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第一部部分外文文献原文部分中文2000字New thinking of contemporary western architecturalaestheticsOne of the most striking features of aesthetics of contemporary western architecture, is the change of aesthetic thinking. It is a rich epoch-making revolutionary change. As we know, the aesthetic thought of modern architecture, basically confined to the overall thinking, linear thinking, rational thinking this fixed, and even can be said to be rigid frame, it is difficult to break through the shackles of functionalism, rationalism. However, at present, in and promote the dual influence of western contemporary philosophical and scientific thought, had the historical transformation of aesthetic thinking of contemporary architecture. It is completely out of the general, linear and rational thinking inertia, towards a new thinking for a more contemporary nature's way.Non overall thinkingModern architectural geometry hegemony and pure aesthetics basically is a kind of in a flagrant way"oppressive totalisation" (his words) to control and guide the construction of aesthetic trend. When Venturi, Philip? Johnson et al to challenge the "oppressive totalisation", when the modern movement has become thriving in the construction field, modern unified pattern was quickly broken, overall tanked. Unfortunately, when the postmodern architecture emerge in large numbers, the architects soon felt, they are likely to be as Jaspers said, "from a situation into another kind of situation", from an overall fall into another kind of overall. This replaces the aesthetic revolution another tyranny in a dictatorship, is a contemporary architects and scientists do not want to see, most cannot accept, therefore, all sorts of new architectural concepts since the anti-modernist movement until the emergence of resistance, all to the overall, pursuit diversity as a preventive and expel any form of aesthetic autocracy charm monster banner.Adorno (Theodor W • Adoeno, German philosopher) said, "the liberation of mankind does not mean to become a general". In order to carry out the communication and understanding between different races of human, really need a standard of value, common ideals andcommon feelings,however, this does not mean that, human's political institutions, customs should follow the same general. On the aesthetic, specifically, on art and architecture, the general can only is an inert strength, even can say, it is the most terrible enemy of creativity.Terrible place overall is, it has a periodic attack morbid inertial forces. When a art of totality was a fatal blow when, often is another kind of overall quietly out of. So Adorno thinks, if art is always a radical, it is always conservative. The strengthening phase separation and the dominant spirit of the illusion, "which in practice is invalid and complicit did not reduce disaster is apparently painful". It was in one direction, and lost in the other direction; if art to bypass the disgraced historical logic, then it will have to pay a high price for this free, one of which is difficult to meet the reproduction of historical logic. Adorno to escape from the overall has been holding a contradiction, suspicion and even pessimistic attitude. He said, we can ignore the totality, but overall did not ignore us. As if the general is a kind of come and go like a shadow, as the shadow follows the form, unable to get rid of stuff. In his view, fled the totalityis neither possible nor necessary. Because you are against the general, "get in one direction, and lost in another direction". However, most architects do not agree with his point of view, their ability to hope that through improve the architects attention, perception and choice, give full play to the architect of the autonomy and capture and expression ability difference, in order to escape from the trap of totality.Philip? Judi Di ou (Philip Jodidio) Stephen Holzer known as the ideological Architects (Steven Holl) said: "the unified construction and its compliance technique or style, irrational open let it to a place. It should be the same tendency to resist standardization...... New buildings must be formed in this way: it is a cross-cultural continuous adaptation, and poetic performance and personal environment and community adaptation." Holzer clearly opposed to any form of identity or overall, his ideal architecture, is both personal survival culture situation and environmental situation, but also has a certain heterogeneity architecture.Mofuxisi firm commanding general Tom Men has always been a personal independence ofconduct is known, althoughhe did not like Bernard Tschumi and Michael Sorkin (Michael Sorkin), call ugly building, but he to architectural form and style and he ignored almost of the building structure and spatial attention as famous. He mounted the spell, false postmodernism with deep aversion, to the 80's popular false pluralism is a contemptuous disregard. He once said, "today, we have the common value system of evaluation of our diverse world, in this world, the reality is chaotic, unpredictable, so it is unknown. The adventure has become our principles of operation...... One of the central themes of today's building, is about an architect can in our environment, corrosion of autonomy, our sense of self and personal mental psychological and social forces independent action problem from within." Main and his researchers cooperation, attaches great importance to the art creation and personal independence. In their view, the individual should not be affected by the grand narrative (Grand Narrative) influence, should not be subject to the macro rationality, and should follow the guidelines for creating self pure mission, go "narrative" that personalized road. Only in this way, the building can get rid of the same sex and overall cycle.With the design of Vienna Z bank G. Domini (Gunther Domenig), and the blue sky group Wolf? S (Wolf Prix) apparently Rex the building as a kind of narration and expression of art. He sincerely hopes to the architect's design and the writer's creation, fully draw, revelation and expression of complexity and diversity of our world. He said: "we should find a enough to reflect the complexity of the diversity of our world and society.第二部位中文对照翻译部分当代西方建筑美学新思维当代西方建筑美学最显著的特征之一，就是审美思维的变化。
外文文献翻译原文:Asphalt Mixtures-Applications, Theory and Principles1 、ApplicationsAsphalt materials find wide usage in the construction industry、The use of asphalt as a cementing agent in pavements is the most common of its applications, however, and the one that will be consid ered here、Asphalt products are used to produce flexibl e pavements for highways and airports、The term “fl exible” is used to distinguish these pavements from those made with Portland cement, which are classified as rigid pavements, that is, having beam strength、This distinction is important because it provid es they key to the design approach which must be used for successful flexibl e pavement structures、The flexibl e pavement classification may be further broken d own into high and l ow types, the type usually depending on whether a solid or liquid asphalt product is used、The l ow types of pavement are mad e with the cutback, or emulsion, liquid products and are very widely used throughout this country、Descriptive terminol ogy has been developed in various sections of the country to the extent that one pavement type may have several names、However, the general process foll owed in construction is similar for most l ow-type pavements and can be described as one in which the aggregate and the asphalt product are usually applied to the roadbed separately and there mixed or all owed to mix, forming the pavement、The high type of asphalt pavements is made with asphalt cements of some sel ected penetration grad e、Fig、·1 A modern asphalt concrete highway、Shoul der striping is used as a safely feature、Fig、·2 Asphalt concrete at the San Francisco International Airport、They are used when high wheel l oads and high volumes of traffic occur and are, therefore, often designed for a particular installation、2 、Theory of asphalt concrete mix designHigh types of flexible pavement are constructed by combining an asphalt cement, often in the penetration grad e of 85 to 100, with aggregates that are usually divided into three groups, based on size、The three groups are coarse aggregates, fine aggregates, and mineral filler、These will be discussed in d etail in later chapter、Each of the constituent parts mentioned has a particular function in the asphalt mixture, and mix proportioning or d esign is the process of ensuring that no function is negl ected、Before these individual functions are examined, however, the criteria for pavement success and failure should be consid ered so that d esign objectives can be established、A successful fl exible pavement must have several particular properties、First, it must be stable, that is to resistant to permanent displacement under l oad、Deformation of an asphaltpavement can occur in three ways, two unsatisfactory and one desirable、Plastic deformation of a pavement failure and which is to be avoid ed if possible、Compressive deformation of the pavement results in a dimensional change in the pavement, and with this change come a l oss of resiliency and usually a d egree of roughness、This d eformation is less serious than the one just described, but it, too, leads to pavement failure、The desirable type of deformation is an elastic one, which actually is beneficial to flexibl e pavements and is necessary to their long life、The pavement should be durable and should offer protection to the subgrade、Asphalt cement is not impervious to the effects of weathering, and so the design must minimize weather susceptibility、A durable pavement that d oes not crack or ravel will probably also protect the roadbed、It must be remembered that flexible pavements transmit loads to the subgrad e without significant bridging action, and so a dry firm base is absolutely essential、Rapidly moving vehicl es d epend on the tire-pavement friction factor for control and safety、The texture of the pavement surfaces must be such that an adequate skid resistance is developed or unsafe conditions result、The design procedure shoul d be used to select the asphalt material and aggregates combination which provid es a skid resistant roadway、Design procedures which yield paving mixtures embodying all these properties are not available、Sound pavements are constructed where materials and methods are selected by using time-tested tests and specifications and engineering judgments al ong with a so-call ed design method、The final requirement for any pavement is one of economy、Economy, again, cannot be measured directly, since true economy only begins with construction cost and is not fully determinable until the full useful life of the pavement has been record ed、If, however, the requirements for a stable, durable, and safe pavement are met with a reasonable safety factor, then the best interests of economy have probably been served as well、With these requirements in mind, the functions of the constituent parts can be examined with consideration give to how each part contributes to now-established objectives or requirements、The functions of the aggregates is to carry the load imposed on the pavement, and this is accomplished by frictional resistance and interl ocking between the individual pieces of aggregates、The carrying capacity of the asphalt pavement is, then, related to thesurface texture (particularly that of the fine aggregate) and the density, or “compactness,”, of the aggregates、Surface texture varies with different aggregates, and while a rough surface texture is desired, this may not be available in some l ocalities、Dense mixtures are obtained by using aggregates that are either naturally or artificially “well graded”、This means that the fine aggregate serves to fill the voids in the coarser aggregates、In addition to affecting density and therefore strength characteristics, the grading also influences workability、When an excess of coarse aggregate is used, the mix becomes harsh and hard to work、When an excess of mineral filler is used, the mixes become gummy and difficult to manage、The asphalt cement in the fl exibl e pavement is used to bind the aggregate particl es together and to waterproof the pavements、Obtaining the proper asphalt content is extremely important and bears a significant influence on all the items marking a successful pavement、A chief objective of all the design methods which have been devel oped is to arrive at the best asphalt content for a particular combination of aggregates、3 、Mix design principl esCertain fundamental principles underlie the design procedures that have been developed、Before these procedures can be properly studied or applied, some consid eration of these principles is necessary、Asphalt pavements are composed of aggregates, asphalt cement, and voids、Considering the aggregate alone, all the space between particles is void space、The volume of aggregate voids depends on grading and can vary widely、When the asphalt cement is add ed, a portion of these aggregate voids is filled and a final air-void volume is retained、The retention of this air-void volume is very important to the characteristics of the mixture、The term air-void volume is used, since these voids are weightless and are usually expressed as a percentage of the total volume of the compacted mixture、An asphalt pavement carries the applied load by particl e friction and interlock、If the particl es are pushed apart for any reason , then the pavement stability is d estroyed、This factor indicates that certainly no more asphalt shoul d be ad ded than the aggregate voids can readily hold、However ,asphalt cement is susceptibl e to volume change and the pavement is subject to further compaction under use、If the pavement has no air voids when placed, or if it loses them under traffic, then the expanding asphalt will overfl ow in a condition known asbleeding、The l oss of asphalt cement through bleeding weakens the pavement and also reduces surface friction, making the roadway hazard ous、Fig、·3 Cross section of an asphalt concrete pavement showing the aggregate framework bound together by asphalt cement、The need for a minimum air-void volume (usually 2 or 3 per cent ) has been established、In addition, a maximum air-void volume of 5 to 7 per cent shoul d not be exceed、An excess of air voids promotes raveling of the pavement and also permits water to enter and speed up the deteriorating processes、Also, in the presence of excess air the asphalt cement hardens and ages with an accompanying loss of durability and resiliency、The air-void volume of the mix is determined by the d egree of compaction as well as by the asphalt content、For a given asphalt content, a lightly compacted mix will have a large voids volume and a l ower d ensity and a greater strength will result、In the laboratory, the compaction is controlled by using a specified hammer and regulating the number of bl ows and the energy per blow、In the field, the compaction and the air voids are more difficult to control and tests must be made no specimens taken from the compacted pavement to cheek on the d egree of compaction being obtained、Traffic further compact the pavement, and all owance must be mad e for this in the design、A systematic checking of the pavement over an extended period is need ed to given factual information for a particular mix、A change in density of several per cent is