修辞学分析肯尼迪演说

约翰肯尼迪就职演说辞格探析
任泽湘
【期刊名称】《郧阳师范高等专科学校学报》
【年(卷),期】2006(26)3
【摘要】美国总统在就职典礼上发表演说已经成为一个惯例.作为一种政治演讲,就职演说的目的在于通过解释、说服,使公众确信演说者正在说的和将要实施的代表着公众的最根本利益,以期最大限度地赢得听众.因而就职演说要想获得成功,演说词必须短小精悍、合理布局、逻辑严密、语调铿锵.为此,就职演说中往往大大使用的各种修辞手段做了深入的探讨.
【总页数】3页(P107-109)
【作者】任泽湘
【作者单位】郧阳师范高等专科学校,英语系,湖北,丹江口,442700
【正文语种】中文
【中图分类】H315
【相关文献】
1.肯尼迪总统就职演说辞修辞探析 [J], 向雅莉
2.约翰·肯尼迪总统就职演说的语言艺术特色 [J], 黄缅
3.从文体学角度分析约翰·肯尼迪就职演说 [J], 吴珊珊
4.从文体学角度分析约翰·肯尼迪就职演说 [J], 吴珊珊
5.约翰·肯尼迪总统就职演说词的意义类型探析 [J], 王婷婷
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肯尼迪就职演说InauguralAddress第一篇：肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural AddressJohn F.KennedyInaugural Addressdelivered 20 January 1961Vice president Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, president Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, president Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assurethe survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.T o those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.T o our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge ofsupport--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”¹And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungleof suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation,”² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you,but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.第二篇：肯尼迪就职演说Inaugural Address(January 20,1961)By John F.Kennedy We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success ofliberty.This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.T o those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.T o our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective,to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.讲评“肯尼迪总统就职演说词” ■北京外国语大学李品伟选评美国总统就职演说词独具一格，而肯尼迪的讲演更是其中一篇为人们注目的代表作，字字句句经过刻意雕琢，有许多值得品味推敲之处。

thirdly, kennedy was an eloquent speaker. he is specially trained. this speechis very powerful and wonderful. he lays his emphasis on the successful appeals tothe emotion of the listeners. for example,1.highly rhetorical ---parallelism,antithesis, metaphor, simile, metonymy, hyperbole, alliteration. 2. invoking thename of god, the use of biblical style. 3. use of key abstract words: faith, devotion, freedom,liberty, courage, loyalty, belief, these abstractions are impossible to defineprecisely, conquer, dare, which are inspiring and emotional. barack obamas victory speech also has some features. thirdly, lexical features. in order to adapt the message to the particularaudience being addressed, there seems to be a tendency for the speaker to inclinehis/her language toward the relatively less formal, less rigid ways of speaking,making reference to himself/ herself, introducing humor, asking for direct response fromthe audience, or using some colloquial items or idioms, even some dialect words, toappear “closer”to his/her audience. public speech is careful about of words. ittends to use words accurate and clear in meaning. for instance: there will be setbacksand false starts. there are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy imake as president, and we know that government can’t solve every problem. but i willalways be honest with you about the challenges we face. i will listen to you,especially when we disagree. and above all, i will ask you join in the work of remakingthis nation the only way it’s been done in america for two-hundred and twenty-oneyears – block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.英语09-4 李俊欣篇二：肯尼迪就职演说评析阅读翻译注释首席法官先生，艾森豪威尔威尔总统，尼克松副总统，杜鲁门总统，尊敬的神父，同胞们；我们今天庆祝的不是一次政党的胜利而是庆祝自由精神的胜利 - 这不仅象征结束–这还象征开始–意味着更新–也意味着变革。

肯尼迪的演讲特点[精选合集]第一篇：肯尼迪的演讲特点肯尼迪的演讲特点文体学是一门运用现代语言学理论和方法研究文体的学科。

文体分析不仅能够帮助我们深入领会文本的意义,而且可以为我们挖掘文本的美学价值提供比较客观的依据(秦秀白:2002:6)。

美国总统就职演说是就职典礼的重要组成部分,在就职演说中,总统们宣布自己的施政纲领,并劝说公众接受并支持它们。

就职演说影响广泛,意义深远,而且是发表在白宫新主人首次“公开亮相”的场合,每篇演说都事先经过了认真地准备,不仅展现了各位总统的个人风采,而且多数都堪称文中精品,具有相当的审美情趣。

