems from theRussian's traditional and instinctive insecurities. A peaceful agricultural nation, living together with the fierce nomads in the vast wilderness, would create a sense of insecurity without insurance. In addition to these insecurities, the insecurities of the country, as well as the economic and advanced western countries, add to the fear of a more competent, more powerful and organized society in the west. This latter insecurity is not so much to torture the Russian people as to torture the Russian rulers. Because Russia's rulers always believed that their rulers knew the truth about the outside world, or that foreigners knew the truth inside Russia, that there would be consequences. The only way they learn to seek safety is to destroy the fight against the country that competes with him, and never agree or compromise with any other country.Has been around for a half a century in Western Europe and there is no effect of marxism, the first in Russia under the root, and caused the prairie fire, it is no accident, think that the social and economic contradictions by peaceful means to solve this doctrine, only get promoted in Russia, because the country has never been a friendly neighbors. In fact, there has never been a balance of tolerance amongthe great powers, inter and international. After the Bolshevik regime set up by Lenin explanation of marxism more cruel, more intolerant, thus become to spread the perfect tool of insecurity, this anxiety makes the bolsheviks even ruled more distressing than Russia in the past. In this basic goal belongs to the doctrine of altruism,the bolsheviks to their innate fear of the outside world, for their dictatorial system, for their use of torture, and to demand the sacrifice, find a theoretical basis. Under the guise of marxism, they discard all moral values in methods and strategies. Today, they can't live without marxism. Marxism makes them a FIG leaf of moral and ideological respectability. They did not have this FIG leaf in history, at best, the last generation of the tyrannical and civil Russian ruler. The ruthless rulers of Russia brought their military strength to an unprecedented peak to ensure that the infirmity of the regime was externally secure. The intent of the Soviet union must always be solemnly clothed in the cloak of marxism,That is why it is important to not underestimate the importance of dogma in Soviet affairs. This way, the leader of the Soviet union under the history and status quo of the practical need of, puts forward a kind of doctrine, the external, as a sin, hostile, and threat of the Soviet union the world, and that the world within gestates the bacteria spread disease, is bound to be more and more internal unrest, finally received thriving socialist forces a fatal blow, thus giving way to a new and better world. This theory has given them legitimate grounds forexpanding their military and police forces, isolating the Russian people from the outside world and exerting constant pressure to expand the powers of the Russian police. All these are natural and instinctive demands of the Russian rulers. This is mainly to show that, over the centuries, the uneasy Russian nationalist movement has made remarkable progress. In this movement, the concept of aggression and self-defence is not well known. However, a new international marxist cloak, with sweet words to a desperate, war damage to the outside world to make promises, Russian democracy righteousness is more dangerous and more cunning than ever.But we should not assume that all those who have made the path for the Soviet party are false and insincere. Many of them are too ignorant of the outside world and are so dependent on their minds that they do not doubt themselves. They were credulous about things that only the words could make people feel comfortable and convenient. Finally, we also have a mystery, that is, in this great country, who - if there is such a person - can you get about the outside world more accurate and unbiased information. In the mysterious and secretive atmosphere of the east, the possibilities for distorting and poisoning intelligence are limitless in an atmosphere of widespread intrigue in the government. The Russian people don't respect the objective real reason - in fact, they don't believe in the existence of objective reality principle - the fact that everything that makes them understand as a tool, used to achieve the goal of this or that skeletons. There is good reason to suspect thatthis government is actually a small plot in a big conspiracy. At least I personally don't believe, Stalin can get massive long-term credit, I believe that the Soviet government may finally be done like it in the 30 s, for international economic exchanges is desirable that verbally talk. On the contrary, I think most Soviet foreign trade may limit itssecurity domain of the Soviet union, including the German occupation, and in critical view shall implement the principle of the general economic cooperation between countries.H. as for cultural cooperation, the Soviet union also verbally say, for instance, deepen cultural exchanges between ourpeoples is desirable, in practice never made any could undermine the safety of all nationalities in the Soviet union. Policy in the aspects of the actual performance, will be limited to someone with official visit, and join the ceremony, assembly, so that some libraries in pointless ways, and eating too much vodka and lengthy speeches, but does not produce lasting results.I. In addition to the official relations between the Soviet union and various diplomatic states,It would take a route that could be called "right" to maintain the prestige of the Soviet union and its leaders, with meticulous attention to international etiquette (which runs counter to good manners).......The fifth part is the actual deduction from the Angle of American policy....... To sum up, we face a political force, a frenetic state of support for his ways, and the damage to our country's international authority. The political power can control one of the greatest nation in the world energy and one of the most prosperous country in the world of information, and it is behind a strong Russian nationalism trend inoculation. In addition, he has a delicate, wide range of organizations, to play its influence in foreign, the agency has amazing flexibility and variety of skills, to manage it for underground work method is probably an unprecedented experience and skill. In the end, thepolitical