not unusual, however、Asphalt content has been discussed in connection with various facets of the ix design problem、It is a very important factor in the mix design and has a bearing an all the characteristics ld a successful pavement: stability, skid resistance, durability, and economy、As has been mentioned, the various d esign procedures are intended to provide a means for selecting the asphalt content 、These tests will be considered in detail in a future chapter ,but the relationship between asphalt content and the measurable properties of stability, unit weight, and air voids will be discussed here、Fig、4 Variations in stability, unit weight, and air-void content with asphalt cement content、If the gradation and type of aggregate, the degree of compaction, and the type of asphalt cement are controll ed, then the strength varies in a predictable manner、The strength will increase up to some optimum asphalt content and then decrease with further additions、The pattern of strength variation will be different when the other mix factors are changed, and so only a typical pattern can be predicted prior to actual testing、Unit weight varies in the same manner as strength when all other variabl e arecontroll ed、It will reach some peak value at an asphalt content near that determined from the strength curve and then fall off with further additions、As already mentioned, the air-void volume will vary with asphalt content、However, the manner of variation is different in that increased asphalt content will d ecrease air-void volume to some minimum value which is approached asymptotically、With still greater additions of asphalt material the particles of aggregate are only pushed apart and no change occurs in air-void volume、In summary, certain principles involving aggregate gradation, air-void volume, asphalt content, and compaction mist be understood before proceeding to actual mix d esign、The proper design based on these principl es will result in sound pavements、If these principles are overlooked, the pavement may fail by one or more of the recognized modes of failure: shoving, rutting, corrugating, becoming slick when the max is too ‘rich’; raveling, cracking,having low durability when t he mix is too ‘l ean’、It should be again emphasized that the strength of flexible is, more accurately, a stability and d oes not indicate any ability to bridge weak points in the subgrade by beam strength、No asphalt mixture can be successful unless it rests on top of a properly designed and constructed base structure、This fact, that the surface is no better than the base, must be continually in the minds of those concerned with any aspect of fl exible pavement work、译文:沥青混合料的应用、理论与原则1、应用沥青材料如今在建筑行业广泛使用。
Environmental problems caused by Istanbul subway excavation and suggestionsfor remediation伊斯坦布尔地铁开挖引起的环境问题及补救建议Ibrahim Ocak Abstract：Many environmental problems caused by subway excavations have inevitably become an important point in city life. These problems can be categorized as transporting and stocking of excavated material, traffic jams, noise, vibrations, piles of dust mud and lack of supplies. Although these problems cause many difficulties,the most pressing for a big city like Istanbul is excava tion,since other listed difficulties result from it. Moreover, these problems are environmentally and regionally restricted to the period over which construction projects are underway and disappear when construction is finished. Currently, in Istanbul, there are nine subway construction projects in operation, covering approximately 73 km in length; over 200 km to be constructed in the near future. The amount of material excavated from ongoing construction projects covers approximately 12 million m3. In this study, problems—primarily, the problem with excavation waste(EW)—caused by subway excavation are analyzed and suggestions for remediation are offered.摘要：许多地铁开挖引起的环境问题不可避免地成为城市生活的重要部分。
翻译原文 (4)Photovoltaic (PV) Electric Systems (4)The Advantages of Mitsubishi Solar Panels (5)1光伏电力系统光伏电力系统利用太阳能电池吸收太阳光线，并将这种能量转化成电能。
这个系统让广大家庭通过一种清洁，可靠，平静的方式来产生电能，这样就可以补偿将来的部分电能支出，也减少了对输电网的依赖。
太阳能电池一般是由经改进的硅，或者其他能够吸收阳光并将之转化成电能的半导体材料制成。
太阳能电池是相当耐用的（1954年在美国安装的第一个光伏电力系统至今仍在运营）。
绝大多数的生厂商都担保自己的产品的电源输出至少维持20年。
但大多数的有关太阳能研究的专家认为一个光伏电力系统至少能维持25到30年。
1.1 太阳能电池的类型目前有单晶硅，多晶硅和薄膜三种基本形式的光伏组件。
这些类型的电池工作效率都很好但单晶硅电池效率最好。
薄膜技术的电池以成本低为特色，而且伴随着太阳能电池板的发展它的效率也在不断地提高。
越来越多的生厂商以及各种各样的电池型号在当今市场上出现。
一个太阳能技术的支持者可以帮你分析各个系统的利弊，如此你就可以得到为你所用数十年的最佳的系统设计方案。
1.2光伏电力系统如何运作光电板通常安装在建筑物顶部，通过逆变器来引到建筑物中。
逆变器将通过太阳能板产生的直流电转化成交流电，而在当今美国交流电是向建筑提供电动力的主要形式。
朝南方向的太阳能板能使能量的收集效果最大化，大部分都是与建筑物顶部成60度的位置安放太阳能电池。
有关太阳能电池发电的更多的信息，可以查询Cooler Planet’s的《太阳能电池如何工作》。
朝南方向的太阳能板能使能量的收集效果最大化，大部分都是与建筑物顶部成60度的位置安放太阳能电池。
1.3 太阳能电池板与光伏建筑一体化太阳能电池板是用于捕获太阳光的平面板，他们以阵列的形式安装在建筑物顶部或者柱子上。
他们是传统的用于获得太阳能的阵列形式。
毕业论文（设计）外文译文题目建筑剪力墙结构的地震反应与阻尼器学院土木工程学院专业土木工程 年级 11级学生姓名周磊学号 ********* 指导教师古巍建筑结构在剪力墙的地震反应与阻尼器L.P.B.马德森,D.P.山姆*,新泽西州佩蕾娜土木工程学院的基础设施中心,昆士兰科技大学,共和党的2434号房子,乔治街2号,布里斯班昆士兰4001,澳大利亚在2001年10月1日收到,在2002年11月1日接收摘要：建筑物遭受地震时,必须输入能量消散一些通过预先确定的和精心设计的机制。
本研究主要探讨机械控制结构的影响和系统通过战略位置的应用程序可以调节响应组件元素和可靠的阻尼和刚度属性。
安装此类阻尼元素的影响在两个特定位置进行了调查。
这些职位之间的耦合梁和附近的剪力墙内部分在多层结构墙的元素。
有限元时程分析用于研究和结果表明,该程序能够实现合理的地震响应的改善。
关键词:地震响应;建筑;被动阻尼器位移,加速度1、介绍当建筑物受地震或从爆炸冲击波,它提供至关重要这些建筑的能量吸收途径避免随机和造成的不利影响不可预测的负载,远远超过弹性力量结构元素的能力。
在最近的地震中人们已经发现,缺乏能量吸收机制是建筑表现不佳的原因之一。
它是越来越普遍的设计实践多层建筑细节的地方表单通常放置在塑料铰链梁柱节点附近梁(12，14)。
这些位置旨在消除大量的能量通过非弹性变形,从而保护主体结构从损伤和改善地震响应。
这一点,然而,导致必要性去修理损坏的地方结构成员后接受极限载荷的影响。
许多多层建筑包含剪力墙在电梯和楼梯间。
这些墙提供相当大的横向刚度的结构使它能够抵抗水平地震等载荷和风能。
通常会有几个空缺在这些剪力墙,如果两个这样的机会相反,深梁用于互连墙壁。
这些耦合梁通常用作为核心元素提供框架行动的手段。
他们为了在地震能量消散必须经过非弹性屈服,因此由于小跨度深比、需要高度复杂的和拥挤的强化来实现延性。
他们是很难构造由于这对角的必要性强化,以及服务的缝隙。
(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)中英文翻译Urban planning and development in TehranWith a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one of the larger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid-20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban planning exercised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development.德黑兰的城市规划与发展_ 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian citiesPlanning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growth The f irst phase of Tehran‘s planning refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby at least three major efforts set the framework for the city‘s growth and development: walling the city (1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the government‘s ability and desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects.Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the east–west Silk Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the north–south route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century; however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960).The first large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (1779–1925).On becoming the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the 1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The country‘s military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the capital city. The second large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for accommodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and European-style shops, were, according to a British observer, a ‗‗twofold renaissance‘‘ for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300).The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this lasted from 1925 to 1979. The new regime‘s emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a transport network, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread road-widening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor本科毕业设计（外文翻译）vehicles, the regime‘s desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was ‗‗radically re-planned and re-built‘‘ (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transport network of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal compound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter; retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar; and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new street network was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overcoming the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization of power. The city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941.These large-scale urban planning and development phases of Tehran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distinctively ancient Persian imagery and local expertise, the second and third phases employed European images and experts, primarily from France and Germany. What these early town planning efforts shared was that they were all envisaging a particular new form and implementing it through the (re)development of the urban environment; they were all plans for a major series of physical changes executed in a relatively short period of time.The reforms in the second half of the 19th century opened up the city‘s society and space to new economic and cultural patterns, and unleashed centrifugal and dialectic forces that exploded in two major revolutions. Economically, the city started to be integrated into the world market as a peripheral node. Embracing the market economy divided the city along the lines of income and wealth, while new cultural fault lines emerged along lifestyle and attitude towards tradition and modernity. Rich and poor, who used to live side by side in the old city, were now separated from one another in a polarizing city. Moreover, modernizers welcomed living in new neighborhoods and frequented new streets and squares, while traditionalists continued to live and work in the older parts of the city. Ever since, these economic and cultural polarizations—and their associated tensions—have characterized Iran‘s urban conditions.Planning through land-use regulation: harnessing speculative developmentThe second type of planning to emerge in Tehran was in the 1960s, which saw the preparation of plans to regulate and manage future change. The city had grown in size and complexity to such an extent that its spatial management needed additional tools, which resulted in the growing complexity of municipal organization, and in the preparation of a comprehensive plan for the city.After the Second World War, during which the Allied forces occupied the country, there was a period of democratization, followed by political tensions of the start of the cold war, and strugglesover the control of oil. This period was ended in 1953 by a coup detat that returned the Shah to power, who then acted as an executive monarch for the next 25 years. With high birth rates and an intensification of rural–urban migration, Tehran— and other large cities—grew even faster than before. By 1956, Tehran‘s population rose to 1.5 million, by 1966 to 3 million, and by 1976 to 4.5 million; its size grew from 46 km²in 1934 to 250 km²in 1976 (Kari man, 1976; Vezarat-e Barnameh va Budgeh, 1987).Revenues from the oil industry rose, creating surplus resources that needed to be circulated and absorbed in the economy. An industrialization drive from the mid-1950s created many new jobs in big德黑兰的城市规划与发展cities, particularly in Tehran. The land reforms of the 1960s released large numbers of rural population from agriculture, which was not able to absorb the exponential demographic growth. This new labour force was attracted to cities: to the new industries, to the construction sector which seemed to be always booming, to services and the constantly growing public sector bureaucracy. Tehran‘s role as the administrative, economic, and cultural centre of the country, and its gateway to the outside world,wa s firmly consolidated.Urban expansion in postwar Tehran was based on under-regulated, private-sector driven, speculative development. Demand for housing always exceeded supply, and a surplus of labor and capital was always available; hence the flourishing construction industry and the rising prices of land and property in Tehran. The city grew in a disjointed manner in all directions along the outgoing roads, integrating the surrounding towns and villages, and growing new suburban settlements. This intensified social segregation, destroyed suburban gardens and green spaces, and left the city managers feeling powerless. A deputy mayor of the city in 1962 commented that in Tehran, ‗‗the buildings and settlements have been developed by whomever has wanted in whatever way and wherever they have wanted‘‘, creating a city that was ‗‗in fact a number of towns connected to each other in an inappropriate way‘‘ (Nafisi, 1964, p. 426). There was a feeling that something urgently needed to be done, but the municipality was not legally or financially capable of dealing with this process.The 1966 Municipality Act provided, for the first time, a legal framework for the formation of the Urban Planning High Council and for the establishment of land-use planning in the form of comprehensive plans. A series of other laws followed, underpinning new legal and institutional arrangements for the Tehran municipality, allowing the Ministry of Housing and others to work together in managing the growth of the city. The most important step taken in planning was the approval of the Tehran Comprehensive Plan in 1968. It was produced by a consortium of Aziz Farmanfarmaian Associates of Iran and Victor Gruen Associates of the United States, under the direction of Fereydun Ghaffari, an Iranian city planner (Ardalan, 1986). The plan identified the city‘s problems as high density, especially in the city centre; expansion of commercial activities along the main roads; pollution; inefficient infrastructure; widespread unemployment in the poorer areas, and the continuous migration of low-income groups to Tehran. The solution was to be found in the transformation of the city‘s physical, social and economic fabric (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). The proposals were, nevertheless, mostly advocating physical change, attempting, in a modernist spirit, to impose a new order onto this complex metropolis. The future of the city was envisaged tobe growing westward in a linear polycentric form, reducing the density and congestion of the city centre. The city would be formed of 10 large urban districts, separated from each other by green belts, each with about 500,000 inhabitants, a commercial and an industrial centre with high-rise buildings. Each district (mantagheh) would be subdivided into a number of areas (nahyeh) and neighborhoods (mahalleh). An area, with a population of about 15–30,000, would have a high school and a commercial centre and other necessary facilities. A neighborhood, with its 5000 inhabitants, would have a primary school and a local commercial centre. These districts and areas would be linked by a transportation network, which included motorways, a rapid transit route and a bus route. The stops on the rapid transit route would be developed as the nodes for concentration of activities with a high residential density. A number of redevelopment and improvement schemes in the existing urban areas would relocate 600,000 people out of the central areas (Far manfarmaian and Gruen, 1968).Almost all these measures can be traced to the fashionable planning ideas of the time, which were largely influenced by the British New Towns. In his book, The Heart of Our Cities, Victor Gruen本科毕业设计（外文翻译）(1965) had envisaged the metropolis of tomorrow as a central city surrounded by 10 additional cities, each with its own centre. This resembled Ebenezer Howard‘s (1960, p. 142) ‗‗social cities‘‘, in which a central