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学术英语原文4单元

学术英语原文4单元
学术英语原文4单元

His Politeness Is Her Powerlessness

Deborah Tannen There are many different kinds of evidence that women and men are judged differently even if they talk the same way. This tendency makes mischief in discussions of women, men and power. If a linguistic strategy is used by a woman, it is seen as powerless; if it is used by a man, it is seen as powerful. Often, the labeling of “women?s language” as “powerless language” reflects the view of women?s behavior through the lens of men?s.

Because they are not struggling to be one-up, women often find themselves framed as one-down. Any situation is ripe for misinterpretation. This ambiguity accounts for much misinterpretation by experts as well as nonexperts, by which women?s ways of thinking, uttered in a spirit of rapport, are branded powerless. Nowhere is this inherent ambiguity clearer than in a brief comment in a newspaper article in which a couple, both psychologists, were jointly interviewed. The journalist asked them the meaning of “being very polite.” T he two experts responded simultaneously, giving different answers. The man said, “Subservience.” The woman said, “Sensitivity.”Both experts were right, but each was describing the view of a different gender.

Experts and nonexperts alike tend to see anything women do as evidence of powerlessness. The same newspaper article quotes another psychologist as saying, “A man might ask a woman, …Will you please go to the

store?? where a woman might say, …Gee, I really need a few things from the store, but I?m so tired.?” The woman?s style is called “covert,” a term suggesting negative qualities like being “sneaky” and “underhanded.” The reason offered for this is power. The woman doesn?t feel she has the right to ask directly.

Granted, women have lower status than men in our American society. But this is not necessarily why they prefer not to make outright demands. The explanation for a woman?s indirectness could just as well be her seeking connection. If you get your way as a result of having demanded it, the payoff is satisfying in terms of status: You?re one-up because others are doing as you told them. But if you get your way because others happened to want the same thing, or because they offered freely, the payoff is rapport. You?re neither one-up nor one-down by being happily connected to others whose wants are the same as yours. Furthermore, if indirectness is understood by both parties, then there is nothing covert about it: That a request is being made is clear. Calling an indirect communication covert reflects the view of someone for whom the direct style seems “natural” and “logical” -a view more common among men.

Indirectness itself does not reflect powerlessness. It?s easy to think of situations where indirectness is the prerogative of others in power. For example, a wealthy couple who knows that their servants will do their bidding need not give direct orders, but simply state wishes: The woman of

the house says, “It?s chilly in here,” and the servant sets about raising the temperature. The man of the house says, “It?s dinner time,” and the servant sees about having dinner served. Perhaps the ultimate indirectness is getting someone to do something without saying anything at all: The hostess rings a bell and a maid brings the next course; or a parent enters the room where children are misbehaving and stands with hands on hips, and the children immediately stop what they?re doing.

Entire cultures operate on elaborate systems of indirectness. For example, I discovered in a small research project that most Greeks assumed a wife who asked, “Would you like to go to the party?” was hinting that she wanted to go. They felt that she wouldn?t bring it up if she didn?t want to go. Furthermore, they felt, she would not state here preference outright because that would sound like a demand. Indirectness was the appropriate means for communicating her preference.

Japanese culture has developed indirectness to a fine art. For example, a Japanese anthropologist, Harumi Befu, explains the delicate exchange of tended the invitation, Befu first had to determine whether it was meant literally or just pro forma, much as an American might say, “We?ll have to have you over for dinner some time” but would not expect you to turn up at the door. Having decided the invitation was meant literally and having accepted, Befu was then asked what he would like to eat. Following custom, he said anything would do, but his friend, also

following custom, pressed him to specify. Host and guest repeated this exchange an appropriate number of times, until Befu deemed it polite to answer the question -politely -by saying tea over rice -as the last course of a sumptuous meal. Befu was not surprised by the feast because he knew that protocol required it. Had he been given what he asked for, he would have been insulted. But protocol also required that he make a great show of being surprised.