force seems to be making a fundamental response that seems to be not to think about the real situation. For him, a lot of objective facts about human society, is not like us, is often used to test and modify people view of scale, but from a grab bag of arbitrarily, have a tendency to take out the specific facts in order to support the established views. This is certainly not a pleasant picture. Thequestion of how to deal with this power is undoubtedly the greatest task that China's diplomacy has ever faced. He should be the starting pointfor our political staff to work at this moment. To deal with this problem in the same spirit and prudence as in the resolution of the wartime major strategic issues, it is necessary to make the same big efforts in the planning work as necessary. I can't try to come up withall the answers here, but I would like to express my confidence that we have the ability to solve this problem without having to go through acomprehensive military conflict. To prove my belief, I would like to offer some more encouraging views.(1) unlike Hitler's Germany, the Soviet regime did not have systematic planning, nor did it engage in risky activities. He is not acting on a fixed plan. He doesn't take unnecessary risks. Logic is indifferent to reason, but it is sensitive to the logic of force. Because of this, when he encounters strong resistance anywhere, he can easily retreat, and he often does. Therefore, if the other party has sufficient force, and indicates readiness to use force, it practically USES no force. If the other person handles the situation correctly, there is no need to have a reputation showdown.(2) the Soviet union was a much weaker force than the rest ofthe western world. Therefore, their success will depend on the degree of unity, identification and strength that the western world can achieve. And this is a factor that we have the ability to influence.(3) as a form of domestic power, the success of the Soviet systemhas not been proved. Whether he can stand the power to move from one person to another, or from a small group of people to another, has yet to be proved. The first such transfer of power after Lenin's death resulted in the destruction of the Soviet union for years.A second transfer of power will occur after Stalin's death or retirement. But this will not be the final test. Because of the recent territorial expansion, the Soviet domestic system will now be subjected to a series of additional pressures that prove to be a serious burden onthe tsarist regime. Here, we are convinced that, since the end of the civil war, the vast majority of the Russian people have never been more emotionally detached from the communist party doctrine. In Russia, it is now a huge and successful dictatorship - but he is no longer a source of charisma. There is no guarantee that internal volume and movement will last.(4) all Soviet propaganda, outside the Soviet security sphere, was basically negative and destructive. It should be easy, therefore, to combat it with any smart, truly constructive platform.For all these reasons, I think we can deal with Russia calmly and bravely. As for the approach, I only want to make thefollowing observations as a conclusion.1. I think the first step must be to understand and understand the nature and truth of the movement we are dealing with. We must study hard to bundle with a doctor and the patient's that kind of courage, without reason is a transcendental attitude and objective spirit, study of it, and have the determination, such as doctors was not swayed by emotion, don't make by it.We must try our best to learn the truth about the form of Russia by our people. The importance of this point cannot be overemphasized. It should not be done by the newspaper alone. It should be done by the government. The government must have more experience and more knowledge of the practical issues involved. In this work, we needn't be daunted by the ugly situation. I firmly believe that if the people of our countryknow more about the true situation of this situation, today our country will be much less anti-soviet. There is no more dangerous and scarier than ignorance. Perhaps there is a debate about how much more of our difficulties in dealing with Russia could have an adverse effect on russian-american relations. I think if there is any risk here, we should have the courage to face it, and the sooner the better. But I don't see what we're going to risk. Even after all the hype about our friendship with the Russian people, our stakes for them are minimal. There we have no investment to defend, no real trade to be lost, and few citizens to protect, and there is little cultural exchange to sustain. The only thing we have a stake in them is not what we have, but what we want. I am convinced that we will have more opportunities to achieve these hopes that if citizens know the situation in our country, if our relationship with the russianscompletely built on the basis of reality, seeking truth from facts.A large part of the problem depends on the health and vitality ofour own society. The world communist movement, like the malignant parasite, relies on diseased muscle tissue to feed itself.This is where domestic policy and foreign policy will be. Whatever our own internal social problems, to strengthen the confidence of our people, discipline, morale and team spirit of any item of the kokang powerful measures, is a diplomatic victory for Moscow, its value can be comparable to one thousand diplomatic notes and the joint communique. If we can't abandon fatalism in front of their social defects andindifferent attitude, Moscow will get benefits, Moscow in its foreign policy is not to benefit from it.4. We have to plan and propose for other countries, more actively and constructively than we have been in the past, and the kind of world picture we would like to see. Similar to our country's political process only urged other countries to people's development is not enough, many foreign people, at least, the peoples of Europe, for the past experience has tired and afraid, for freedom in the abstract has not interested in the safe. They are seeking guidance. If we don't give guidance, the russians will.Finally, we must have the courage and confidence to adhere to our own methods and our views on human society. In the end, when we deal with the problem of Soviet communism, the greatestdanger that may fall on our heads is that we make ourselves thesame as the people we are dealing with.。