city was surrounded by a cluster of garden cities. In Tehran‘s plan, a linear version of this concept was used. Another linear concept, which was used in the British New Towns of the time such as Redditch and Runcorn, was the importance of public transport routes as the town‘s spine, with its stopping points serving as its foci. The use of neighborhood units of limited population, focused on a neighborhood centre and a primary school, was widely used in these New Towns, an idea that had been developed in the 1920s in the United States (Mumford, 1954). These ideas remained, however, largely on paper. Some of the plan‘s ideas that were impl emented, which were rooted in American city planning, included a network of freeways to connect the disjointed parts of the sprawling metropolis; zoning as the basis for managing the social and physical character of different areas; and the introduction of Floor Area Ratios for controlling development densities.Other major planning exercises, undertaken in the 1970s, included the partial development of a New Town, Shahrak Gharb, and the planning of a new administrative centre for the city—Shahestan—by the British consultants Llewelyn–Davies, although there was never time to implement the latter, as the tides of revolution were rising.Planning through policy development: reconstruction after the revolution and war The revolutionary and post-revolutionary period can be divided into three phases: revolution (1979–1988), reconstruction (1989–1996), and reform (1997–2004), each demonstrating different approaches to urban planning in Tehran.After two years of mass demonstrations in Tehran and other cities, the year 1979 was marked by the advent of a revolution that toppled the monarchy in Iran, to be replaced by a state which uneasily combined the rule of the clergy with parliamentary republicanism. Its causes can be traced in the shortcomings of the Shah‘s m odel of development, which led to clashes between modernization and traditions, between economic development and political underdevelopment, between global market forces and local bourgeoisie, between foreign influence and nationalism, between a corrupt and complacent elite and discontented masses. Like the revolution of 1906, a coalition of many shades of opinion made the revolution of 1979 possible. In the first revolution, the modernizers had the upper hand, while in the second the traditionalists won the leadership. However, the attitudes of both revolutions—and the regimes that followed them—to a number of major issues, including urban development, show a preference for modernization. In this sense, both revolutions can be seen as explosive episodes in the country‘s troubled efforts at progressive transformation (Madanipour, 1998, 2003).The revolution was followed by a long war (1980–1988) with Iraq, which halted economic development. Investment in urban development dwindled, while rural areas and provincial towns were favoured by the revolutionary government, both to curb rural–urban migration and to strike a balance with large cities. The key planning intervention in this period was to impose daytime restrictions on the movement of private cars in the city centre. Meanwhile, the war and the promise of free or low-cost facilities by the new government attracted more migrants to the capital city, its population reaching 6 million by 1986. The rate of population growth in the city had started to slow down from the 1950s, while the metropolitan region was growing faster until the mid-1980s, when its growth rate also started to decline (Khatam, 1993).After the revolution and war, a period of normalization and reconstruction started, which lasted德黑兰的城市规划与发展for most of the 1990s. This period witnessed a number of efforts at urban planning in Tehran. Once again, urban development had intensified without an effective framework to manage it. The comprehensive plan came under attack after the revolution, as it was considered unable to cope with change. In 1998, the Mayor criticized it for being mainly a physical development plan, for being rooted in the political framework of the previous regime, and for not paying enough attention to the problems of implementation (Dehaghani, 1995).The comprehensive plan‘s 25-year lifespan came to an end in 1991. A firm of Iranian consultants (A-Tech) was commissioned in 1985 to prepare a plan for the period of 1986–1996. After much delay, it was only in 1993 that the plan was finally approved by the Urban Planning High Council. This plan also focused on growth management and a linear spatial strategy, using the scales of urban region, subregion, district, area and neighbourhood. It promoted conservation, decentralization, polycentric development, development of five satellite new towns, and increasing residential densities in the city. It proposed that the city be divided into 22 districts within five sub-regions, each with its own service centre (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).The 1993 plan was not welcomed by the municipality, which disagreed with its assessments and priorities, finding it unrealistic, expensive, and impossible to implement. The municipality produced its own strategic plan for the period 1996–2001, known as Tehran Municipalty‘s First Plan,or Tehran 80. Rather than introducing a land-use plan as its goal, this was the first plan for the city that emphasized a set of strategies and propose d policies to achieve them. It identified the city‘s main problems as shortage of resources to deliver its services; the pace and pattern of urban growth; environmental pollution; the absence of effective public transport, and inefficient bureaucracy. The municipality‘s vision for the future of the city was then outlined to have six major characteristics: a clean city, ease of movement in the city, the creation of parks and green spaces, the development of new cultural and sports facilities, reform of the municipal organization, and planning for the improvement of urban space, including preparation of comprehensive and detailed plans for land use and conservation (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 1996).The municipality implemented part of the proposals, such as increasing the amount of green open spaces in the south, or constructing new parts of the motorway network, which was proposed by the 1968 plan; opening large parts of the city to new development, and easing movement across the city. Following the advice of the 1993 plan, the municipality relaxed FAR limits and allowed higher densities through bonus zoning. This, however, was not based on planning considerations, but was mainly to bring financial autonomy to the municipality. This proved to be popular with the development industry, but controversial with citizens. Developers could build taller buildings by paying fines to the municipality, in a policy popularly known as ‗‗selling density‘‘, without having to show their impacts on the surrounding environment. The face of the city, particularly in its northern parts, was transformed in a short period, consisting of medium to high-rise buildings connected through wide streets and motorways. In the poorer south, a major redevelopment project, Navab, cut a motorway through the dense and decayed fabric, building gigantic superstructures on each side. The city‘s administrative boundaries were expanded twice, once outward and then westward, to encompass 22 district municipalities in 700 km².This controversial period of reconstruction was followed by a period of democratic reform, which re-launched an elected city council for the city, which at first caused institutional confusion about its relationship with the mayor and the municipality. The council published its own vision of the city as Tehran Charter in 2001, which was the summary of the principles agreed between council members,本科毕业设计（外文翻译）non-governmental organizations, and urban experts at a congress about the subject. The Charter adopted sustainability and democracy as its key principles, which were used to develop strategies for natural and built environments, transport, social, cultural and economic issues, urban management, and the city‘s regional, national and international roles (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).Currently, detailed plans are being prepared for the city‘s 22 district s, and work is under way on a strategic plan to link these detailed plans and to guide the future development of the city as a whole. Even though the city is more integrated and democratic than before and has a more coherent approach to planning (Hourcade, 2000), some authorities still see plans as isolated documents, rather than seeing planning as a continuous process. Land use plans are produced by private sector consultants for a specified period. The role of the municipality is merely implementation of these plans, rather than generating and revising them. New schemes for urban motorways and large-scale radical redevelopment of the central and decayed areas continue to be prepared and implemented. The last mayor, who was elected the president of the republic in 2005, was a civil engineer, putting road building schemes high on his agenda, even aiming to widen parts of the most beautiful boulevard in the city (Vali Asr) to ease traffic flows. Meanwhile, the city continues to suffer from acute social polarization, high land and property prices, heavy traffic congestion and some of the worst atmospheric pollution in the world, and remains unprepared for any serious earthquake.Managing change in a metropolisLeaving aside the earlier phases, the key urban planning stages in the 20th century (1930s, 1960s, 1990s) show some broad similarities: they mark the periods of relative economic and political strength, in which at once urban development flourishes and the government feels able enough to manage growt h. Iran‘s oil economy is so much integrated with the global economy that these periods parallel the international economic cycles and periods of urban development booms. These planning stages also show cyclical development pressure, cyclical attention to planning matters, within an overall move towards democratic urban governance, to sophistication of municipal organization and city planning approaches, which are nevertheless far behind the momentous process of urban growth and development. The main focus has remained management of physical development. Each phase, however, has added a new dimension to city planning: from design to regulation and policy development; each new approach adding to the complexity of the process, rather than replacing the previous approach.The other feature they all share is their preference for redevelopment, which is the hallmark of a country with a young population caught in the fever of modernization, despite its upheavals and setbacks. Post-revolutionary governments claimed to revive many traditional forms and practices, as a reaction to radical modernization of the past. In relation to the built environment, however, they have shown strong modernist tendencies, with redevelopment remaining their favourite device, similar to previous generations. This is mainly due to the pressure for change that characterizes the modern history of Iran, as reflected in the advent of two revolutions, i.e., radical breaks from the past. It is also partly due to institutional continuity, whereby legal and institutional arrangements for urban planning remained almost intact, despite change of individuals, and despite structural changes at the higher levels of government after 1979. Also, the expert communities and their technocratic culture passed through the revolution without major internal changes, despite the flight of many professionals from the country.Tehran‘ governance has been dominated by the central government. Although the municipality has grown in size and complexity, it is still under the shadow of government ministries,德黑兰的城市规划与发展even after the launch of an elected city council and a degree of financial autonomy. It is only charged with implementing the plans, rather than preparing them; and yet it is expected to have financial autonomy, resulting in controversial ways of implementing or changing planning regulations. It is only charge d to manage its 22 districts, and yet the urban region covers 5 million inhabitants outside the city‘s boundaries. Without empowering the munici pality to take full control of planning for its jurisdiction within a democratic and accountable framework, and to collaborate with other authorities in charge of the urban region, planning and management of the metropolis remain less than effective.ConclusionTehran‘s planning history shows early stages in which new infrastructure was designed and developed by the government as part of its strategy for modernization and growth management. The intensity of speculative development after the Second World War met the demands of the exponential growth of the city‘s population. This, however, needed to be controlled and regulated through a planning process, which produced Tehran‘s comprehensive plan of 1968. Within a decade, the revolution interrupted its implementation, and growth could only be managed through piecemeal efforts. The period of reconstruction in the 1990s relaxed some of the limits of the 1968 plan, which showed the urgent need for an updated planning framework. Several planning documents were launched in this period, which show a stronger role for the municipality and attention to policy development. Work on a strategic plan for the city continues today. These plans all have much that has remained unimplemented, although they have managed to some extent to steer the course of events and develop a more sophisticated approach to planning. And yet social and economic upheavals of the past three decades, the intensity of speculative development—especially since the Second World War—and the speed of events seem to have left the city authorities and citizens alike feeling trapped in a turmoil, lagging behind the events, and unable to manage change. The city continues to suffer from a range of problems, including traffic congestion, environmental pollution, and unaffordable property prices.德黑兰的城市规划与发展摘要：德黑兰是世界上较大的城市之一，拥有居民人口1200万，都市人口约700万，本文主要介绍其规划和历代的发展，特别是自20世纪中期，在这个时期城市获得了其最显着的增长。