This account of mutual indirectness in a lunch invitation may strike Americans as excessive. But far more cultures in the world use elaborate systems of indirectness than value directness. Only modern Western societies place a priority on direct communication, and even for us it is more a value than a practice.

Evidence from other cultures also makes it clear that indirectness does not itself reflect low status. Rather, our assumptions about the status of women compel us to interpret anything they do as reflecting low status. Anthropologist Elinor Keenan, for example, found that in a Malagasy-speaking village on the island of Madagascar, it is women who are direct a nd men who are indirect. And the villagers see the men?s indirect way of speaking, using metaphors and proverbs, as the better way. For them, indirectness, like the men who use it, has high status. They regard women?s direct style as clumsy and crude, deba sing the beautiful subtlety of men?s language. Whether women or men are direct or indirect differs;

what remains constant is that women?s style is negatively valuated -seen as lower in status than the men?s.

各种各样的证据表明:即使女性和男性说话方式相同,人们对他们的看法还是不同。这种倾向导致有关女性、男性和无能耐的讨论纷争不断。女性说话讲究方式方法被认为是低微无能,而换成男性则被认为是有能力的表现。视女性的语言为低微无能者的语言常常反映出男性看女性行为的视觉角度。

女性不为高人一等而拼搏,往往就被认为是低人一等。在任何情况下都极容易发生误会。这也说明了为什么专家和非专家常常把女性以友善语言表述出来的思维方式曲解成低微无能的表现。没有什么能比一家报社刊登的采访片段更能清楚地说明这种根深蒂固的歧义。采访对象是一对心理学家夫妇,当记者问他们“表现得非常有礼貌”的含义时,这两位专家同时给出不同的答案。男性回答说:“服从”。女性回答说:“敏感”。两位专家都是正确的,只不过每个人描述的是不同性别的观点。

专家和非专家都习惯把女性的任何行为看为低微无能的表现。以上同一篇报刊文章援引另一位心理学家的话说:“一个男人会这样问一个女人:‘请你去一趟商店好吗?’同样的情况下女人会说:‘哎,我真的需要从商店买点东西,但是我实在太累了。’”女性的这种表达方式被称为“隐蔽的”,该词含有“鬼祟”和“秘密”等贬义,而这样表达的原因归咎于一个“权”字,女人觉得她没有权利直接提出要求。

的确,在我们(美国)社会里,女性的地位比男性低,但这不等于说她们不愿意提出直截了当的要求。女性的这种间接方式很可能是因为她们在努力寻找某种关系。如果愿意在自己的要求下得到满足,结果就是社会地位的胜利:你高人一等,因为别人按你的意志行事。而如果你的愿望得到满足是因为他人的愿望恰好和你的一致,或者是因为对方心甘情愿,结果就是融洽和谐。当你和对方的需求一致而一拍即合时,你既不高人一等,也不低人一等。而且如果双方都了解这种间接方式,那就不存在什么隐蔽:提出的要求很明确。称间接的沟通方式为隐蔽反映出那些青睐直接沟通方式的人的观点,即直接的方式才是“自然的”、“合乎逻辑的”,这种观点在男性中更普遍。

间接方式本身并不反映低微无能。我们不难想象出权势者中有特权的人是怎样使用间接方式的。例如,一位有钱的夫妇用不着直接向听命于他们的用人发号施令,而只须简单地说明其愿望,房子的女主人说:“这儿冷,”用人就会去调高室温;房子的男主人说:“是晚饭的时间,”用人就会摆桌上菜。或许终极的间接是什么都不用说就能使某人做某事:女主人按一下铃,女仆端上下一道菜;家长走进有孩子正在嬉闹的房间,双手叉腰一站,他们就会戛然而止。

所有文化都靠以“间接”二字所形成的复杂而精巧的体制去运作。例如,我在做一个小规模的研究项目时发现:当妻子问“你想去参加那个聚会吗?”,大多数希腊人认为他们的妻子是在暗示她想去。他们认为如果妻子不想去,她就不会提出这个问题。而且他们觉得之所以不直截了当提出,是因为她不想使她的愿望听上去像是要求。间接是传达她的意愿的最好方式。