凯南的8000字“长电报”
1946年2月22日，美国驻苏联大使馆代办乔治·凯南（1904--2021）向国内发回了有名的8000字长电报，全面论述苏联的理论、政策、行为动机与行为方式，以及美国应当采取的对策。

凯南认为，苏联的国内制度、意识形态和历史传统决定了它必然要谋求无限制的对外扩张，美国不能依靠外交谈判和苏联打交道，必须依靠实力来遏制苏联的扩张，同时又不会引起美、苏之间的全面军事冲突，因为苏联的力量弱于西方，所以美国只需“掌握足够的武力，并表示准备使用武力时，实际上几乎用不着动武，如果对方（指美国）正确地处理形势，就不必进行有损威望的摊牌”。

尽管在该文中凯南并没有使用“遏制”一词，实际他已经提出了一套相对完整的遏制苏联的理论，并基本框定了与苏联对抗（美苏冲突）的外在表现形式：只要保持实力威慑与压力，无需热战那种极端的方式。

这份长电报在华盛顿受到了异常热烈的欢迎，表明它所代表的对苏强硬政策在政府和国会取得了优势，标志着美国冷战思想的基本形成。

但凯南言犹未尽，1947年7月，他又在美国《外交季刊》上发表署名X先生的文章《苏联行为探源》，正式提出了“遏制”（containment）一词，并进一步阐述了他的遏制思想与遏制战略，遏制政策也由此得名。

就在凯南逐渐形成他的遏制思想的同时，当时英国驻苏联的代办弗兰克▪罗伯茨也向国内发出了关于苏联一系列外交政策的长电报，表达了与凯南十分相似的思想，并认为英美结盟是遏制苏联的唯一有效办法。

1。

乔治凯南对俄罗斯的热爱激发了他传奇般的“遏制”策略乔治F.肯南一生中最具讽刺意味的是，美国旨在阻止苏联扩张主义的冷战“遏制”战略的设计者是多么热爱俄罗斯。

相关内容，包括演员、运动员和领导人保罗·罗伯森（Paul Robeson）肯南可以说在塑造美国对俄罗斯的看法方面发挥了更大的作用一个主要的外国大国，因此我们与这个大国的关系，比现代史上任何一个美国人都重要。

有关的权力是苏联，而有关的时间是二战后的关键时期，这使得他的超大型影响力更加显著。

他将学术和经验的权威融合到外交官、大使、国务院政策顾问的职位上，普林斯顿大学的教授从*** 内外对美国战略施加影响。

对于在冷战中指导国家外交政策的整整一代美国官员来说，凯南成了俄罗斯一切事物的卓越向导。

他的主要遗产是：建议美国人如何最好地抑制苏联的威胁。

然而，尽管他在对抗关系的美国方面发挥了关键作用，但肯南深深地迷恋着俄罗斯。

上世纪二三十年代，在欧洲各地的外交职位上，他掌握了这门语言，据一位同事说：“没有美国人像乔治那样讲俄语。

”。

在他漫长的一生中（肯南于2005年去世，享年101岁），他阅读并重读19世纪俄罗斯文学的伟大作品，并尽可能频繁和广泛地周游俄罗斯。

1958年5月在伦敦时，他去看了安东·契诃夫的《樱桃园》的一场演出，并在日记中记录了一个强烈的反应：看到樱桃园激起了过去和我年轻时所有生锈、不协调的弦：Riga、俄罗斯风景和令人震惊的，它激起了我对契诃夫世界出乎意料的熟悉和信服，换句话说，我的俄罗斯自我，完全是一个契诃夫人的自我，比美国的更加真实，所有这些都在我心中浮出水面，我坐在那里像个孩子一样大哭，拼命不让公司的其他人注意到它。