Solar Tracker for Solar Water HeaterAbstractThe Solar Tracker team was formed in the fall of 2005 from five students in an ME design team, and a Smart House liaison. We continued the work of a previous solar tracker group. The task was to design a prototype tracking device to align solar panels optimally to the sun as it moves over the course of the day. The implementation of such a system dramatically increases the efficiency of solar panels used to power the Smart House. This report examines the process of designing and constructing the prototype, the experiences and problems encountered, and suggestions for continuing the project.1.IntroductionSolar tracking is the process of varying the angle of solar panels and collectors to take advantage o f the full amount of the sun’s energy. This is done by rotating panels to be perpendicular to the sun’s angle of incidence. Initial tests in industry suggest that this process can increase the efficiency of a solar power system by up to 50%. Given those gains, it is an attractive way to enhance an existing solar power system. The goal is to build a rig that will accomplish the solar tracking and realize the maximum increase in efficiency. The ultimate goal is that the project will be cost effective – that is, the gains received by increased efficiency will more than offset the one time cost of developing the rig over time. In addition to the functional goals, the Smart House set forth the other following goals for our project: it must not draw external power (self-sustaining), it must be aesthetically pleasing, and it must be weatherproof.The design of our solar tracker consists of three components: the frame, the sensor, and the drive system. Each was carefully reviewed and tested, instituting changes and improvements along the design process. The frame for the tracker is an aluminum prismatic frame supplied by the previous solar tracking group. It utilizes an ‘A-frame’ design with the rotating axle in the middle. Attached to the bottom of this square channel axle is the platform which will house the main solarcollecting panels. The frame itself is at an angle to direct the panels toward the sun (along with the inclination of the roof). Its rotation tracks the sun from east to west during the day.The sensor design for the system uses two small solar panels that lie on the same plane as the collecting panels. These sensor panels have mirrors vertically attached between them so that, unless the mirror faces do not receive any sun, they are shading one of the panels, while the other is receiving full sunlight. Our sensor relies on this difference in light, which results in a large impedance difference across the panels, to drive the motor in the proper direction until again, the mirrors are not seeing any sunlight, at which point both solar panels on the sensor receive equal sunlight and no power difference is seen.After evaluation of the previous direct drive system for the tracker, we designed a belt system that would be easier to maintain in the case of a failure. On one end of the frame is a motor that has the drive pulley attached to its output shaft. The motor rotates the drive belt which then rotates the pulley on the axle. This system is simple and easily disassembled. It is easy to interchange motors as needed for further testing and also allows for optimization of the final gear ratio for response of the tracker.As with any design process there were several setbacks to our progress. The first and foremost was inclement weather which denied us of valuable testing time. Despite the setbacks, we believe this design and prototype to be a very valuable proof-of-principle. During our testing we have eliminated many of the repetitive problems with the motor and wiring so that future work on the project will go more smoothly. We also have achieved our goal of tracking the sun in a ‘hands-off’ demo. We were able to have the tracker rotate under its own power to the angle of the sun and stop without any assistance. This was the main goal set forth to us by the Smart House so we believe our sensed motion prototype for solar tracking will be the foundation as they move forward in the future development and implementation of this technology to the house.2. Defining the ProblemThe project was to complete the “REV 2” design phase of the solar tracker to be used on the Smart House. While the team was comprised of members from the ME160 senior design course, the customer for this project was to be the Smart House organization. Jeff Schwane, a representative from the Smart House, was our liaison and communicated to our group the direction Smart House leadership wished us to proceed.At our first meeting with Jeff and Tom Rose, the following needs were identified:1.Track the sun during the daye no external power source3.Weather proof4.Cost effective power gain5.Must look good6.Solar panel versatile i.e. can fit different types of panelsWith these needs in hand, we constructed a Quality Function Deployment chart. This chart can be found in Appendix A. The QFD showed the major areas of concern might have been: number of panels/size of panels, internal power requirements, motor torque required.At our first meeting we were also able to set up our goals for the semester. Having a working prototype capable of tracking the sun was to be the main goal for the end of the semester, but we soon found that in order to accomplish this, we would be forced to omit portions of the design criteria in hopes they would be worked out later. This would result in the optimization of platform space on the roof to be irrelevant, with our goal being to have one platform track. It also led to the assumption that our base would not need to be tested for stability or required to be fastened to the roof. With an idea of where we were to begin, from scratch with the possibility of using the frame from the “REV 1” design, and an idea of where we were to finish, with a moving prototype, we constructed the Gantt chart that can be found in Appendix B. Our group planned to meet with Jeff once a week to make sure we were on track with the needs of the Smart House. Jeff would also meet with Tom Rose, the director of Smart House, at least once a week in order to keep everyone on the same page. With our goals in mind weembarked on the process of idea generation.3. Concepts and Research3.1 Tracking TypeOur group used a brainstorming approach to concept generation. We thought of ideas for different solar tracking devices, which proved difficult at times due to the existing frame and concept presented to us by Smart House. Other concepts were generated through research of pre-existing solar tracking devices. Originally our concept generation was geared towards creating a completely new solar tracker outside of the constraints of the previous structure given to us by Smart House. This initial brainstorming generated many concepts. The first one was a uni-axial tracking system that would track the sun east to west across the sky during the course of a day and return at the end of the day. This concept presented the advantage of simplicity and presented us with the option to use materials from the previous structure (which was also intended to be a uni-axial tracker) in construction. Another more complex concept was to track the sun bi-axially which would involve tracking the sun both east to west and throughout the seasons. The advantage of this concept was a more efficient harvesting of solar energy. The third concept was to only track throughout the seasons. This would provide small efficiency gains but nowhere near the gain provided by tracking east to west.The different structures we came up with to accomplish tracking motion included a rotating center axle with attached panels, hydraulic or motorized lifts which would move the main panel in the direction of the sun, and a robotic arm which would turn to face the sun. The clear efficiency gains coupled with the simplicity of design of the uni-axial tracking system and the existence of usable parts (i.e. motor and axle) for the rotating center axle structure, led us to the choice of the East to West tracking, rotating center axle concept.3.2 StructureOnce the method of motion was chosen, it was necessary to generate concepts for the structural support of the axle. Support could be provided by the triangular prismatic structure which was attempted by the previousSmart House solar tracker group or through the use of columns which would support the axis on either side. While the prismatic structure presented the advantage of mobility and an existing frame, the columns would have provided us with ease of construction, simple geometric considerations, and ease of prospective mounting on the roof. Due to the heightened intensity of time considerations, the previous financial commitment to the prismatic structure by Smart House, and our limited budget, the presence of the pre-existing frame proved to be the most important factor in deciding on a structure. Due to these factors we decided to work within the frame which was provided to us from the previous Solar Tracker group.3.2 Tracking MotionOnce the structural support was finalized we needed to decide on a means to actualize this motion. We decided between sensed motion, which would sense the sun’s position and move to follow it, and continuous clock type motion, which would track the sun based on its pre-determined position in the sky. We chose the concept of continuous motion based on its perceived accuracy and the existence of known timing technology. During the evaluation stage, however, we realized that continuous motion would prove difficult. One reason was the inability to draw constant voltage and current from the solar panels necessary to sustain consistent motion, resulting in the necessity for sensing the rotation position to compensate. Continuous motion also required nearly constant power throughout the day, which would require a mechanism to store power. Aside from these considerations, the implementation of a timing circuit and location sensing device seemed daunting. After consulting Dr. Rhett George, we decided on a device using two panels and shading for sensed motion.4. Analysis and Embodiment4.1 Structure GeometryThe geometry of the frame was created in order to allow the solar panels to absorb light efficiently. This was done by allowing rotation in the east-west direction for tracking the sun daily and a 36°inclination (Durham’s latitude) towards the south. Because this frame was designedto be placed on a roof with a slope of 25°, the actual incline of the frame was made to be 11°.The geometry of the existing platform structure was modified. This was done in order to incorporate the results from the Clear Day Model supplied to us by Dr. Knight. This model led to the conclusion that the platform should track to up to 60° in both directions of horizontal. Thus, the angle range of the frame had to be increased. The sides of the frame were brought in to increase the allowable angle of rotation, and they were brought in proportionally to maintain the inclination angle of 11°. Also, crosspieces were moved to the inside of the frame to allow greater rotation of the platform before it came into contact with the support structure.The panels used for sensing and powering rotation were placed on the plane of the platform. Mirrors were placed perpendicular to and in between the panels to shade one and amplify the other in order to produce a difference to power the motor. The sensing panels were placed outside the platform area to maintain the largest area possible for collecting panels. A third sensing panel was mounted nearly vertical and facing east to aid rotation back towards the sun in the morning. This panel was attached to the frame under the platform, so that during most of the day, it’s shaded with minimal effec ts on sensed rotation.Minimizing the torques on the motor was a main concern in order to minimize the motor power needed. The platform designed for the placement of the collecting solar panels was placed under the rotational shaft so that the panels would be aligned with it the rotational axis. Since the main panels comprise the majority of the weight putting these in the plane of the rotational axis reduces torque on the shaft. The sensing panels were placed symmetrically about the axis of rotation in order to prevent additional torque on the motor. The third panel was attached to the frame instead of the platform or rotational shaft so as to also avoid any torque.4.2 MaterialsMaterials selection for most of the frame was simple because it had already been constructed. The mirrors used for the amplification andshading of the sensing panels were also already purchased and available for use. Additional parts for attachment of the panels and mirrors to the frame were taken from the scrap pieces available in the machine shop. In our selection of sensing panels, size and power needed to be balanced effectively. The panels were to be as small as possible in order to add minimal stress and weight to the frame but also needed to be powerful enough to power the rotation of the platform. Therefore, the most powerful of the intermediate sized panels available were selected. The panels purchased also appeared to be the most reliable of our options. 4.3 Drive MechanismAfter designing a prototype and testing it, the motor purchased and used by the previous solar tracker group was slipping. It was removed, and the installation of a gear system with another simple motor was suggested and attempted. Professor Knight supplied some gears as well as some belts and pulleys. One end of the shaft was lathed so that one of the pulleys could be set on it, and spacers were bought so that a 6V motor we had available could power another pulley. These pulleys were to be connected by a belt. This motor demonstrated insufficient strength to turn the rotational shaft. The original motor, once detached, was taken apart and examined. Itappeared to be working again so a new pulley was purchased to fit it and was attached in the place of the 6V motor.5. Detailed Design5.1 FrameThe frame was designed from one inch square aluminum tubing, and a five foot long, two inch square tube for the axle. It is constructed with a rigid base and triangular prismatic frame with side supporting bars that provide stability. The end of the axle is attached to a system of pulleys which are driven by the motor. It is easily transported by removing the sides of the base and folding the structure.5.2 SensorOur sensing panels are bolted to the bottom of the main solar panel frame and braced underneath with half inch L-brackets. The mirrors are attached to the inside of the sensing panels and braced by L-brackets as well. The whole structure attaches easily to the main panel frame which isattached to the main axle using four 2-inch U-bolts. A third panel is bolted to the structure to return the main panels direction towards the horizon of sunrise.5.3 How the Sensor WorksOur sensor creates movement of the motor by shading one of the panels and amplifying the other when the system is not directly facing the sun. The two sensing panels are mounted parallel to the main panels symmetrically about the center axle with two mirrors in between them. The shading on one of the panels creates high impedance, while the amplified panel powers the motor. This happens until the panels receive the same amount of sunlight and balance each other out (i.e. when the sensing panels and main panels are facing the sun.). We initially attempted using a series configuration to take advantage of the voltage difference when one of the panels was shaded (Appendix C). This difference, however, was not large enough to drive the motor. We subsequently attempted a parallel configuration which would take advantage of the impedance of the shaded panel (Appendix C) and provide the current needed to drive the motor. Once the sensing mechanism has rotated from sunrise to sunset, the third panel, which is usually shaded, uses sunlight from the sunrise of the next day to power the motor to return the panels towards the direction of the sun.6. Prototype TestingInitial testing was done using just the sensing component and a 6V motor. The panels were tilted by hand to create shading and amplification.A series configuration of the sensing panels was initially tested and proved ineffective. Data acquisition showed a maximum of a 2V difference across the motor, which was insufficient to power it. Upon testing the panels individually, it was discovered that the open voltage across each individual panel would only vary between 21.5V and 19.5V when fully amplified and fully shaded, respectively. The