日本文化把间接沟通方式发展成为精美的艺术。例如,一位名叫别府春海的日本人类学家这样描述一次简单的午餐邀请所涉及的微妙的间接交流。当他的朋友发出邀请后,别府首先要弄清楚这个邀请是真正的邀请,还是仅仅出于客套,就像美国人说“哪天有空请你到我们家吃饭”而他并不期望你会出现在他的家门口一样。别府在确定邀请是真实的并且接受以后,对方就得问他想吃什么;按照习俗,他于是说吃什么都可以,而他的朋友也照例一定要他说的具体些,这样的交流在主人和客人之间适当重复了几次,直到别府觉得有礼貌地作出回答才是谦谦之举,于是说米饭和茶。当他就餐时,招待他的的确有米饭和茶—只不过这是一顿丰盛午餐的最后一个程序。别府对饭菜之丰盛并不感到惊讶,因为他知道按礼节就是这样。如果对方按照他的提议款待他,他就等于受到了侮辱,当然礼节也要求他做出受宠若惊的样子。

以上描述的有关午餐邀请时双方所进行的间接交流在美国人看来是过分了,然而相比直接的沟通方式,世界上更多的文化崇尚细腻的间接沟通方式。唯有现代西方社会推崇直接沟通方式,而且即使对我们(美国人)来讲,这种方式更是一种价值观,而不是实践。

其他文化现象也清楚地表明间接本身并不能反映地位低下。在一定程度上,是我们对对女性地位的设定使我们把女性的所有行为解释成为地位低下的表现。例如,人类学家埃莉诺·基南发现在马达加斯加岛的一个说马达加斯加语的村落里,说话直截了当的是女性,拐弯抹角的是男性。而村民视男性使用隐喻和谚语的间接说话方式为更佳方式。在他们眼里,非直接方式和使用这种方式的男人一样享有崇高地位,而女性的直接风格被视为笨拙、粗鲁、有损男性语言的精深微妙之魅力。关于男性或女性谁直接谁间接在不同地域有不同情况,不变的是女性风格总遭人贬低,其地位被视为低于男性。