他的俄罗斯自我和美国自我会造成冷战时期的不安。

尽管肯南深深地钦佩这个国家，但他为列宁和斯大林如此残忍地改变了自己的道路而感到心痛。

肯南对俄罗斯的热情甚至被米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫所了解，他于1987年在华盛顿与肯南会面并告诉他，“我们国家相信，一个人可能是另一个国家的朋友，同时仍然是他自己忠诚和忠诚的公民；这是我们对你的看法。

信息文明的拓展——20世纪40年代中期至今一、选择题(本题共12小题，每小题4分，共48分)1．1946年2月22日21时，美国驻苏联大使馆代办乔治·凯南向国务院发回了一份长达数千字的电报。

在这份“长电报”中，凯南凭借自己多年在欧洲、苏联外交的观察和思考得出了美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能。

这封电报 ( )A．导致反法西斯同盟的破裂B．推动了“冷战”政策的出台C．顺应了全球化时代的趋势D．标志美苏“冷战”正式开始解析：按照材料的逻辑是这封电报导致反法西斯同盟的破裂，是不符合史实的，导致反法西斯同盟的破裂是多种因素的产物：如共同使命的结束，国家利益和意识形态的差异等，故A项错误；根据材料“美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能”，从而刺激“冷战”相处方式的产生，故B项正确；“美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能”不利于经济的正常交流，故C项错误；“冷战”开始的标志是杜鲁门主义的出台，故D项错误。

答案：B2．1947年7月10日，捷克斯洛伐克政府召开紧急会议，经过激烈争论，终于通过决定：“由于一系列国家都拒绝参加(讨论马歇尔计划的)巴黎会议，其中包括斯拉夫各国和东南欧各国，这样，同这些国家保持紧密经济政治联系并依据条约义务的捷克斯洛伐克也不能参加巴黎会议”。

决定表明捷政府拒绝巴黎会议的原因是( )A．美国企图通过经济援助控制欧洲B．冷战局面导致欧洲呈现分裂状态C．周边国家已拒绝参与马歇尔计划D．捷克斯洛伐克实行社会主义制度解析：材料考查的重点是捷克斯洛伐克拒绝参加巴黎会议的原因，不是美国企图通过经济援助控制欧洲，故A项错误；根据材料中“其中包括斯拉夫各国和东南欧各国，这样，同这些国家保持紧密经济政治联系并依据条约义务的捷克斯洛伐克也不能参加巴黎会议”得出是因为美苏冷战局面导致欧洲呈现分裂状态，故B项正确；C、D两项在材料中未涉及。

答案：B3．1957年，赫鲁晓夫把全国划分为105个经济行政区，把中央部所辖企业下放给经济行政区和地方管理；1961年，又把全国分为17个大经济区，设立国民经济工作协调和计划委员会直接领导；1963年，把105个经济行政区合并为47个，设立苏联部长会议最高国民经济委员会统一领导。

乔治凯南长电报名词解释
乔治：指乔治·亚历山大·亚伯拉罕·伯窑（George Alexander Aberle）或乔治·约翰·特拉福（George John Trall）等可能的人物名字。

凯南：指凯南·帕特森·布雷恩（Kunan Poshin Bhargava）或凯南·瓦利瓦基尔（Kunan Valivaikil）等可能的人物名字。

长电：泛指长期电台广播或电报通信方式。

在电报通信中，长电广播是指通过电台广播机构持续播放一段已经事先录制好的音频信息，供接收者收听。

词解释：根据给出的信息，乔治凯南长电可能是指乔治和凯南两人之间，通过长电报（电台广播和电报通信方式）进行通信或传递特定信息的方式。

具体涉及到的人名和电信方式需要根据上下文和背景进一步确认。

信息文明的拓展——20世纪40年代中期至今一、选择题(本题共12小题，每小题4分，共48分)1．1946年2月22日21时，美国驻苏联大使馆代办乔治·凯南向国务院发回了一份长达数千字的电报。