current running through each panel, however, was seen to fluctuate between nearly 0 amps when shaded, up to 0.65 amps when fully amplified. Therefore, in order to take advantage of the increase in impedance of the solar panels due to shading, we chose to put our sensing panels in parallel with eachother and the motor. Tests with this configuration turned the motor in one direction, stopped when the sensing panels were nearly perpendicular to the sun, and reversed direction as the panels rotated past perpendicular. We found the angle range necessary to stop the motor to be very small. It was also observed that the panels rotated to slightly past perpendicular when they ceased motion. This error may be due to a difference in the innate resistance in each individual sensing panel. When tested it was found that one panel had a resistance of 52 kΩ, and the other panel resistance was 53 kΩ. Other testing found the voltage and current provided by the sensing solar panels to the motor to be consistent at all points, excluding when the solar panels are directly facing the sun. Through testing it was concluded that resistance may need to be added to one of the panels to compensate for the differences in the internal resistances of the individual panels, and a voltage regulator needs to be added to decrease the voltage seen across the motor. The original motor was prone to failure as its slippage caused the breakdown of our initial prototype after testing. This led to the institution of the pulley and belt driven system which would allow for easier maintenance given motor failure or slippage. The success of our initial testing and prototype proved to us the efficacy of our solar tracker design.7. ConclusionThroughout this project we enlisted the support of multiple resources (i.e. ME and EE professors, previous Smart House teams). We learned early on that a clear problem definition was essential to efficient design and progress. We struggled initially as we tried to design a tracking device that was diffe rent from the previous solar tracker group’s attempt, without fully weighing the size of their investment and the advantages of using the existing frame for our purposes. As we worked with the fixed frame construction from the previous group we learned that variability of design is key, especially when in the initial phases of prototyping. After many setbacks in testing of the solar panels, we learned that when working with solar panels, much time needs to be set aside for testing due to the unpredictability of the weather.The actual implementation of using the prototype in its intendedlocation on the Smart House roof requires weather-proofing to protect the wiring and electrical connections from the elements, housing for the motor, a bracing system to attach the structure to the roof, and possible redesign to eliminate excess height and simplify overall geometry. The efficiency of the sensor system could be improved by widening the mirrors or by placing blinders along the sides of the panels to decrease the effects of reflected and refracted light incident on the shaded sensing panel.适用于太阳能热水器的太阳能跟踪器摘要太阳能跟踪器设计团队成立于2005年秋季，设计团队由五名队员组成，我们还负责与智能家居的联络工作。
学校代码：学号：本科毕业设计说明书（外文文献翻译）学生姓名：学院：建筑学院系别：城市规划系专业：城市规划专业班级：指导老师：二〇一三年六月外文文献1题目：城市的共同点简要说明：美国是一个幅员辽阔的大陆规模的国家，国土面积大，增加人口或国内生产总值明显。
美国的趋势，乡村的经济发展的时候，例如考虑如何美国新城市规划的已经席卷英国，特别是在约翰·普雷斯科特满腔热情地通过了。
现在，在欧洲，我们有一个运动自愿自下而上的地方当局联合会，西米德兰兹或大曼彻斯特地区的城市，这意味着当地政府的重新组织。
因此，在大西洋两侧的，这可能是一个虚假的黎明。
这当然是一个看起来不成熟的凌乱与现有的正式的政府想违背的机构。
但是，也许这是一个新的后现代的风格，像我们这样的社会管理自己的事务的征兆。
有趣的是，在法国和德国的类似举措也一起萌生，它们可以代表重大的东西的开端。
出处：选自国外刊物《城市和乡村规划》中的一篇名为《城市的共同点》的文章。
其作者为霍尔·彼得。
原文：That long-rehearsed notion of American exceptionlism tends to recur whenever yo u seriously engage withevents in that country. For one thing, the United States is a vast continental-scale country--far larger in area, although not of course inopulation or GDP, than our European Union, let alone our tiny island or the even tinier strip of denselyrbanised territory that runs from the Sussex Coast to the M62. For another--an associated (but too oftengnored)thing--the United States has a federal system of government, meaning that your life (and even, if youappen to be a murderer, your death) is almost totally dependent on the politics of your own often-obscure Stateapitol, rather than on those of far-distant Washington, DC.And, stemming from those two facts, America is an immensely Iocalised and even islatednation. Particularlyif you happen to live in any of the 30 or so states that form its deep interior heartland, from an Americanvantage point the world--even Washington, let alone Europe or China--really is a very long way away.Although no-one seems exactly to know, it appears that an amazingly small number of Americans have apassport: maybe one in five at most. And since I was reliably told on my recent visit that many Americans thinkthey need one to visit Hawaii, it's a fair bet that even fewer have ever truly ventured abroad.That thought recurred repeatedly on the flight back, when in the airport bookstall I picked up a best-sellingpiece of the higher journalism in which America excels, What's the Matter with Kansas?, by Thomas Frank. Anative of Kansas, Frank poses the question: why in 2000 (and again in 2004) did George W. Bush sweep somuch of his home state--as of most of the 'red America' heartland states--when the people who voted for himwere voting for their own economic annihilation? For Frank convincingly shows that they were denying theirown basic self-interests--sometimes to the degree that they were helping to throw themselves out of work.The strange answer is that in 21st-century America, the neo-conservatives have succeeded in fighting electionson non-economic, so-called moral issues--like abortion, or the teaching of intelligent design in the publicschools. And the people at the bottom of the economic pile are the most likely to vote that way.Well, we're a long way behind that curve--or ahead of it, you might say. But American trends, howeverimplausible at the time, have an alarming way of arriving in the UK one or two decades later (just look at trashTV). Who knows? Maybe by 2016, orearlier, our own home-grown anti-evolutionists will be busily engaged inmass TV burnings of 10 [pounds sterling] notes--assuming of course that by then the portrait of Darwin hasn't been replaced by a Euro-bridge. Meanwhile, vive la difference.Yet, despite such fundamental divides, the interesting fact is that in academic or professional life the intellectualcurrents and waves tend to respect no frontiers. Considerfor instance how the American New Urbanismmovement has swept the UK, particularly after John Prescott so enthusiastically adopted it and made it aLeitmotif of his Urban Summit a year ago. And now, as Mike Teitz shows in his piece in this issue of Town&Country Planning, there's yet another remarkable development: apparently in complete independence, acityregionmovement is spring up over there, uncannily similar in some ways to what's happening here.Just compare some parallels.Here, we had metropolitan counties from 1973, when a Tory government created them, to 1986, when a Torygovernment abolished them. There, they had a movement for regional 'councils of governments'--but they wereweak and unpopular, and effectively faded away.Now, we have a movement for city-regions as voluntary bottom-up federations of local authorities in certainareas, like the West Midlands or Greater Manchester, but without any suggestion that this means localgovernment re-organisation. And there, they have what Mike Teitz calls regionalism by stealth: in California'slarger metropolitan areas, such as Los Angeles or the San Francisco Bay Area, there is a new movement thatmakes no attempt to create new regional agencies, but instead uses any convenient existing agency in order toinvolve local governments closely in updating their land use plans to reflect regional goals.There's one significant feature of the Californian model that maybe has no parallel on this side: it usesincentives, such as the availability of federal transportation improvement funds, to win local collaboration. Butina sense, you could argue that a major new initiative from our Department for Transport—regionalprioritysation, whereby the new regional planning bodies set their own priorities for investment--could work inthe same way: these bodies, all of which are producing new-style regional spatial strategies, are now having torelate these to their planned investments in roads or public transport.Of course, there are huge differences. First, ours is a typical top-down initiative, a kind of downward devolutionby order of Whitehall, and it remains unclear whether Whitehall won't after all second-guess the regionalpriorities, as with the 260 million [pounds sterling] Manchester Metrolink extensions which form a huge chunkof the North West priority list but which have already been rejected by Alistair Darling. And second,theexercise is being performed by regional strategic planning bodies that operate at a much larger spatial scale thanthe city-regions: the North West, for instance, contains no less than three such city-regions as defined in theNorthern Way strategy--or three somewhat different city-regions (plus one other) as defined in a new report forOffice of the Deputy Prime Minister from the Universities of Salford and Manchester, AFramework for CityRegions.Nonetheless, it's precisely since John Prescott's failed attempt to give such bodies democratic legitimacy, in theNorth East referendum, that the city-regionidea hassurfaced--clearly as an alternative to it. It's not entirely outof the question, although it would be exceedingly messy, to conceive of a new city-regional structure carved outof the present regional structure.So, on either side of the Atlantic, this may be a false dawn. It's certainly one that looks inchoate, untidy and atodds with existing formal structures of government. But perhaps that's symptomatic of a new postmodern (orpost-postmodern) style by which societies like ours run their affairs. Interestingly, similarinitiativesareemerging in France and Germany. Together, they could represent the beginnings of something significant.Sir Peter Hall is Professor of Planning and Regeneration in the Bartlett School of Planning, University CollegeLondon, and President of the TCPA. The views expressed here are his own.翻译内容：城市的共同点霍尔·彼得每当认真参与并研究这个国家的大事时长期存在的美国例外论就会反复出现在脑海里。
文献信息标题: Urban planning and transitional development issues: The case of Skopje, Macedonia作者: Stefanovska, Jasna; Kozelj, Janez期刊: Urbani Izziv l；卷: 23；期: 1；页: 91-100；年份: 2015Urban planning and transitional development issues: The case of Skopje, MacedoniaStefanovska, Jasna; Kozelj, JanezAbstractLike many cities in neighboring countries, the Macedonian capital Skopje has undergone radical changes that have affected urban-planning processes for over twenty years. Over the past century, during which Skopje's population has grown more than tenfold, social changes have not only affected planning processes but also impacted the built fabric of the city. As a result, the city has been transformed by a diverse set of dynamics. The last twenty years of Skopje's development have been marked by a long and painful transition, a process through which the city has had to adjust to new complexities. The current crisis engulfing the city has led to deterioration in the quality of the built environment and has created fertile ground for speculative developments. It has become clear that urban planning is no longer able to operate as an instrument of control and development with the primary aim of protecting and promoting public interests. This article analyses the planning initiatives both before and after the 1990s, defining the main phases of transformation since the 1990s according to the key legislation, political factors and administrative decisions that have contributed to the urban transformations of the city.Key words: urban planning, post-communism, Skopje, transition, urban transformations1 IntroductionSkopje, the capital of Macedonia, has a population of over 600,000. The city has undergone processes of radical social, political and economic transformations, processes that have had a major effect on the planning system and further influenced the city's built environment. Although Skopje's role as the capital of a sovereign nation is relatively recent, the city has a legacy of urban planning spanning almost a century.Planning initiatives prior to 1990 indicate comprehensive planning approaches and control through which ideas for a better city were envisioned and partly realised. Since the fall of communism, there have been substantial changes in urban development contributing decisively to urban restructuring (Tsenkova &Nedovic-Budic, 2006; Stanilov, 2007a; Hirt &Stanilov, 2009). With thesechanges, the capital and market economy have been central to growth and development processes, requiring the establishment of a new planning system. Urban planning initiatives since 1990 have had to be operationalised in a context that was in the making, leading to the fragmentation of the urban fabric and further undermining the position of the planner. The period after 1990 was an unruly time in which immense changes were recorded in the spatial structures and planning systems of post-communist cities (Sailer-Fliege, 1999; Pichler-Milanovic, 2004; Tsenkova, 2006). During this period, major spatial changes occurred in Budapest requiring immediate changes in the various systems in the country (Tosics, 2006), Belgrade was dealing with multiple crises at the same time (Vujovic &Petrovic, 2007), Bucharest was dealing with the aesthetics and scale of its past monumental architecture (Ioan, 2007) and in Sofia the discontinuities in the development of the city were further reinforced (Doytchinov, 2004). Skopje has undergone fundamental changes that affected its planning context too. The last twenty years of the city's development have been marked by a long and painful transition, a process in which the city has had to adjust to new complexities. The current crisis in which the city is engulfed has led to deterioration in the quality of the built environment and has created fertile ground for speculative developments. It has become clear that urban planning is no longer able to operate as an instrument of control and development with the primary aim of protecting and promoting public interests.This article deals with the urban plans, changes and rebuilding affecting the centre of Skopje, a centre concentrating administrative and commercial functions not only for the city but for the country as well. All of the plans created for this part of Skopje have been attempts to reinvent the centre. Furthermore, the implementation of each of these plans has thus had a profound impact on urban changes in the city. The article first describes the planning initiatives in the city before the 1990s. It then describes the transformation processes and phases after 1990. Finally, some comments and tentative conclusions regarding the latest developments in the city are drawn to discuss the possible future of the city.2 Urban planning in Skopje before the 1990sThe history of urban planning in Skopje began in the early twentieth century with the first plan for the city by Dimitrije Leko in 1914, when Skopje was ruled by the Kingdom of Serbia (Figure 1b). Leko's plan represented a vision for the city containing European influences and marked a clear shiftin orientation after five