学术英语 课文翻译

U8 A 1 在过去的30年里,作为一个专业的大提琴演奏家,我花了相当于整整20年时间在路上执行和学习音乐传统和文化。我的旅行使我相信在我们的全球化的世界中,文化传统来自于一个身份、社会稳定和富有同情心的互动的基本框架。 2 世界在快速改变,正如我们一定会创造不稳定的文化,让人质疑他们的地方。全球化使我们服从于别人的规则,这往往会威胁到个人的身份。这自然使我们紧张,因为这些规则要求我们改变传统习惯。所以如今全球领导者的关键问题是:如何使习惯和文化发展到融入更大的行星,同时不必牺牲鲜明特色和个人的骄傲? 3 我的音乐旅程提醒了我,全球化带来的相互作用不只是摧毁文化;他们能够创造新的文化,生机,传播存在已久的传统。这不像生态“边缘效应”,它是用来描述两个不同的生态系统相遇发生了什么,例如,森林和草原。在这个接口,那里是最小密度和生命形式的最大的多样性,每种生物都可以从这两个生态系统的核心作画。有时最有趣的事情发生在边缘。在交叉口可以显示意想不到的连接。 4 文化是一个由世界每个角落的礼物组成的织物。发现世界的一种方式是例如通过深入挖掘其传统。例如音乐方面,在任何的大提琴演奏家的曲目的核心是由巴赫大提琴组曲。每个组件的核心是一个称为萨拉班德舞曲的舞蹈动作。这种舞蹈起源于北非的柏柏尔人的音乐,它是一个缓慢的、性感的舞蹈。它后来出现在西班牙,在那里被禁止,因为它被认为是下流的。西班牙人把它带到了美洲,也去了法国,在那里成为一个优雅的舞蹈。在1720年,巴赫公司的萨拉班德在他的大提琴组曲运动。今天,我扮演巴赫,一个巴黎裔美国人的中国血统的音乐家。所以谁真正拥有的萨拉班德?每一种文化都采用了音乐,使其具有特定的内涵,但每一种文化都必须共享所有权:它属于我们所有人。 5 1998年,我从丝绸之路发现在数千年来从地中海和太平洋许多文化间观念的流动。当丝绸之路合奏团执行,我们试图把世界上大部分集中在一个阶段。它的成员是一个名家的同等团体,大师的生活传统是欧洲、阿拉伯、阿塞拜疆、亚美尼亚、波斯、俄罗斯、中亚、印度、蒙古、中国、韩国或日本。他们都慷慨地分享他们的知识,并好奇和渴望学习其他形式的表达。 6 在过去的几年里,我们发现每一个传统都是成功的发明的结果。确保传统的生存的一个最好的方法是由有机进化,目前利用我们所有可用的工具。通过录音和电影;通过驻在博物馆、大学、设计学校和城市;通过表演从教室到体育场,合奏的音乐家,包括我自己,学习有用的技能。回到家中,我们和其他人分享这些技能,确保我们的传统在文化桌上有一席之地。 7 我们发现,在本国执行传统出口的是国外激励从业者。最重要的是,我们对彼此的音乐发展出了激情,并建立了相互尊重、友谊和信任的纽带,每一次我们都在舞台上这都是可触及的。这种欢乐的互动是为了一个理想的共同的更大的目标:我们始终能够通过友好的对话解决任何分歧。我们相互开放,我们形成一个桥进入陌生的传统,驱逐往往伴随着变化和错位的恐惧。换句话说,当我们扩大我们看世界的镜头的时候,我们更好地了解自己,自己的生活和文化。我们与我们的小星球的遥远的行星有更多的共同分享,而不是我们意识到的。 8 发现这些共同的文化是很重要的,但不只是为了艺术的缘故。所以我们的许多城市,不仅是伦敦,纽约,东京,现在即使甚至是中小城市正在经历着移民潮。我们将如何吸取同化有自己独特的习惯的人群?移民不可避免地会导致抵抗和冲突,就像过去一样?有什么关于德国的土耳其人口的阿尔巴尼亚人在意大利,北非人在西班牙和法国?文化繁荣的引擎可以帮助我们找出如何集合可以和平融合,同时不牺牲个性身份。这不是政治正确性。它是关于对人而言什么是珍贵的承认,和每一个文化已经给予我们世界的礼物。

外研社版学术英语综合Unit8译文

第八单元全球化 Text A 从柏柏尔人到巴赫的全球化之路 马友友作为职业大提琴手已有三十余年,其间有整整二十个年头都一直奔波在巡演的路上,与此同时,我也致力于了解各种音乐的传统与文化。正是这些旅途让我认识到文化传统在全球化的世界中所扮演的角色——为个体身份、社会安定与友好交流建立至关重要的框架。 当今世界变化日新月异,这必然会导致文化上的不稳定,人们也不禁对自身的定位产生疑问。在全球化背景下,我们不得不屈从于他人的规则,因此常常会威胁到个体的特性。这种处境令我们不安,因为屈从他人规则就意味着不得不改变我们坚守数千年并引以为傲的风俗习惯。因此,当前全球化背景下的领导者们所面临的一个关键问题就是:如何才能在不牺牲个体特性与文化自豪感的同时,让各种文化和习俗逐渐发展到能够适应一个更大的平台呢? 这些年的音乐之旅告诉我,全球化进程中的交流互动并不只会破坏文化,相反,它不仅能创造新的文化,而且还会为那些存在了几世纪的古老传统注入新的活力,使其被世界上更多的人熟知。这一点与生态学上的群落“边缘效应”类似,后者本身是用来描述两个不同的生态系统交汇时的景象。例如,在森林与大草原这两种生态系统的交界之处,存在着密度最小但种类最多的生命形态,而每一种形态都汲取了两种生态系统的精髓。由此可见,有时候最有趣的事情往往发生在边缘地带,而交叉地带往往能够揭示出意想不到的联系。