在这份“长电报”中，凯南凭借自己多年在欧洲、苏联外交的观察和思考得出了美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能。

这封电报 ( )A．导致反法西斯同盟的破裂B．推动了“冷战”政策的出台C．顺应了全球化时代的趋势D．标志美苏“冷战”正式开始解析：按照材料的逻辑是这封电报导致反法西斯同盟的破裂，是不符合史实的，导致反法西斯同盟的破裂是多种因素的产物：如共同使命的结束，国家利益和意识形态的差异等，故A项错误；根据材料“美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能”，从而刺激“冷战”相处方式的产生，故B项正确；“美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能”不利于经济的正常交流，故C项错误；“冷战”开始的标志是杜鲁门主义的出台，故D项错误。

答案：B2．1947年7月10日，捷克斯洛伐克政府召开紧急会议，经过激烈争论，终于通过决定：“由于一系列国家都拒绝参加(讨论马歇尔计划的)巴黎会议，其中包括斯拉夫各国和东南欧各国，这样，同这些国家保持紧密经济政治联系并依据条约义务的捷克斯洛伐克也不能参加巴黎会议”。

决定表明捷政府拒绝巴黎会议的原因是( )A．美国企图通过经济援助控制欧洲B．冷战局面导致欧洲呈现分裂状态C．周边国家已拒绝参与马歇尔计划D．捷克斯洛伐克实行社会主义制度解析：材料考查的重点是捷克斯洛伐克拒绝参加巴黎会议的原因，不是美国企图通过经济援助控制欧洲，故A项错误；根据材料中“其中包括斯拉夫各国和东南欧各国，这样，同这些国家保持紧密经济政治联系并依据条约义务的捷克斯洛伐克也不能参加巴黎会议”得出是因为美苏冷战局面导致欧洲呈现分裂状态，故B项正确；C、D两项在材料中未涉及。

答案：B3．1957年，赫鲁晓夫把全国划分为105个经济行政区，把中央部所辖企业下放给经济行政区和地方管理；1961年，又把全国分为17个大经济区，设立国民经济工作协调和计划委员会直接领导；1963年，把105个经济行政区合并为47个，设立苏联部长会议最高国民经济委员会统一领导。

乔治· 凯南：长电报（194602 ）来自：Dr.Faustus（静勤诚明，游刃有余）乔治•凯南时间:1946 年 2 月22 日地点:美国驻苏联大使馆人物：大使级代办乔治•凯南和秘书多萝西•海斯曼主题:凯南就美国财政部询问苏联会否加入世界银行及世界货币基金组织一事回电内容：如下国务院 2 月 3 日第284 号电令要求回答的问题，既复杂又非常敏感，既与我们常规思考极为不同，又对分析我们所处的国际环境十分重要，我实在无法将我的回复压缩简单化。

据此，我希望国务院能够容忍我将我的回复用五个在一份简单的电文中，又避免造成我认为是非常危险的过分部分提出。

这五部分的小标题分别是：1、苏联战后（战略）思维的基本特征；2、这一思维的背景；3、这一思维在政府政策层面的反映；4、这一思维在非政府层面的反映；5、从美国政策角度的可行性推断。

请允许我先就对电报通讯所造成的负担表示歉意。

然而，所涉及的问题，特别是考虑到目前发生的事件，是那么的急迫、那么的重要，我认为对这些问题的解释——如果这些问题确实需要我们予以重视的话采用如此长电的形式）是值得的。

下面是我的解释。

第一部分苏联政府宣传机器所宣扬的战后（战略）思维的基本特征如下：苏联仍处于敌对的“资本主义（世界）的包围”之中，长期看来，取得并保持永久的和平共处是不可能的。

正如斯大林1927 年对一个美国工人代表团所表述的：“在国际革命继续发展的过程中，将会出现两个世界规模的中心：一个是社会主义中心，吸引着所有倾向于发展社会主义的国际；一个是资本主义中心，集结着那些希望走资本主义道路的国际。