centuries of Ottoman rule, which ended in 1912. This period has also had influences in the shape of the city. During Ottoman rule, Skopje developed patterns of unstructured and organic growth with streets that curve and meander in accordance with the terrain. During this period, the city was centred around the Bazaar, the centre of commerce and trade and therefore the most vibrant part of the city, albeit non-residential. In this respect, the 1914 plan breaks the links with the past and envisions a city with wide streets and centralised public spaces that are defined by urbanblocks with an irregular shape. It is in this plan that the city spread equally to the southern side of the Vardar River for the first time. This plan also established the basis for urban planning in Macedonia and, although only minor parts of the plan were realised, it served as a starting point for the future planning of the city.The second plan for Skopje was created by Josif Mihailovic, a city mayor appointed by King Alexander in 1927, and also an urban planner and an architect that studied and worked in the United States and England prior to returning to Skopje. The plan devised under the guidance of Mihailovic (Figure 1c) and approved in 1929 was developed based on the previous plan of 1914. During this period the city was part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and in 1931 it was named the capital of the Vardar Banovina, one of the provinces of the kingdom. This plan created the basis for modern Skopje by clearly outlining a ring surrounding the city centre as one of the main elements of the plan. Residential perimeter urban blocks define the ring and the main public spaces in the city. The notion of the ring surrounding the city centre that was presented in this plan remained an element in the subsequent plans as well. The Mihailovic plan was the first to present the idea of two squares connected through the Stone Bridge, a city landmark built in the fifteenth century. The development of these squares commenced shortly after the plan was approved. This plan marked the beginning of a comprehensive approach towards Skopje's city planning. The execution of the plan from 1929 was coordinated by Josif Mihailovic himself until his sudden death in 1941, and the beginning of the Second World War further interrupted its implementation.The Second World War and its aftermath created new realities for the country and the capital when Macedonia and five other republics constituted the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia in 1945. In this newly established context, the first post-war plan was created by the Czechoslovak modernist architect and urban planner Ludek Kubes, who was invited with his team by the Macedonian authorities to conduct the process and the plan itself. The 1948 plan (Figure 2a) shows strong influences and references to Le Corbusier's Radiant City plan (Fr. La ville radieuse) of 1935 (see Le Corbusier, 1935), creating a new basis for planning the city, starting from a tabula rasa and not respecting what had already been built. Free-standing buildings fill in the city's territory and the plan also divided the city into functional zones, in line with the trends of that time, and for the first time boldly proposed extending the city's development eastwards and westwards along the Vardar River.In 1963, Skopje suffered a devastating earthquake in which the lives of over a thousand people were lost. The damage to the urban fabric was tremendous; more than 80% of it was destroyed (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 1968). As a result of this massive destruction, the city was projected to undergo radical transformations. These radical transformations were possible in part because there was a centrally controlled planning system with an ideological background aimed at post-earthquake renewal of the city and building a better city as well. Animpressive list of experts from all over the world visited Skopje shortly after the earthquake in order to contribute their expertise and help the city in need, resulting further in an unprecedented sense of cooperation that made Skopje a city of international solidarity. With the help of the international community, the entire world was focused on Skopje in the wake of the earthquake. Thus this terrible tragedy also gave the city a unique chance to rebuild itself into a modern city - and Skopje seized the chance.Shortly after the earthquake, the Institute of Town Planning and Architecture of Skopje (ITPA) was conducting the process for drafting a new master plan for the city with the help of the foreign experts of the United Nations led by Doxiadis Associates from Athens, Polservice from Warsaw and Wilbur Smith and Associates from the UK. The plan projected rapid expansion of the city within the next twenty years and envisioned the city as a regional capital. The plan was approved in 1964 and provoked an immense public debate. An exhibition was organised to present the plan and "[o]n 20 October 1965, the Project's work was duly put on public display in Skopje at the most comprehensive town planning exhibition ever staged in Yugoslavia. For the next month people flocked to see it at the rate of 10,000 a week - among them such distinguished visitors as the President of Yugoslavia, Marshal J. B. Tito, and other members of the Yugoslav Government; the Prime Minister of Poland, Mr. Josef Cyrankiewicz; and the Swedish Foreign Minister, Mr. Nilsson" [sic] (United Nations Development Programme, 1970: 124). This exhibition and the remarkable number of visitors it attracted illustrate the unprecedented complexity of the planning processes and the public interest in the planning processes in the country and in the future of the city. Although this master plan had a duration of twenty years, the city centre required an immediate response to the disaster. One year after the earthquake, in 1964, an international competition for the reconstruction of the city centre was organised by the United Nations urging "the enlistment of the best available talents" (United Nations Development Programme, 1970: 297) and marking a new beginning of planning Skopje. "The intention of the organizers, it was explained, was to obtain an ideal town planning scheme by enabling the ITPA to draw upon a fund of ideas contributed by a variety of highly skilled firms with a wide range of experience" (United Nations Development Programme, 1970: 298). To achieve this idea, eight teams of architects were invited to submit their proposals, four foreign teams: Luigi Piccinato (with Studio Scimemi) from Rome, Maurice Rotival from New York, Kenzo Tange and associates from Tokyo and Jo van den Broek and Jaap Bakema from Rotterdam, and four Yugoslav teams: Radovan Miscevic and Fedor Wrenzler from Zagreb, Edvard Ravnikar and associates from Ljubljana, Aleksandar Ðorðevic from Belgrade and Slavko Brezovski and associates from Skopje. After closing the competition, the jury's majority vote "recommended that three fifths of the prize-money should go to the Kenzo Tange team, because of the high quality of its overall design composition and detailed ensemble layouts. The other two fifths should be awarded to Miscevic and Wenzler, because theirproposal made such a valuable contribution to the efficient and practical realisation of the programme" (United Nations Development Programme, 1970: 301).The final version of the master plan for the city centre was called the ninth version (Figure 2b) and was a product of the team of Tange, the Croatian team and Skopje's ITPA, but clearly under the leadership of Kenzo Tange and his team's competition entry. By the time Skopje's master plan was on the drawing board, Kenzo Tange was already an important figure in Japan. Years before he entered the competition for Skopje, he had presented another large-scale project, the one for Tokyo Bay in 1960 known as A Plan for Tokyo: Toward a Structural Reorganisation, striking a new order for the city and accommodating its growth along the linear axis across the bay. The plan for Skopje's central city area that resulted from the competition in 1964 and that was made official in 1965 was a symbolic plan and its monumental "wall" and "gate" alluded to the European medieval city schemes binding together the central area of the city. The city gate marks the east-west axis of the city and is the location of the majority of the civic functions of the city: administrative, service, and commercial. The city centre is enclosed within a city wall wherever possible and it is represented through residential slabs and towers marking the outer side of the ring. The 1965 plan also has a strict hierarchy of all types of traffic and within the city centre it aims at uninterrupted pedestrian movement segregated from vehicle movement and elevated in parts for that purpose. The plan further distinguishes between the old (in the north-south direction) and new (in the east-west direction) axes of the city, and the city square is the place where these axes intersect.In parallel with the changes in the social organisation of the country throughout the twentieth century and the diverse visions for the capital city, which predominately affected its central area, the population of the city recorded astounding changes. Skopje had 41,000 inhabitants in 1921, 68,880 in 1931 and 88,355 in 1948 (Demographic Research Centre, 1974: 54), and it was further noted in the report that "Skopje, the capital city of the Republic of Macedonia, has the highest growth index of all the republican and provincial centres over the period 1921-1971 (and the same goes for the Republic as a whole)." The city recorded even higher rates of population growth after the Second World War. According to the first census held after the war in 1953, the city had 120,130 citizens. This number had risen to 166,870 in 1961 and almost doubled over the next ten years, reaching 314,552 in 1971, the first census after 1963. By 1981, the city's population had continued to grow, amounting to 448,200 citizens, thus representing a more than eleven-fold increase in its population in a period of just sixty years. As the population of the city grew, the city became a centre for the metallurgical, chemical and pharmaceutical industries in the country and the seat of the university, and Skopje went from being a small town to the third-largest city in Yugoslavia after Belgrade and Zagreb.3 Urban planning in Skopje and phases of post-1990 developmentFollowing the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the independence of Macedonia in 1991,fundamental changes have created new economic and social conditions that affected the planning processes in the country (see Siljanoska et al., in press). The transition processes disoriented the country and led to unemployment rates as high as 30%, with 19% of the population living below the national poverty line (World Bank, 2011). The planning system and the institutional formations also changed after 1990, resulting in major restructuring of the city. During this period several phases of development can be distinguished, marking the departure from the communist planning and social organisation.In the first period (1991-1993), which occurred immediately after the fall of communism and was also marked by the breakup of Yugoslavia, there was no clear regulation of building processes. This period marks the stagnation period. The country was in a formation process, and building activities in the city were halted due to lack of legal norms. This period ends up with the first steps towards privatisation and the transformation of ownership that took place under the Law on the Transformation of Enterprises with Social Capital (Mac. Zakon za transformacija na pretprijatijata so opstestven capital; Sl. v. RM, no. 38/1993) in 1993. This law clearly marks the process of departure from communist planning as a result of the transformation of ownership, one of the critical tasks in the transition phase. This period was characterised by the suppression of growth in all sectors and there was a general lack of construction activity.The stagnation period (1993-2004) was followed by a destabilisation or fluctuation period. During this period the privatisation processes began (and are ongoing), creating new conditions for building activities. In fact, privatisation in Macedonia was a long and painful process launched in late 1989 (Privatisation Agency of the Republic of Macedonia, 2011), but the process actually started once the country was independent and had its own legal system. The first law was the 1993 Law on the Transformation of Enterprises with Social Capital, followed in 1996 by laws regulating the privatisation of state capital in companies and privatisation of the agricultural sector. Moreover, the reintroduction of ownership initiated speculative developments and destroyed the equilibrium that had existed under communism. In these initial stages of the country's independence, the responsibilities of local government were reduced because during this period the number of municipalities increased from 34 to 123 in 1996, and consequently their size and responsibilities decreased. The first departure from this centralised and government-controlled system to a decentralised one transferring power to the municipalities was in 1995, and the transition was first marked by the Law on Local Self-Government (Mac. Zakon za lokalnata samouprava; Sl. v. RM, no. 60/1995) of 1995. This law transferred more power to the municipalities, enhancing the responsibilities of local government. For the first time, this law gave the rights to local governments to adopt their own budgets, giving them financial autonomy and the freedom to coordinate programmes for culture, education, healthcare, public services and urban planning. （完整文献请到百度文库）Urban planning programs were to beachieved through the ability of local governments to adopt a general urban plan and adopt a detailed urban plan. This law reinstated the autonomy of the municipalities and marked a departure from the central approach to planning by transferring planning responsibilities from the national level to the local level. Although the first legal steps were taken as early as 1995, the first actual steps towards reorganisation and decentralisation can be considered the reduction of the number of municipalities from the 123 established in 1996 to 84 in 2004 through the Law on the Territorial Organisation of the Local Self-Government of the Republic of Macedonia (Mac. Zakon za teritorijalnata organizacija na lokalnata samouprava vo Republika Makedonija; Sl. v. RM, no. 55/2004).This period of destabilisation involved expansion of the city to the outskirts and much illegal construction. This phase marked the beginning of sprawl because the city started to spread outwards. The newly built developments were highly segregated in use, were low-density and scattered, and were built on agricultural land. Parallel to this, in the newly established setting, the first initiatives towards a master plan for the city centre of Skopje were taken as early as 1991, after it became the capital of the independent Republic of Macedonia. However, the first plan for the city centre after independence was made official only in 1997. The plan that was made official in 1997 is the work of Miroslav Grcev, Vlatko P. Korobar and Mirjana Pencic (Figure 3). At its core, this plan envisaged filling in the deserted spaces in the city centre and restarting the