文化,就像是聚集了世界各地瑰宝的拼图。探索世界的途径之一正是深入地挖掘文化传统的核心。举一个音乐领域的例子,每一位大提琴手的核心曲目都是巴赫的《无伴奏大提琴组曲》。而每一个组曲的核心都是一种叫做萨拉班德舞(sarabande)的舞曲。这种缓慢而感性的舞曲最早来自于北非柏柏尔人的音乐,随后流传到西班牙,但因当时人们认为曲子猥亵而遭到禁止。后来西班牙人将这种舞曲又带到美洲,继而流传到了法国,在那里演化为一种庄严的宫廷舞蹈。一直到十八世纪二十年代,巴赫才将萨拉班德舞曲作为一个乐章融入到他的组曲当中。而现如今,我作为一名出生在法国巴黎的美籍华人,也在演奏着巴赫的这一组曲。这样看来,萨拉班德舞曲到底属于谁呢?诚然,每一种文化都吸收了最初的音乐,并将其自身特点融入其中,而此时音乐也被各种文化共享:它属于我们每个人。 我于1998年创办了“丝绸之路”项目,旨在研究地中海和太平洋地区各种文化之间几千年来的思想交流。当“丝绸之路”合奏团进行演出的时候,每个人都在同一个舞台上倾尽全力地展现来自世界各地不同的文化。合奏团的成员大都是大演奏家以及传统文化大师,无论是来自欧洲,阿拉伯,阿塞拜疆,亚美尼亚,波斯地区,俄罗斯,中亚,印度,蒙古,中国,韩国还是日本,大师们都会倾尽所有地分享他们的知识,同时也对其他文化表达形式充满着好奇心与学习热情。 纵观过去几年,我们发现每一种传统都是一种成功的创造。因此,确保传统得以延续的最好的方法之一就是利用我们现有的所有手段,让传统本身得以自然发展。例如通过录音,或者制作影片;通过来自博物馆,大学,设计院校,或者各个城市的人们的参与;通过在课堂和运动场举办表演,艺术团的音乐家们,包括我在内,也在不断学习有价值的技能。回国以后,我们再将所学的技能与其他

学术英语综合Unit9-译文

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学术英语(社科)8单 元A翻译

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Unit 9 Cultural globalization 1. Much of the early development of different languages, customs, and other diverse aspects of world cultures resulted from the isolation of groups of people from one another. It is not surprising ,then ,that a degree of cultural amalgamation has occurred as improved transportation and communication have brought people of various societies into ever-frequent contact . Analyzing the blurring of culture differences inevitably includes a great deal about fast food, basketball , rock music, and other such aspects of pop culture , but such analysis dose not trivialize the subject.Instead,a long-standing bottom-up line of political theory argues that the world?s people can build on commonplace interactions and increasing cultural commonalities that engender familiarity with and confidence in one another to create a global civil society that might evolve into a global nation. By the same process, if transnational civil societies develop, then regional and even global schemes of governance could conceivably form and supplement or supplant the territorial state. Scholars who examine the bottom-up progress of transnational integration look for evidence in such factors as the flow of communications and commerce between countries and the spread across borders of what people wear, eat, and do for recreation. 不同语言、习惯以及世界文化的其他各个方面的早期发展,源于人类群体之间的隔离。然而,不断改善的交通和通讯使得不同社会的人们更频繁地联系,一定程度的文化融合随之出现,这并不令人惊讶。分析文化差异的模糊性,不可避免的包括了大量关于快餐、篮球、摇滚音乐以及流行文化其他相关方面内容,但是这种分析并没有使主题变得简单。相反,一种长期存在的自下而上的政治理论观点认为,世界人民可以在普遍的交流和逐渐增加的文化共性的基础上存在,文化共性使人们彼此产生熟悉感和信任感,从而建立一个可能发展成全球国家的全球公民社会。在这个过程中,如果跨国公民社会形成,那么区域的甚至全球的治理方案就有可能形成,并且弥补或者取代领土国家。研究跨国一体化自下而上进程的学者们,正在国家之间通信和贸易的流通中,在人们吃、穿、娱乐方式的跨境影响中寻找证据。 2. While it is premature to talk of a world culture,and indeed that may never come,there is significant evidence of cultural amalgamation in the world。The leaders of China once wore …Chinese tunic suits ?;now they wear Western-style business suits。When dressing informally ,people in shanghai,Lagos ,and Mexico City are more apt to wear jeans,T-shirts,and sneakers than their country?s traditional dress.Young people everywhere listen to the same music,with,for example”Disturbia”by Rihanna on the Top-10 charts in many countries in additional to the United States in 2008.And whatever it means to our gastronomic futures ,Big Macs,fries,and milk shakes are consumed around the world. 虽然现在谈论世界文化为时尚早,而且它事实上可能永远不会出现,但确实存在世界文化融合的重要证据。中国的领导人曾经一度穿中山装;现在他们穿西装。