这两个中心之间为了争夺世界经济主导权的斗争将会决定世界范围内资本主义和共产主义的命运。

、资本主义世界正在受到它本身固有的多种矛盾的困扰。

这些冲突无法通过和平的妥协得以解决，其中最大的是美国与英国之间的冲突。

三、资本主义内部的冲突不可避免地要导致战争。

由此产生的战争可能会有两种形式：一种是资本主义内部两个资本主义国家之间的战争，一种是对社会主义世界的侵略战争。

Rereading George F. Kennan's"Long Telegram"
作者： 张小明
作者机构： 北京大学国际关系学院
出版物刊名： 美国研究
页码： 117-128页
年卷期： 2021年 第2期
主题词： 美国军事与外交;冷战;美苏关系;乔治·凯南;"长电报"
摘要：乔治·凯南1946年2月22日从美国驻苏联大使馆给美国国务院发送的第511号电报,即"长电报",是研究冷战史和战后美国对外战略的重要文献之一.需要注意的是,这份电报有一些明显的瑕疵,研究者需要加以注意.另外,很长时间以来,在学术界一直存在着对"长电报"的某些误解或者误读,包括把"长电报"称为"八千字电报",把"logic of force"解读为"武力的逻辑",等等.本文希望能澄清有关凯南"长电报"的这些误解或误读.。

课时达标检测（十三）信息文明的拓展——二战后的当今世界(时间：45分钟满分：85分)一、选择题(本题共12小题，每小题4分，共48分)1．1946年2月22日21时，美国驻苏联大使馆代办乔治·凯南向国务院发回了一份长达数千字的电报。

在这份“长电报”中，凯南凭借自己多年在欧洲、苏联外交的观察和思考得出了美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能。

这封电报( )A．导致反法西斯同盟的破裂B．推动了“冷战”政策的出台C．顺应了全球化时代的趋势D．标志美苏“冷战”正式开始解析：选B 按照材料的逻辑是这封电报导致反法西斯同盟的破裂，是不符合史实的，导致反法西斯同盟的破裂是多种因素的产物：如共同使命的结束，国家利益和意识形态的差异等，故A项错误；根据材料“美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能”，从而刺激“冷战”的相处方式的产生，故B项正确；“美苏之间并无妥协共存的可能”不利于经济的正常交流，故C项错误；“冷战”开始的标志是杜鲁门主义的出台，故D 项错误。

2．1947年7月10日，捷克斯洛伐克政府召开紧急会议，经过激烈争论，终于通过决定：“由于一系列国家都拒绝参加(讨论马歇尔计划的)巴黎会议，其中包括斯拉夫各国和东南欧各国，这样，同这些国家保持紧密经济政治联系并依据条约义务的捷克斯洛伐克也不能参加巴黎会议”。

决定表明捷政府拒绝巴黎会议的原因是( )A．美国企图通过经济援助控制欧洲B．冷战局面导致欧洲呈现分裂状态C．周边国家已拒绝参与马歇尔计划D．捷克斯洛伐克实行社会主义制度解析：选B 材料考查的重点是捷克斯洛伐克拒绝参加巴黎会议的原因，不是美国企图通过经济援助控制欧洲，故A项错误；根据材料中“其中包括斯拉夫各国和东南欧各国，这样，同这些国家保持紧密经济政治联系并依据条约义务的捷克斯洛伐克也不能参加巴黎会议”得出是因为美苏冷战局面导致欧洲呈现分裂状态，故B项正确；C、D两项在材料中未涉及。

3．1957年，赫鲁晓夫把全国划分为105个经济行政区，把中央部所辖企业下放给经济行政区和地方管理；1961年，又把全国分为17个大经济区，设立国民经济工作协调和计划委员会直接领导；1963年，把105个经济行政区合并为47个，设立苏联部长会议最高国民经济委员会统一领导。