building activities that seemed to have been discontinued in the two decades prior to the plan. In fact, this plan came after a gap of more than thirty years in the planning processes in the city. At its core, this plan is a reaction to the rigidity of the modernist planning processes for the city that were essential to the previous two city plans. The planning means of the 1997 plan included increasing the level of urban character, restoring the city's fragments and individual buildings, reconstructing existing buildings, inserting buildings into the existing block structure and reconstructing the urban blocks and parts of the city defined by the existing axes.The 1997 plan remained unchanged for more than ten years, a period in which only some minor parts of it were realised, predominately those dealing with inserting buildings into the existing block structure. In the meantime, the planning system in the country deteriorated, creating fertile ground for changes and revisions to the plan. This is reflected through the domination of politics in planning, deregulation of the planning processes and changes in the social context marking the end of the fluctuation phase and a shifttowards a new period.The period since 2004 is a service-driven period and is characterised by new investments through which the interests of the individual are considered as a prime choice for planning leading towards fragmentation of the urban fabric. Urban planning is further moving from a centrally controlled mechanism towards fragmented planning bodies of decentralised government, but this level of government is failing to have an overview of the whole process while primarily protecting the publicinterest. Furthermore, since 2002 with the Law on Local Self-Government (Mac. Zakon za lokalnata samouprava; Sl. v. RM, no. 5/2002) the municipalities have been responsible for urban planning processes and for issuing building permits for buildings that the law defines as being of local importance. Furthermore, the municipalities also have independent sources of income through local taxes, charges and fees set by law. During this phase, building activities outside of the city core have been reinforced and most growth has occurred on the fringes of the city, exacerbating the sprawl initiated in the previous phase. People are tending to leave the city's central areas and move to the outskirts. Although the new Law on Local Self-Government was enacted in 2002, the actual decentralisation and transfer of competences started in 2004 with the Law on the Territorial Organisation of the Local Self-Government of the Republic of Macedonia. This law reduced the number of municipalities and, consequently, their responsibilities were enhanced.During this service-driven period and following 2007, several formal revisions to the 1997 plan were conducted, each of them with considerable controversies, substantially changing the built fabric of the city centre and the initial vision from 1997. These many revisions and changes to the initial plan that occurred in a rather short period of time failed to respond to the social, economic and urban state of the city and through these changes and the processes that created them it has become clear that planning is unable to operate as an instrument of control and development while primarily protecting public interests. The centre of the city is being made denser not only with the injection of an increased programme, but also through new buildings that filled the empty spaces through a speculative planning strategy, leaving few public spaces unaffected by the changes. These changes for the most vital part of the city were secret missions by a very few planners and were neither publicly discussed nor developed, calling into further question their background motives and the transparency of the quick approval by officials.At a later stage, all these changes were given the name Skopje 2014 and were made public for the first time through a video that aired in early 2010 (Perseytube, 2010). In addition to putting the vision under one umbrella, this video also sought to clearly specify the intended year for the vision's completion. The video has been seen by more than 180,000 people so far and is still raising questions about the necessity and aesthetics of the vision.The Skopje 2014 project has been highly criticised by the professional community. Critics commonly referred to it as an "antiquisation" because its core has public buildings built in a pseudo "antique" style and many monuments celebrating people from Macedonian history scattered around with no logic to their location. These iconic projects for the new capital attempt to recreate an image of the city that never existed as such and further problematise its historical background. Furthermore, although it is public buildings that are being built in the city centre, the process of making and approving them is equally as controversial and questionable as the plan they are part of. These projectsconflict with the use of public space and their typologies are nonexistent, as in the case of the building projected to house the constitutional court, state archives and archaeological museum under one roof. The rest of the buildings built along the quay include the agency for electronic communications, the building for the public prosecutors and financial police headquarters and a new building for the ministry of foreign affairs. These buildings appear to be secluded institutions and are not promoting public life in one of the most central public spaces in the city.These phases illustrate that Skopje has undergone processes of radical transformation that are not only institutional, social or political, but ones that have been affecting its built environment as well since 1991. In fact, Skopje is still undergoing processes of adjustment to the new complexities. The newly adopted changes in the legal, administrative and financial systems are a clear departure from the communist organisation and planning, "but to what is much less certain" (Harloe, 1996: 11). In the case of Skopje it is clear that the city is still in a transition phase and has not yet reached the phase of the full transformation from one organisational system to another, whatever the latest might be. The transition in Skopje's case has lasted more than twenty years and, as in the case of other cities, "the focus on transition tends to emphasise discontinuities rather than continuities" (Nedovic-Budic et al., 2006: 11).The transition can be proclaimed to be over only when the planning processes have become more transparent and democratic, prioritising public interest, and when urban planning reaches a stage of an "indispensable social activity for all democratic societies that have reached a certain level of maturity" (Stanilov, 2007b: 424). The end of the transition phase will enable the development of public projects and public-private partnerships aimed at creating high and stable levels of growth at all levels and an equal distribution of spatial opportunities. It will also embrace stabilisation of the planning processes along with strategic planning and thinking that will work towards a vision of a better city. An important factor contributing further to the discontinuity of the transformative processes and the future planning activities in the city has been the recent legalisation of previously unregulated and unauthorised buildings throughout the country. In 2011, the Law on Illegal Buildings (Mac. Zakon za postapuvanje so bespravno izgradeni objekti; Sl. v. RM, no. 23/2011) enabled the legalisation of 342,794 buildings in the country (Ministry of Transport and Communications, 2011a). The final number of illegal buildings with applications to change their status in Skopje remains unknown, but just days before the deadline for application, 3 September 2011, the number of applications had reached 39,786 (Ministry of Transport and Communications, 2011b). It is likely that the final number is even higher. This legal condition undermines the purpose of future planning activities in the city and the future of the city is therefore less certain. While these controversies are shaking the capital, the changes in the city's population are also striking. Since 1990 the new capital has seen constant population growth and rapid demographic changes. From 448,200 citizens in 1994, the city's。
新型太阳能汽车路线优化外文翻译中英文英文Criteria for Solar Car Optimized Route EstimationMehrija Hasicic，Damir Bilic，Harun SiljakAbstractThis paper gives a thorough overview of Solar Car Optimized Route Estimation (SCORE), novel route optimization scheme for solar vehicles based on solar irradiance and target distance. In order to conduct the optimization, both data collection and the optimization algorithm itself have to be performed using appropriate hardware. Here we give an insight to both stages, hardware and software used and present some results of the SCORE system together with certain improvements of its fusion and optimization criteria. Results and the limited applicability of SCORE are discussed together with an overview of future research plans and comparison with state-of-the-art solar vehicle optimization solutions.Keywords：Vehicle routing，Electric vehicle，Solar vehicle，Navigation，Route optimizationIntroductionDevelopment of navigation systems has been an important topic in optimization once portable electronic devices were feasible and route selection and optimization have been the vital part of it, aiming at fuel consumption reduction and driver satisfaction, which is in general amulti-objective optimization problem. With the advent of electric and autonomous cars, attention in development of optimization algorithms turned to them, utilizing properties of these new vehicles. Navigation for autonomous vehicles also allows use of algorithms previously developed for mobile robotics.Geographic Information System (GIS) integrates various data types, many of which are instrumental in navigation, leading to extensive use of GIS in route optimization. From our perspective, it is also important to note utilization of GIS (solar radiation maps) in solar energy management as it allows us to use GIS for our optimization as well as an input provider.In the spirit of optimization with respect to fuel consumption, power management optimization in electric and solar cars has been investigated in theory and practice, and for solar hybrid cars the power management schemes focus on the question of switching energy sources and optimization of resources. Sunshine forecast as an optimization input has been recently introduced and used mainly for parking planning.This paper presents Solar Car Optimized Route Estimation (SCORE), a novel route optimization system based on proposing sunniest routes and sunniest parking spots, therefore utilizing the options of charging while driving and charging on parking lots. The data on solar irradiance for routes and parking spots is a fusion of previously collected, real time andforecasted data.Describing the whole process from data collection to route selection, this paper provides both theoretical and practical treatise of SCORE, giving a general structure and the real world implementation of it. The paper itself is an extension of the work under same title presented in MECO 2016 conference, presenting the implementation challenges and solutions. In addition to previous work, this paper also extends the analysis of cost functions used in SCORE for selection of routes and parking places, as well the mathematical model of data fusion, together with more details on the results.State of the artRoute planning and selection for road vehicles has been a subject of interest for decades, with the first commercial digital map navigation system appearing more than 30 years ago. Since then, various route planning systems have been proposed, based on different algorithms and inputs.Dijkstra's algorithm has been the simplest algorithm for implementation and serves as a benchmark for storage and time consumption in route planning for cars when compared with other algorithms, from bidirectional and A* search to special goal-driven, hierarchical and bounded-hop algorithms. Although Dijkstra's algorithm is the slowest option in big networks, it can still be used as a proof ofconcept.While in the beginning the route planning and selection systems had a single objective: namely, fuel consumption or journey time minimization, soon after their inception multi-objective optimization models were developed, often using artificial intelligence techniques to combine different goals These goals often include personalized choices of drivers and their personal attitude towards possible routes.Parking selection has been studied extensively as well. It has been modeled as a multi-input problem measuring the utility of a parking space by accounting for availability, driving duration, walking distance to the destination, parking cost, traffic congestion, etc.In terms of solar car optimization, the power management techniques mentioned in the introduction have been extended to minimize total energy consumption by planning speed on parts of the path differently exposed to the sun. This work, published at the same time as the first SCORE results builds up on closely related work on solar powered robots.In authors propose a solar race car optimization based on weather forecast and velocity profile, determining the need for acceleration and deceleration throughout the race course in order to maximize the average velocity. Similar task is done in as well, but the latter also includes somewhat more complex weather model and solar position algorithm.The weather model is a random walk around expected irradiance curve, while solar position is determined through the NREL (National Renewable Energy Laboratory) model.In comparison to these solutions, SCORE has somewhat different purpose. Aiming at offering a framework for optimized city and intercity travel, SCORE's model relies on data which can be collected in a more regular fashion than the data for a race track. Moreover, SCORE's output is the route, unlike the outputs of power management optimization systems having the velocity profile or engine-generator power trajectory (in case of hybrid cars) as the output. This does mean that SCORE should be extended so it covers the velocity control and/or hybrid vehicle power switching, but at this point the focus is on route selection. This is along the lines of the idea in, where the path selection is followed by speed profile selection.SCORE system descriptionSCORE system consists of three separable parts, indicated in namely:1. Mobile sensor data transmitter, transmitting solar irradiance data through wireless channel in real time from the roads. Although we will use the term mobile sensors throughout this paper, they can be stationary as well, placed at selected places by the road. When mobile, these transmitters are not necessarily placed on solar cars using SCORE as theirnavigation system. They can be placed on fossil fuel and electric cars as well. Preferably, cars carrying the sensors would be often in motion, covering a large area (e.g. taxis, public transportation).2. Server for data fusion, collecting readings transmitters send from the field and third party sources, processing them and combining with offline data (which can include weather forecast and historic readings, as the next section will show) and allowing the car computer clients to fetch the processed