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Reading 1 WHAT IS STRESS? The term stress has been defined in several different ways. sometimes the term is applied to stimuli or events in our environment that make physical and emotional demands on us, and sometimes it is applied to our emotional and physical reactions to such stimuli. in this discussion, we will refer to the environmental stimuli or events as stressors and to the emotional and physical reactions as stress. 压力这个词已经有几种不同的定义。有时候这个术语适用于我们环境中的刺激或事件,这些刺激或事件会对我们产生身体和情感方面的要求,有时也适用于我们对这种刺激的情绪和身体反应。在这个讨论中,我们将环境刺激或事件称为压力,并将情绪和身体上的反应称为压力。 Many sorts of events be stressors, including disasters, such as hurricanes or tornadoes; major life events, such as divorce or the loss of a job; and daily hassles, such as having to wait in line at the supermarket when you need to be somewhere else in 10 minutes. What all this events have in common is that they interfere with or threat our accustomed way of life. when we encounter such stressors, we must pull together our mental and physical resources in order to deal with the challenge. How well we succeed in doing so will determine how serious a toll the stress will take on our mental and physical well-being. 许多事件都是压力源,包括灾难,如飓风或龙卷风; 重大生活事件,如离婚或失业; 每天都有麻烦,比如当你要在10分钟内到别的地方去却不得不在超市排队等。所有这些事件都有共同之处,就是它们干涉或威胁我们习惯的生活方式。当我们遇到这样的压力时,我们必须整合我们的精神和物质资源来应对挑战。我们如何成功地做到这一点将决定压力对我们身心健康将产生多大的影响。 Reacting to stressors The Canadian physiologist Hans Seyle has been the most influential writer on stress. Seyle proposed that both humans and other animals react to any stressor in three stages, collectively known as the general adaptation syndrome. the first stage, when the person or animal becomes aware of the stressor is the alarm reaction. In this stage the organism becomes highly alert and aroused, energized by a burst of epinephrine. After the alarm reaction comes the stage of resistance , as the organism tries to adapt to the stressful stimulus or to escape from it. If these efforts are successful, the state of the organism returns to normal. If the organism cannot adapt to the continuing stress, however, it enters a stage of exhaustion or collapse. 加拿大生理学家Hans Seyle在压力方面一直是最有影响力的作家。塞尔提出,人类和其他动物在三个阶段对任何压力源作出反应,统称为一般适应综合症。第一阶段,当人或动物意识到应激源时,就是警报反应。在这个阶段,机体变得高度警觉和激起,并被一阵肾上腺素所激发。当警报反应进入抵抗阶段后,机体试图适应压力刺激或逃避压力。如果这些努力成功,机体的状态就会恢复正常。然而,如果生物体不能适应持续的压力,它就进入衰竭或崩溃的阶段。

学术英语翻译

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