乔治·凯南与冷战的起源乔治·凯南是美国冷战遏制政策的提出者，他的苏联观受到叔父的影响，20世纪三四十年代的驻苏经历使其成为“苏联通”。

1946年他在一封八千字长电报中提出对苏战略，即美国要运用政治、经济、外交等多种途径抑制苏联的发展和对外扩张。

次年他在《苏联行为的根源》中完善了自己的遏制思想。

在欧洲，他主张以德国为中心建立欧洲联邦抵御苏联的渗透；在亚洲，他忽视新中国的地位和作用，希望通过民主改造重塑日本。

他的这些思想对日后美国的冷战政策产生了深远持久的影响。

尽管凯南誉满天下，但不善妥协的性格给他的职业生涯造成困境，对中国的误判也证明他的局限性。

标签：乔治·凯南；冷战；遏制思想；外交影响乔治·凯南是美国著名的国际关系学家，外交家，外交评论学者，历史学家，尤其在苏联问题方面研究成果显著。

凯南在学界被誉为“遏制之父”，他倾其一生为美国的冷战政策尤其是冷战时期的对苏政策作出了突出的贡献。

凱南生于1904年，在威斯康星州的一个爱尔兰裔移民家庭。

他日后成为“苏联通”很大程度上到受了他叔父老凯南的影响。

老凯南是一位美国记者，职业生涯中曾多次到访俄国，其中1885—1886年间他实地考察了俄国的西伯利亚流放地，这段经历深深影响了老凯南对苏联印象。

他还就调查结果出版了一本书，真实地记录了当时西伯利亚流放地政治犯们忍受的非人的痛苦。

可以说老凯南是美国研究苏联问题的先驱。

凯南也追随他叔父的脚步，选择了研究苏联问题的道路，他在晚年的回忆录中说道“脑中有老凯南创立的家庭传统。

”这也成了凯南一生的转折点。

1925年他从普林斯顿大学毕业，1926年进入外交机构，被派往欧洲。

1929—1931年进入柏林大学东方学院，专门学习俄国的语言，文化，历史地理法律以及经济，这些学习也为他日后研究苏联问题打下了坚实的基础。

1931—1933任职于拉脱维亚里加美国大使馆。

在里加的那段时间里凯南在处理公务之余，还会通过当地的报刊体验旧俄文化生活等方法了解苏联，这也成为凯南研究苏联问题的起点。

战后国际关系史主讲老师：纪胜利姚磊整理名词解释1、8千字电文1946年2月22日，美国驻苏代办乔治.凯南向美国国务院发去一份长达8000字的电报，对战后苏联的“理论、意图、政策和做法”以及美国应采取的对策，提出了全面的分析和建议，史称八千字电文。

凯南断言，如果美国拥有足够的实力，并且表明准备随时动用的话，那么用不着真的动武便可遏制住苏联，甚至迫使苏联退却。

指出美国必须“把苏联看作是对手，而不是伙伴”，必须“灵活而警惕地运用对抗力量加以遏制”，这样，凯南为杜鲁门政府提供了一整套所谓“遏制”苏联的战略，这套战略很快就成为美国对苏政策的指导方针。

2、杜鲁门主义1947年3月12日，杜鲁门在美国国会两院联席会议上宣读了一篇咨文，声称“自由世界”受到“极权主义”扩展的威胁，美国的安全也受到危害，要求国会授权向希、土提供4亿美元的援助，并派文职和军职人员前往希、土参与“重建”。

这一咨文在国内外引起巨大震动，被称为“杜鲁门主义”。

杜鲁门主义是处于顶峰时期的美国遏制苏联、独霸世界的全球扩张主义，这是美国公开推行对苏冷战的重要步骤，它用援助盟友、遏制苏联代替了大国合作和集体安全，从而使美苏关系发生了根本变化。

它是美苏战时同盟正式破裂、美苏冷战全面展开的重要标志。

此后，美苏之间和以美苏为首的两大阵营之间的对抗和较量进一步发展，对战后国际关系产生了深刻的影响。

3、马歇尔计划马歇尔计划又称为欧洲复兴计划，是二战后美国对被战争破坏的西欧各国进行经济援助、协助重建的计划，1947年6月5日，美国国务卿马歇尔在哈佛大学演讲时提出，故称马歇尔计划。

该计划于1947年7月正式启动，并整整持续了4个财政年度之久。

西欧各国获得了美国各种形式的援助合计130亿美元。

马歇尔计划促进了西欧各国经济的复苏，方便了美国控制西欧，对欧洲国家的发展和世界政治格局产生了深远的影响。

4、雅尔塔体系雅尔塔体系是二战后期在以雅尔塔会议为代表的一系列三大国首脑会议上，苏美英三大国就结束战争与战后世界安排问题通过的各种宣言、公告和达成的各种协议（包括秘密协定和口头协议），它的主要内容是划分势力范围和维持战后三大国的合作。

美冷战战略大师乔治•凯南的一生乔治〃凯南曾被誉为美国“最睿智”的人提“遏制政策”的第一人2005年3月17日，在冷战结束大约15年后，美国前外交官、冷战时期最重要的外交战略家乔治〃凯南在家中辞世，时年101岁。