约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35届总统。

任内实施“新边疆”构想,振兴美国经济,全力维护美国的世界霸主地位,展示了其卓越的政治才华。

而他的演讲口才也不同凡响,他的演讲技巧在1961年的就职演说中被发挥得淋漓尽致。

此演说言辞华美,气势雄伟,极富感染力,一直被认为是一篇演讲中的经典之作。

本论文将从文体学的角度对该演说进行分析,揭示其文体特征。

以帮助大家更好地欣赏肯尼迪的演讲艺术,并学习一些演讲中的语言技巧,提高演讲水平。

一、词汇层面肯尼迪演讲辞的总词汇量为1342个,其中六个字母以上的单词有349个,占总数的26%。

接近于美国总统就职演说辞中六字母以上词的平均含词量:27·7%。

英语中六个字母以上或三个音节以上的词常被看着大词。

这些词往往来自于拉丁语,希腊语或法语,或者有着复杂的内部结构。

大词在正式书面体中出现较多。

在日常谈话,即席解说,甚至广告中,六个字母以上词的百分比都没有超过20%。

因此,肯尼迪的就职演说具有较明显的书面语特征,这是由总统就职演说的内容,功能,发表场合,及发表方式所决定的。

总统就职演说的内容涉及政治,发表场合较严肃,可以事先准备,避免了口语体的随意性。

就职演说属于鼓动性的语言,演讲者常常借助词汇手段达到自己的鼓动效果。

形容词就是这样一种有效手段。

肯尼迪就职演说赏析【篇一：肯尼迪就职演说评析】美国第三十五任总统john fitzgerald francis kennedy (1917-1963)约翰.弗.肯尼迪1961年元月20日在首都华盛顿国会大厦前发表“就职演说”时，我在读初中三年级，学的是俄语。

直到1980年，我才在美国出版的“english for today”“今日英语”教材的第五册里阅读到了这篇演说，而且还听了这篇演说的实况录音。

现在这篇演说已被一字未删地选入《advanced english》“高级英语”（张汉熙主编，商务印书馆出版发行），《21 century college english》“二十一世纪大学英语”（复旦大学，交通大学主编;高等教育出版社，复旦大学出版社出版发行）英语教材里作为高等院校的英语学习教材。

1980年，那时大学外语教学还是很原始落后的。

我想得到英语版的联合国“人权宣言”，但在当时武汉的中南财经学院图书馆里没有。

找到武汉大学图书馆，那里才只有一本油印的“人权宣言”小册子。

我想得到英文版的“中华人民共和国刑法”这书，武汉的外文书店买不到。

我托原北京地院外语老师去北京外国专家局找有关专家打听此书，专家说，《刑法》英文译文由他翻译，正在他手里，由于没有出版，他不能外借。

肯尼迪“就职演说”是在演说之后十九年被我们看到。

时过境迁，2009年元月20日，全世界几乎所有的人都能从网上及各种媒体上听到，见到，读到美国第一位黑人总统奥巴马的“就职演说”。

虽然有的人看到的是被有些媒体屏掉了（recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism notjust with missiles and tanks but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.我们在此回忆先辈，他们战胜了法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的不仅是导弹，坦克；更是靠坚定的盟友和不移的信念。

从就职演说辞看肯尼迪演说的文体风格一、肯尼迪就职演说辞的口语化特色嘿，你知道吗？肯尼迪的就职演说辞那叫一个接地气，口语化的表达让人感觉特别亲切。

就好像他不是在那高高在上地发表演讲，而是和咱老百姓面对面聊天似的。

比如说，他在演说中用简洁明了的语言阐述各种理念和目标，没有那些让人摸不着头脑的高深词汇和复杂句式。

像“让我们的朋友和敌人同样可以听到我此时此地的讲话”，这种直白的表达，一下子就拉近了和听众的距离，让大家都能清楚明白他在说啥。

二、人情味十足的演说风格肯尼迪的演说里充满了人情味。

他关注着每一个普通民众的生活，让大家感受到他是真的在乎大家的。

他提到“不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为你的国家做些什么”，这句话虽然简短，但是蕴含着深深的情感。