data in appropriate matrix format.3. Embedded car computer client in the solar car, taking the processed data from server's cloud service and customize it on its own by using readings from its own sensors. Built-in light sensor can be used for normalization of data, and electric measurements from the car can be utilized for state estimation. Finally, the user can enter the destination and obtain the proposed route, which should dynamically change based on weather updates.Data collectionTheoretical considerations of irradiation data analysisIn order to select routes with highest solar energy gain, SCORE system has to have relevant solar irradiation data. Since it is not possible to always have up to date data in real time for every road segment considered by the algorithm, it is important to use different sources of information. In this work, we have divided the irradiation data into twocategories:1.Online data, gathered by the mobile sensor data transmitters and updated in regular fashion. The data for each location is represented by real numbers between 0 (no irradiance) and 1 (maximum irradiance) with a timestamp for data sample collection. In this paper, timestamps are integers denoting hours starting from a reference time (beginning of the year).2.Offline data, generated using numerical sunshine forecast, CAD (computer aided design) and GIS models for prediction of solar irradiance for a particular location. CAD data is generated from CAD street models and simulating sun movement, while GIS data is taken from the GIS services doing solar irradiance measurements for areas of interest. This data is provided in an aggregated form by Google as well through their Project Sunroof for housing solar panel planning.These two numerical values, denoted ron (normalized value of online data irradiance) and roff (normalized value of irradiance inferred from offline data) are combined for each geographical location (in the optimization part, we will refer to these as graph nodes) on the server. Details of this fusion will be discussed in a separate section.Implementation of sensor data collection and the serverMobile device developed within this project is compact and autonomous, which enables its placement on a vehicle moving throughthe city to collect irradiation data without customization of the car itself or its routes. Once again it is emphasized that the vehicles carrying these mobile devices do not have to be vehicles using SCORE for navigation, i.e. traditional fossil fuel cars may serve the purpose of data collecting “crawlers”.While any wireless protocol could be used for transmission from these mobile devices, we propose the use of packet radio. Its easiest implementation is APRS (Automatic Packet Reporting System) which has been used to deliver GPS and sensor data to the terminal node, connected to the server. APRS has been used before for such purposes as well, in monitoring systems. For the transmission, we have used amateur radio bands. Of course, different implementations of SCORE could use other frequency bands and/or proprietary protocols if needed.One may argue that the data from the devices could be simply kept in memory and read at the end of the day, which would be appropriate if we were only interested in historic data and statistics. With real-time updates from the mobile devices, our servers always have fresh data and improve the relevance of SCORE's path selection for the clients, as the optimization algorithm relies more on the new data, using old data merely as a reference.Large computing power is not a requirement for the server (in our case, it was Raspberry Pi 2) and many operations, depending on theimplementation of SCORE, may be run on cloud as well. Storing fusion tables (graph matrices, as we will refer to them in the optimization part) on cloud enables both the clients and third parties with their smartphones, computers and dedicated hardware to access the processed data for their own uses.Prototype of the server in our case receives the radio packet data, converts it from audio to text using a standard sound card, custom interface developed in controlled by dedicated software (e.g. AGWMonitor). This data is merged with CAD and GIS data as suggested in previous section and placed on the cloud as an optimization input for clients (as described in the next section).OptimizationTheoretical considerations of optimizationDijkstra's algorithmwas a straightforward choice for route selection. The input to the algorithm is a graph (in computing terms, represented as a matrix) with positive weights of edges to be defined, and a set of nodes. In our case, the nodes are major crossroads. In a classical fuel optimization problem for fossil fuel cars, the weights of branches would be road lengths. However, in our case we account for the converted solar energy on the road segment as well. This value is calculated using the known parameters of our vehicle:•11 kW motor power•2 × 0.726 m2 panel area•18% panel efficiency•957 W/m2 received power per square meter with full (unity) irradiation (i.e. reflection of 30%)Using these parameters, we get a new length of road segment which is shorter physically, as solar conversion compensates for some of the energy spent. These values, the new lengths, constitute the graph matrix forwarded to Dijkstra's algorithm.In this work, we have used a first order approximation, taking the solar irradiation of the segments to be the arithmetic mean of irradiation in nodes. While it is a crude estimate, it is still satisfying the needs of prototype testing. Once a massive network of mobile sensors and transmitters is deployed, the need for approximation disappears.As far as parking space selection is concerned, a straightforward algorithm was originally used, defining a cost function to be the quotient of irradiation divided by the distance of parking space from target destination. Taking the numerator or the denominator to non-unit powers can tweak the importance of distance or the irradiation in parking space selection, according to user's needs. An extension of this consideration is given in the next section.These quotients and graph weights from previous discussion are calculated on the server and provided to the client through cloud, in orderto reduce computation burden on the client architecture.Implementation of the optimization clientWhile the prototype device for the solar car has been developed on a microcontroller, another testbed for algorithm tests was developed on a PC using MATLAB (MATLAB system works as an integrated server/client environment).The car computer prototype is built on TI's ARM Cortex-M4F based TM4C123G LaunchPad because this development board had significantly more working memory than Arduino, our original prototyping platform. More memory was needed to keep the whole matrix representing the graph in the working memory of our embedded processor. We have noted that the matrix in question is sparse, so the implementation would benefit from optimized storage. However, having a relatively small (50 × 50) matrix in our case meant that the system will not encounter problems with dealing with the matrix in its raw format. The embedded system has a keyboard (used to enter the destination node) and display (showing the selected route) placed in the custom-built solar car. In this prototype, client receives the graph matrix through wireless or USB debug cable and performs the route selection (i.e. Dijkstra's algorithm) to provide the route (sequence of nodes) to the user, based on the desired destination node.The full-fledged client will be using:1.Sensor fusion data from the cloud2.Measurements from the solar panels and battery3.Built-in irradiation sensor measurements4.Routes from user's historyIn this prototype implementation, only the first set of inputs is used for simplicity, because it is the main source of data for SCORE. Measurement (2) is needed for feedback, measurements (3) are a corrective input (for normalization of data fetched from the cloud) and routes (4) are used to improve user experience.ResultsApplication of SCORE in different scenarios leads to a conclusion that solar conversion has a rather low influence in route selection. Solar conversion results in 2–3% reimbursement of energy spent under the maximum (unity) irradiation condition, which means that the effect of optimization cannot be seen in city environment.While the numerical simulation results show no effect of solar conversion shares of 10–15% in medium sized urban areas, this does not mean there would not be any benefit of SCORE in that case: it just suggests that a higher share would significantly change the route selection and show all advantages of SCORE.In case of the solar conversion effect increase to 25% for maximal irradiation, route selection could be affected by it even in city conditions. This of course asks for a significant change in solar car features listedearlier. An example of two such routes is shown in Fig path from point A (bottom left) to point B (top right) is changed from black in case of low solar conversion effect to red in case of high conversion effect (25%). Green part is common for both scenarios.Parking selection gives the best results, even with the low conversion ratio, suggesting that a sunny parking spot has to have a priority over a close parking spot, and that the corresponding cost function should be tweaked in this sense (high power in the denominator which would lower the influence of distance). These conclusions are drawn from simulations showing the effect of long-term stay at a single location and the cost function being the ratio of irradiation and distance of the parking space from the target point. However, this cost function could be bilinear as well, adding offset constants in numerator and denominator, which in turn can be used to tune the algorithm and provide better user experience.DiscussionResults presented have shown limited usability of SCORE system with the current solar car design. However, we suggest the need for change of car features, namely the solar panels. In particular, efficiency increase would greatly influence applicability of SCORE. Under the assumption of the impossible 100% efficiency and coverage of the whole top side of the car with panels, we may achieve necessary effects in cityenvironment. While the current state of technology cannot offer high efficiency, improvement in manufacture and reduction of losses will help in increase of SCORE's applicability.The results presented come from a real solar car and numerical simulations. However, with the modern hybrid cars with multiple sources of power, the question of power management and SCORE is left unanswered. Also we need to emphasize that effects of congestions, traffic jams and speed changes have not been accounted for in this work. Their effect would be positive on the applicability of SCORE, increasing the converted solar energy ratio.ConclusionsAs a simple optimization of solar/hybrid car routes based on energy saving, SCORE may be an applicable solution for both solar cars and mobile robots with solar panels. Major limitation of it, the low influence of solar conversion on overall energy balance may be mitigated with the advancement of panel production technology, addition of regenerative braking or change of the car design.Future work will aim at development of a network of mobile and stationary data collectors, which can collect even more data, relevant for fossil fuel and electric cars as well, such as road quality, traffic congestion, pollution. A large network of these collectors, placed on frequent drivers such as delivery trucks, taxis, public transport, helps in providing relevantdata on a daily basis, mitigating the lack of 3D models of streets and GIS data for some areas.Design upgrades may include developing more complex models for online–offline data combination, possibly by using artificial intelligence tools, as well as adding new inputs to the optimization process and experimenting with other optimization algorithms instead of Dijkstra's. This in particular means addressing the problem of optimization as a dynamical programming problem, enabling route changes on the go. Incorporation of sensory voltage and current readings from the car will also enable the feedback on energy spent and generated. Dijkstra's algorithm is slow compared to other algorithms used today, so the alternatives will be pursued. This is the only shortcoming of the proposed SCORE system with respect to existing systems, as it is the first one to offer this criterion of optimization for solar vehicles.Question of incorporation of SCORE with existing power management schemes in hybrid solar cars remains an interesting topic for future research as well.Finally, it is worth noting that the use of APRS for communication in SCORE allows ham radio operators to participate in both data collection and utilization, which in turn can create a crowdsourcing environment which has been successfully used already.中文新型太阳能汽车路线优化Mehrija Hasicic，Damir Bilic，Harun Siljak抽象本文全面概述了太阳能汽车优化路线（SCORE），这是一种基于太阳辐照度和目标距离的新型太阳能汽车路线优化方案。
毕业设计（论文）外文文献翻译
文献、资料中文题目：太阳能在城市使用的规划
文献、资料英文题目：Solar Urban Planning and Design 文献、资料来源：
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翻译日期： 2017.02.14
本科毕业设计
外文文献及译文
文献、资料题目：Solar Urban Planning and Design 文献、资料来源：期刊
外文文献：
Solar Urban Planning and Design
Abstract:
In recent decades, urban population growth, the acceleration of energy consumption and energy price, the increase of public concerns about environmental pollution and the demolition of nonrenewable energies, have adverted the attention of different groups to the use of sustainable, available and clean solar energy as a sustainable energy.
Specialists like architects and engineers have considered solar energy in designing systems, buildings and equipments. Straggle success achieved in the case, cause the progress of replacing solar systems in buildings and equipments instead of systems consuming unsustainable resources like fossil fuel to be accelerated. But they have not applied coherently yet. In other words, before the enforcement of solar projects in cities, it is necessary to note all the dimensions related to their execution in order to reach their optimum efficiency. The goal that could be attained by long-time and multi dimensional planning.
This paper guides the focus of urban and town planning and design on the application of solar energy. That urban planners should consider three aspects of environment, economy and society in three related elements of cities consisting buildings and urban spaces, urban infrastructures and urban land uses to achieve sustainable goals is discussed in this paper. So, after the review of few experiences, the issues and guidelines whose consideration lead to the more efficient solar urban planning and design are outlined.
Key words:Solar Urban Planning- Solar Potential- Sustainable City- Solar Master Plan- Smart Infrastructure
1. Introduction: the increase of attention to solar energy
The increase of urban population, activities and technologies using fossil fuels, energy price, energy consumption and the increase of public concerns about environmental pollution and the destroy of non-renewable energy resources, are causing different experts including specialists related to building and construction to look for alternative ways of energy provision. Building professionals have not considered the aim of good design aesthetically more and try to design the。