凯南曾被公认为美国政府中前苏联问题的第一权威；他提出了冷战时代美国外交的基本原则，并发明了“遏制”这个使用至今的政治词语。

在第二次世界大战结束之后至上世纪50年代的短短几年时间内，他曾是美国外交界的红人，但因为他无法适应美国的官场，最终被迫离开了外交界。

凯南一生的大部分时间都是在研究外交史、撰写回忆录，他撰写了17部著作，其中两部获得普利策奖；但他自己更愿意成为一个文学家，一个诗人或者小说家。

文字：韩杨在塑造冷战时期美国外交政策方面，凯南的作用超过了同时代的其他所有美国外交官。

而真正让他成为历史名人的则是一份电报和一篇文章。

1946年，当时任职于美国驻莫斯科大使馆的凯南，在发给国内的一份电报中勾画出了美国对前苏联政策的基本框架，后来这些政策一直指导着美国的对苏政策，直到将近50年后前苏联解体。

在这份被称为“长电报”的著名文件中，凯南写道，前苏联的扩张必须加以对付，而对付的办法则主要是通过外交、政治和经济手段，军事手段可以利用，但不应成为主要手段。

这份电报可以说是凯南的“成名之作”。

后来，他在回忆录中也得意地写道：“我的名声由此确立。

”这份电报也被称为美国外交史上最重要的一份电报。

1947年，在“长电报”的基础之上，凯南又在美国顶级外交刊物《外交季刊》上以“X”先生的身份发表文章《苏联行为的根源》，第一次为他的对苏政策取名“遏制”。

遏制政策由此成型，并贯穿整个冷战时期。

而凯南的名字也因为“遏制”政策被历史牢牢记住。

对凯南来说，1946年至1947年或许是他外交官生涯中最为兴奋的时期。

而在此之后，他接连遭遇挫折，以至在1953年被迫辞官回家，离开外交界。

生于1904年的凯南，1925年从普林斯顿大学毕业后，就参加了美国国务院的考试，并顺利进入驻外事务处。

三份外交电报与“冷战”的起源在国际冷战史研究中，美国的凯南电报、英国的罗伯茨电报和苏联的诺维科夫电报被认为是很重要的三份⽂献。

它们凝聚了美英与苏联之间的相互战略认知，提出了应对对⽅威胁的战略⽅针与规划，从⽽也成为冷战起源的重要标志。

三份电报中，凯南电报⽆疑最为著名。

1946年2⽉22⽇，时任美国驻苏联使馆临时代办的乔治·凯南为答复财政部有关为什么苏联不想加⼊世界银⾏和国际货币基⾦组织的询问，起草了⼀份8000字电报。

在电报中，他通过分析俄罗斯的民族性、社会主义和资本主义的根本⽭盾等深层问题来揭⽰苏联对外政策的逻辑，进⽽提出美国应放弃继续在国际事务上与苏联合作，通过媒体教育美国民众了解苏联真相，致⼒解决美国国内问题，援助欧洲各国战后重建，遏制苏联的影响和势⼒扩张等主张。

这份电报得到了杜鲁门总统的⾼度重视，责令政府有关部门及驻外使馆官员必须参阅。

不久凯南奉召回国，升任国务院政策设计委员会主席，并在美国《外交季刊》上以“X先⽣”名义发表《苏联⾏为的根源》⼀⽂，全⾯阐述了遏制思想，正式提出对苏遏制政策。

凯南向国内发电之后，向英国时任驻苏使馆临时代办弗兰克·罗伯茨透露了相关内容，并授意他向英国外交部通报要点。

英国外交部被凯南电报的分析所震惊，急于知道罗伯茨⾃⼰会得出怎样的结论。

于是，罗伯茨向英国外交部发出了⼀系列电报，其中以3⽉14、17和18⽇的三份长电最为重要。

在电报中，罗伯茨梳理了苏联外交和英苏关系的发展脉络,阐述了他对苏联外交政策意识形态根源的认识,进⽽提出了对苏联威胁的理解以及调整对苏政策的建议。

他强调，“要像战时解决军事战略问题那样来处理英苏关系”，要有政策和战略的密切协同；要确保英联邦、英帝国和那些对英国命运⽣死攸关的西欧、中东国家保持政治、经济体制的健全；在与苏联打交道时，应纠正以往单⽅⾯让步的做法，坚持互惠原则，务必取得回报；珍视与美国的特殊关系，培育与西欧之间的共同利益。