他不是在命令大家，而是在唤起大家内心的责任感和爱国情怀，让每个人都觉得自己是国家的一份子，有责任为国家的发展贡献力量。

这种充满人情味的呼吁，让无数人为之动容，也让大家更加愿意追随他的领导。

三、节奏感鲜明的语言魅力听肯尼迪的就职演说，你会发现他的语言节奏感特别强。

他巧妙地运用了长短句结合的方式，让整个演说充满了韵律感。

长句子用来详细阐述重要的观点和理念，而短句子则起到强调和突出的作用，让关键信息深深地印在听众的脑海里。

例如，“让每一个国家都知道，无论它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。

”这样的句子，读起来气势磅礴，节奏感十足，很容易激发听众的情感共鸣。

四、生动描绘与细节丰富的表达肯尼迪在演说中特别擅长生动描绘和展现丰富的细节。

他不会只是干巴巴地说一些空洞的大道理，而是通过具体的事例和细节来支撑自己的观点。

比如，他在谈到国际形势的时候，会详细描述当时世界面临的各种挑战和危机，让听众能够真切地感受到局势的严峻。

这种生动描绘和细节丰富的表达，让演说更加具有说服力和感染力，让听众能够更加深刻地理解他想要传达的信息。

一、引言美国总统就职演说是具有代表性的一种政治演说，它由总统在就职时向国内外公开发表、宣布自己的施政纲领，说服公众接受并支持自己的观点。

美国总统就职演说作为一种独特而重要的文体，是一个研究热点。

这其中学者们研究关注的焦点之一就是肯尼迪的就职演说。

第35 任美国总统约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪的就职演说与富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的第一次就职演说被并称为20 世纪最令人难忘的两次美国总统就职演说，共计1355 个单词的演说成为激励型语言和呼吁公民义务的典范之作。

在他的就职演说后，约有四分之三的美国民众认可了新总统。

该演说何以具有如此的说服力？本文拟从象似角度作出解读。

二、象似性原则与肯尼迪演说语言的象似性是指语言的能指和所指之间，亦即语言的形式和内容之间有一种必然的联系，两者之间的关系是可以论证的，是有理可据的。

（沈家煊，1993；赵艳芳，2001：155-162）象似性在语言教学、英汉对比、语用分析、文体分析中应用广泛。

支配语言的象似性用法的法则称之为象似性原则。

象似性原则频频现身于各类语篇中，使语篇呈现出不同的文体特征。

从象似性的角度对就职演说加以研究能揭示其文体效果产生的深层原因，并且对于欣赏和学习演讲技巧具有一定的指导意义。

为了论述方便，笔者将从距离象似性、数量象似性、对称象似性、顺序象似性、标记象似性等几个方面对肯尼迪的就职演说加以分析。

（一）距离象似性海曼（Haiman，1983：872）提出，语言表达式之间的距离对应它们所表示概念之间的距离。

雷考夫和约翰逊（Lakoff and Johnson，1980：126-133）从隐喻的角度讨论了距离象似性问题。

他们提出，语言成分的毗邻程度体现了概念之间互相影响的程度。

请看下面的例子：And so，my fellowAmericans ask not what your country cando for you；ask what you can do for your country．My fellow citizens of the world，ask notwhatAmericawill do foryou，but what togetherwe can do for the freedom of man．一般说来，我们常用的是“do not ask what．．．”的句式。

2010年3月第28卷　第1期　太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)Journal of Taiyuan University of Technology(Social Sciences Edition) Mar.2010　Vol.28　No.1论肯尼迪总统就职演说辞中的象似性特征尹博慧,赵安源,梁颖萍(太原理工大学国际教育交流学院,山西太原030024) 摘要:象似性作为认知语言学的一个重要理论受到国内外语言学界的关注。

文章拟用认知语言学中象似性的理论,主要从数量象似性、顺序相似性、距离象似性和标记象似性的基本原则出发,分析了肯尼迪总统就职演说辞中的象似性修辞特征。

关键词:认知语言学;就职演说辞;象似性中图分类号:H315 文献标识码:A 文章编号:100925837(2010)0120060203 一、引言早在1916年索绪尔就提出了被视为语言学“头等重要的原则”———语言符号的任意性,即语言的能指和所指之间没有对应关系。

这种能指和所指之间建立的任意性关系被人们称之为“二元符号模式”。

该原则支配着语言学界长达一个世纪之久,长期以来,这条原则被认为是“支配着整个语言的语言学”[1]。

自此之后,语言学界集大成者的学说著作,大多以该原则为论述的立足点和出发点。

Sapir的《语言》一书,以及Charles F.Hockett的《A Course in Modern Linguistics》均提出“人类语言在其语义的约定方面几乎是完全任意的。

例外是拟声或局部拟声形式的模糊的拟象痕迹,我们知道,即使在这些形式里也有不小的任意成分”。

Chomsky所代表的形式语言学派则认为,语言是独立于人类其他认知系统之外的一种天赋的、自治的形式系统。

“语言具有自治特征,就是认为语言具有任意性和约定俗成的特征,语言的能指和所指之间毫无直接关系”。

索绪尔在语言学界的声望和巨大影响足以掩盖当时语言学界的另外一种声音。

几乎与索绪尔同时代的美国实用主义和符号学的创始人、著名的哲学家皮尔斯(C.S.Peirce)提出了符号三分法,即icon, index,symbol,并首先用语言象似性“iconicity”这一术语来指符号的能指和所指之间所存在的一种自然关系。